A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: items 35-44 Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Alexander Militarev Russian State University for the Humanities / Santa Fe Institute

A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 35-54

The paper represents the second part of the author's etymological analysis of the Swadesh wordlist for Semitic languages (the first part having already appeared in Vol. 3 of the same Journal). Twenty more items are discussed and assigned Proto-Semitic reconstructions, with strong additional emphasis on suggested Afrasian cognates.

Keywords: Semitic, Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic), etymology glottochronology, lexicostatistics.

The object of the present study is analysis of the second portion1 of Swadesh's 100-wordlist for Semitic. It is a follow-up to the author's second attempt at compiling a complete Swadesh wordlist for most Semitic languages that would fully represent all the branches, groups and subgroups of this linguistic family and provide etymological background for every possible item. It is another step towards figuring out the taxonomy and building a detailed and comprehensive genetic tree of said family, and, eventually, of the Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic) macro-family with all its branches on a lexicostatistical/glottochronological basis.

Several similar attempts, including those by the author (Mil. 2000, Mil. 2004, Mil. 2007, Mil. 2008, Mil. 2010), have been undertaken since M. Swadesh introduced his method of glottochronology (Sw. 1952 and Sw. 1955). In this paper, as well as in my previous studies in genetic classification, I have relied on Sergei Starostin's glottochronological method (v. Star.) which is a radically improved and further elaborated version of Swadesh's method.

That the present portion includes only twenty items out of the 100-wordlist, instead of a second third (33 items), as I had previously planned, is justified by my efforts to adduce as many Afrasian parallels to Semitic words as possible — more than I did within the first portion. I hope to fill all the Afrasian gaps in the first portion as a supplement to the forthcoming portions which I will also try to provide with Afrasian etymologies. It should be noted that my aim is not to give complete data from all the non-Semitic Afrasian languages for all the items (i.e. not the complete etymological entries), but only to present available data demonstrating the Afrasian origin of all Semitic words involved, inter alia, to eliminate the possibility of the latter items having been borrowed from non-Afrasian languages. Compared with the same 20 items of the list included in one of my previous papers (Mil. 2008), these ones are updated, corrected in some points, and some more reliable etymologies are suggested.

This study was carried out within the frames of several projects: Featuring early Neolithic man and society in the Near East by the reconstructed common Afrasian lexicon after the Afrasian database (supported by the Russian Foundation for Sciences, No. 09-06-00153), Semitic Etymological Dictionary (supported by the Russian Foundation for the Humanities, No. 06-04-00397a), Evolution of Human Languages (supported by the Santa Fe Institute), and The Tower of Babel (supported by Dr. Evgueny Satanovsky). I am much thankful to all of the supporters. My

1 See the first portion (items 1-34) and a more extended introductory note in Mil. 2010. Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 5 (2011) • Pp. 69-95 • © Militarev A., 2011

gratitudes also go to my colleagues and collaborators in different projects: Prof. O. Stolbova (with whom we collaborate on the Afrasian Database within the "Evolution of Human Languages" project, from where I draw most of the data) and Drs. L. Kogan and G. Starostin for consultations and discussions. I am also indebted to Dr. M. Bulakh for obtaining for me a 100-word list from a Tigre speaker, and to L. Kogan for sharing with me the Soqotri list (namely, of the dialect spoken by a Bedouin tribe of Darho in the central part of Socotra) compiled by him during his recent expedition to Socotra in November 2010, which caused me to correct a few items and cancel several synonyms that, for lack of more precise data, I had to treat on par with the corresponding main term in my previous list.

The list below is based on the following main sources (not referred to in the text except for special cases): Akk. - CAD and AHw; Ugr. - DUL; Hbr. and Bib. - HALOT; Pho. - Tomb.; Pal. — Sok. JP; Syr. — Brock. and Sok. Syr.; Mnd. — DM; Urm. — Tser. and Sarg.; Qur. — Pen. and BK; Leb., Mlt. — native speakers, Mec. — Sat.; Sab. — SD; Gez. — LGz; Tna. — native speakers and Kane T; Tgr. — a native speaker and LH; Amh. — native speakers, Baet. and Kane A; Arg. — LArg; Gaf. — LGaf; Sod. and Cha. — native speakers and LGur; Har. — a native speaker and LHar; Wol. — LGur; Hrs. — a native speaker and JH; Mhr. — native speakers, JM and Nak.; Jib. — native speakers, JJ and Nak.; Soq. — data collected by L. Kogan and LS.

The Data.

The data consist of items 35-54 of Swadesh's 100-word list of 28 Semitic languages, representing all groups within the family. Each item unites all the synonyms that are different in origin, i. e. form different sub-entries within the same entry, each of which is preceded by its own number (in round brackets). Each sub-entry, in its turn, consists of one or several cognate lexemes divided by a semicolon; the etymological comments including a Sem. protoform follow after a double slash; non-Semitic Afrasian parallels and a suggested Afrasian proto-form follow after the symbol □. Note that for cases when the choice of only one representative lexeme in a language is too difficult, Starostin's procedure allows for several synonyms in the same language to be scored; in this case, synonyms from the same language would be present in two or more entries. Within each item there may occur two kinds of cases which are not scored at all — borrowings and lack of a corresponding term in the available sources; such cases form a separate section within the item, preceded by the symbol 0. Each item is completed with its Semitic proto-form(s) in bold letters on the deepest level of reconstruction available (Proto-Semitic, Common West and South Semitic, etc.) in accordance with my classification of Semitic.

The following dates (some of them fairly conventional, some chosen after much hesitation and discussions with specialists in individual languages, and still liable to changes before a final scoring) have been attributed to individual languages: Akkadian, 1450 B.C.E.; Ugaritic, 1350 B.C.E.; Hebrew, 650 B.C.E.; Phoenician 850 B.C.E.; Biblical Aramaic, 200 B.C.E.; Palestinian Judaic, 200 C.E.; Syrian Aramaic, 200 C.E.; Mandaic, 750 C.E.; Urmian Aramaic, 1900; Qur'anic Arabic, 600 C.E.; Lebanese Arabic, 2000; Meccan Arabic, 2000; Maltese Arabic, 2000; Sabaic, 200 B.C.E.; GeTez, 500 C.E.; Tigrai, 2000; Tigre, 2000; Amharic, 2000; Argobba, 2000; Ga-fat, 1900; Soddo, 2000; Harari, 2000; Wolane, 2000; Chaha, 2000; Harsusi, 2000; Mehri, 2000; Jibbali, 2000; Soqotri, 2000.

Abbreviations of languages, language periods and ancient sources:

Afras. — Afrasian (Afroasiatic, Semito-Hamitic); Akk. — Akkadian; Amh. — Amharic; Arb. — Arabic; Arg. — Argobba; Arm. — Aramaic; Ass. — Assyrian, B — Babylonian, BD —

Book of the Dead; Brb. — Berber; Bib. — Biblical Aramaic; C. — Central; Cha. — Chaha; Chad. — Chadic; Clas. — Classical; CT — Coffin Texts; Cush. — Cushitic; Dat — Datina Arabic; Dem. — Demotic; Dof. — Dofar Arabic; Dyn. — Dynasty; E. — East; Egyp. — Egyptian; ESA — Epigraphic South Arabian; Eth. — Ethiopian; Gaf. — Gafat; Gez. — GeTez; Gur. — Gu-rage; Har. — Harari; Hdr — Hadramawt Arabic; HEC — Highland East Cushitic; Hbr. — Hebrew; Hrs. — Harsusi; Jib. — Jibbali; Jud. — Judaic Aramaic; LL = lexical lists; Leb. — Lebanese Arabic; LEC — Lowland East Cushitic; Mlt. — Maltese Arabic; Mec. — Meccan Arabic; Med. — Medical Texts; Mhr. — Mehri; MK — Middle Kingdom; Mnd. — Mandaic Aramaic; Mod. — Modern; MSA — Modern South Arabian; N — New, N. — North; NK — New Kingdom; OK — Old Kingdom; Omot. — Omotic; Pal. — Palestinian Aramaic; pB. — postbiblical; Pho. — Phoenician; Pyr. — Pyramid Texts; Qur. — Qur'anic Arabic; S — Standard, S. — South; Sab. — Sabaic; Sem. — Semitic; Sod. — Soddo; Soq. — Soqotri; Syr. — Syrian Aramaic; Tna. — Tigrinna (= Tigray); Tgr. — Tigre; Ugr. — Ugaritic; Urm. — Urmian Neo-Aramaic; W. — West.; Wol. — Wolane, Y — Young.

Transcription and transliteration:2

p — bilabial emphatic voiceless stop; b — bilabial emphatic voiced stop; b — bilabial voiced fricative; t — dental emphatic voiceless stop; d — dental emphatic voiced stop; t — voiceless interdental fricative (in Egyptian, a conventional symbol most likely conveying c; d — voiced interdental fricative (in Egyptian, a conventional symbol most likely conveying 3; c — alveolar voiceless affricate [ts]; 3 — alveolar voiced affricate [dz]; c — palato-alveolar voiceless affricate [ts]; 3 — palato-alveolar voiced affricate [dz]; s — hissing emphatic voiceless fricative; c — emphatic voiceless affricate; z — conventionally stands for what was likely d, emphatic voiced interdental spirant, or t, emphatic voiceless interdental spirant; c — palato-alveolar emphatic affricate; s — lateral voiceless fricative (denoted by Sx in Sem. reconstructed proto-forms); c — lateral voiceless affricate; c — lateral voiceless emphatic affricate; z — lateral voiced emphatic fricative (or perhaps affricate); z — lateral voiced fricative; g — voiced velar fricative (in Berber), k or q — emphatic velar stop; q — hypothetic velar affricate [kh] (only in reconstructed Afrasian proto-forms); y — uvular voiced fricative (Arabic "ghain"); h — uvular voiceless fricative; h — presumably velar voiceless fricative (only in Egyptian); h — pharyngeal voiceless fricative; f — pharyngeal stop ("ayin"), h — laryngeal voiceless fricative; ? — glottal stop ("aleph", "hamza"), y — palatal resonant; ? and 1 — conventional transcription symbols accepted in Egyptology.

Conventions for reconstructed protoforms:

V renders a non-specified vowel, e.g. *bVr- should be read "either *a, or *i, or *u" H renders a non-specified laryngeal or pharyngeal S renders a non-specified sibilant

/ when separates two symbols means 'or', e.g. *?i/abar- should be read "either *?ibar- or *?abar-"

( ) a symbol in round brackets means 'with or without this symbol', e. g. *ba(w)r- should

be read "*bawr- or *bar-" ~ means 'and' pointing to two or more co-existing protoforms

2 It should be stressed that the vocalism reconstructed below for Semitic and, especially, Afrasian protoforms is, in many cases, conventional and highly tentative.

35 green

(1) Akk. (w)arku; Ugr. yrk 'greenish-yellow (of metal)'; Hbr. yärök, yarakrak; Pal. yrk; Syr. ywrak-; Mnd. yurak-; Har. wank // < Sem. *wark- 'yellow, green' (v. in DUL 982; Bulakh 2003 8-10).

□ < Afras. *wVrak- 'green, yellow' (ADB): (?) Egyp. z7?k (MK) < *yrk 'leeks, greens, vegetables' (more likely < Canaanite than an inherited term, cf. Hbr. y«r«k 'greens, vegetables'); Brb.: Ghadames araf 'be green', Siwa a-wraf 'green', Ahaggar, Ayr z'rwaf (met.), Qabyle awraf 'be green', etc.

(2) Qur. ?ahdar-; Leb. Mec. ?ahdar; Mlt. ahdär // < *hsr. Perhaps related to Akk. hasarfu (haserfu, hasasfu) '(wool or cloth of a certain color, probably green); (green) dry mucus, nasal discharge' (CAD h 130) if the meaning 'green' is genuine. Probably further related are Pho. mhsrf 'herbage' (Tomb. 172), Hbr. Mszr 'grass, leek' (HALOT 343), Old Arm. hsr 'grass, herb' (HJ 400), Jud. Msar 'grass, leek' (Ja. 496) if the latter forms represent a case of Sem. *s > Arm. s; cf., however, Arb. hzsrzm- 'tout fruit vert, non mûr et acide; datte non mûre' and haszr- 'tissu; ... natte (de roseaux ou de jonc); ... panier tressé de feuilles de palmier' (BK 1 441) pointing to *hsr, perhaps a variant root of *hsr. The situation looks still more entangled in view of Jib. hadôr 'grün' (attested in Jahn 190; another variant root *hsr?). Cf. the discussion in Bulakh Dis.

□ There are problematic Afras. parallels with metathesis (ADB): Chad. C.: Mandara surke 'blue', Podoko saraka 'black' (St. 2007 #275), Malgwa sarake 'green' (ibid. #270), E.: Kera kz-szrkz 'black' (ibid. #275; all the above examples are treated as forms with secondary -k, which needs proof; in all of them s can reflect *c acc. to Stolbova's table of reflexation — ibid. 8); C. Cush. *çzkur- ~ *çark- 'black': Waag szkur, Kunfäl sarkz, Aungi carkz, sarqz'; Omot. N. *karc/ç- 'black' (although these forms are reconstructed as *kar-ff- in Bnd. Om., c and especially ç more or less contradict the tables of correspondences in both Bnd. Om. and Bla. Om. and can hardly reflect the common Afras. suffix in *-f): Gamo karec, Male karçz, Zaise karç, Ganjule karçz, etc., (?) S.: Ongota carkamunz, carkamunz, çarka-munz 'green, wet' (compared in Bla. Ong., on one hand, with Ong çarkz 'dew', Tsamai carke id., on the other, with Aungi carkz 'black'). If related to Arb. ?ahdar-, all of these forms imply Afras. *qVcVr-~ *qVrVc- ~*cVrVq- 'green, black'.

(3) Gez. h/hamaZmz7; Tna. hamäZmz'P; Wol. ?amal dânâ // < Eth.: Gez. haml 'vegetation, vegetables, herbs, shrubs' (LGz 233), Tgr. hamle coll. 'vegetables, herbs, grass' (LH 59), Tna. hamlz 'edible herbs, vegetables, cabbage or mustard greens' (Kane T 169), etc.4 Perhaps comparable with Arb. hamzlaf- 'douce, molle, tendre; terrain bas, doux et propre à la culture; terrain sablonneux très doux et couvert de végétation; bois épai, arbres touffus et dont les branches s'entrelacent; jardin où il y a beaucoup d'arbres' (BK 1 635). See detailed discussion in Bulakh Dis. No Afras. parallels.

(4) Tgr. saiarsaiaro5; Cha. särzmäsar // < Eth. *sai(a)r- 'grass, vegetation': Gez. sair, Har. sä?ar, Cha. sär, etc. (LGz 525, LGur 531; Cha. särzmäsar is interpreted by Leslau as "it resembles grass" from sär + (y)amäsar from mäsäZä 'to be like' with l:r ibid. 560), further related to Arb. saiÄr- 'vegetation, trees'.

□ < Afras. *ca(i)r- 'green, grass, vegetation': Chad. W.: Hausa sar, emphasizes greenness, Ngizim saraf 'green, not ripe', E.: Somrai sera-n-du 'green', etc. (St. 2007 #270; likely also

3 The other Tna term for 'green', katalya, is an Amharism, judging by -t- instead of the expected *-s-(v. Bulakh Dis.).

4 Borrowed into Cush.: Aungi amli, Bilin hamla, etc. 'cabbage' (App. CDA), Kambatta hamiilu 'cabbage' (Huds.

5 The other term for 'green', ?ahdar, is borrowed from Arb.

*s(y)VrV 'leaf' ibid. #285 and perhaps *sVrV 'black, blue' ibid. #275 as a secondary development from 'green'). Very likely further related to Afras. *ca(1)rVy- 'barley': Sem. *sa1Vr-'barley; grass' (Dolgopolsky explained -1- as the result of contamination with Sem. *sa1r-'hair'; otherwise influenced by Sem. *sV1V1-6); Egyp. (MK): sr.t 'Gerste' (EG IV, 524); E. Cush.: Kambatta asaru-ta, Tembaro asaru 'barley', etc. (see Mil. Farm. #6).

(5) Amh. kdtaldmma, kdtalayya, kdtdltal // < Eth. *kwasl: Gez. kwasl 'leaf, foliage' (LGz 450), Tna. kwasli 'leaf, branch, green branch, foliage' (Kane T 1059), Amh. kdtal 'leaf, plant, occasionally tree' (Kane A 829), etc., related to Arb. kasïl- 'fourrage vert coupé pour les chevaux', kaslat- 'tendre et flexible (arbre); gerbe (de céréales fauchées)' (BK II 755).

□ This Arb.-Eth. *kwasl- is comparable, as a form with -l-extention (see Mil. RE), with Cush. C.: Aungi yaci 'leaf' (App. CDA 91; < *kac/ç-), S.: Iraqw qaançaar, Alagwa qaançar, etc. 'green', likely < *kanç-: Burunge qaanca 'rawness, state of being unripe'7, Qwadza kanja 'green', perhaps Dahalo kâtte 'unripe, raw' (HRSC 250, in which Ma?a -kusa 'bad', seman-tically possible but hard to prove, is also included). The resulting Afras. protoform can be reconstructed as *kwas-l- 'green, unripe'.

(6) Amh. arangwade (syn.); Arg. arangwade; Sod. arangwade // No Sem. etymology.

□ Cf., however, C. Cush.: Kemant aragwina 'green' ("connected with Amh. arangwade", according to App. CDA 77); the connection is unmistakable, though quite enigmatic. While -d in S. Eth. fails explanation, the Kemant term matches Egyp. (Pyr.) w?d (if < *wrg) 'be green' (EG I 264) and S. Omot.: Dime argo 'leaf' (Dolg. 141). Are these scattered forms sufficient to reconstruct Afras. *1/wargw- 'green'?

(7) Hrs. hezor; Mhr. hezor; Jib. sdçrôr; Soq. sezhor // < MSA *sesor- with no direct cognates. As the similarity with *hsr (#3) can hardly be ignored, may be suspected to be a contamination case (*hsr > *ssr influenced by another MSA root with a similar meaning and initial s-), but I have so far been unable to find the "pattern" words with s- in MSA which may have "engendered" the phonetic shift. One wonders whether it could be the other way round: MSA *sesor- reflects a primary root *sxVsVr-, while in Arb., where s and d are incompatible, *sdr > hdr by contamination with hdb 'be green'?

◊ Urm. mïl // Borrowing from Iranian (information from Prof. F. Pennacchietti). No terms in Ugr., Pho., Bib., Sab. and Gaf.

^ Proto-Semitic: *wark- (#1) .

36 hair

(1) Akk. sartu; Ugr. sir; Hbr. selar; Bib. salar; Pal. sir, sir; Syr. sdlart-; Qur. salr-; Leb. Mec. salar; Mlt. sa(gh)ir; Gez. salar-t // < Sem. *sa1ar(-at)- (SED I #260).

□ < Afras. *cV1ar- (ADB): Brb. *a-zzar (possibly < *cVHar) 'hair': Semlal a-zzar, Izdeg, Seghrushen a-zzar, etc.; Chad. C.: Mofu zâra, Gisiga zara 'feather', E.: Migama céère id., Dangla ciré 'long feather'.

(2) Mnd. manzy-; Urm. mizt- // < Arm. *mi1anz-ay-: Jud. malazzaya 'hair' (Sok. 693), mazzaya id. (ibid. 652). Likely a relative adjective ("goatish") < Sem. *ma/i1(a)z- 'goat': ESA: MaTin mizy

6 Sem. *§VTV?- 'barley, ear of corn; k. of beans': Akk. se?u 'barley, grain; pine nut' (CAD si 345; AHw 1222; acc. to both sources, from Sumerian; the quoted reading has been recently put under doubt by Huehnergard), su?u 'pulse, chickpea' (CAD S3 416), 'eine Getreideart' (AHw 1294); Jud. saîûïït 'a species of beans' (Ja. 1610), sdïït- id. (Ja. 1611); Arb. saîa?-, siîâî-, suîâ?- 'barbe de l'épi', sïï IV 'se remplir de grains (se dit des épis, des céréales)' (BK 1 1234); Tgr. saM 'oats' (LH, 194), etc. (see Mil. Farm. #5).

7 United in KM 230 with Iraqw qaanca 'saliva of a dead man', Alagwa qaanca 'rainy season', which is semanti-cally unconvincing.

(du.) 'chèvre', Arb. mafz-, maiaz-, 'nom gén. chèvres et boucs, espèce, race caprine', etc. (SED II #148).

□ < Afras. *maiz'(n)j- 'horned ungulate': Egyp. (CT) myz.f 'horned animal (?)'; Chad. W.: Hausa màazo 'harness antelope', C.: Gudur ma^gazaw 'Redunca (reedbuck)', E.: Barein mwzo 'ox'; (?) S.Cush.: Dahalo mßiade8 'female topi'; N.Omot.: Gamo mzzzz, Dorze mzzz, An-fillo mznjo, Bworo mzz(n)zà 'cow, cattle' (ADB; EDE III 156-79).

(3) Sod. gunnän; Cha. gunär // Also 'head' (Muher, Masqan, Goggot gunnän id.) < Sem. *gu/zn-~ *?/wVgn- 'cheek-bone': Arb. ?ajnaf-, wajnaf- 'joue, surtout joue saillante', Jib. eganf 'cheek-bone', etc. (SED I #84).

□ < Afras. *gz/un(Vn)- 'cheek; jaw; face; head': Egyp. (Med.) dnn.f 'Schädel, Kopf' (EG V 576; if < *gz/unn); Brb.: Ayr aganan 'os maxillaire; mâchoire'; Chad. W.: Montol gun 'cheek', Geruma genne 'face', C.: Lame gzrn 'cheeks', E.: Birgit gzn 'forehead', etc.; N. Cush.: Beja genwn 'jaw, chin' (ADB; cf. SED I #84).

(4) Wol. dumz // < Eth.: Gez. damäh, damäh, damäh 'head, crown of the head, skull, summit', Amh. damah 'top of the head', Arg. damah 'head', Gaf. dam"W 'tête', comparable with a cluster of variant roots in Arb.: dzmäf- 'cervelle, cerveau', dmf 'frapper à la tête au point d'attendre la cervelle', dmh 'briser la tête' and dammaha 'pencher la tête' (cf. SED I #52, DRS 271; cf. also Kog. Eth. #42). Apart from Mhr. damef 'brains', likely an Arabism, I have found neither Sem. nor Afras. parallels.

(5) Hrs. sä/ei; Mhr. sef-f; Jib. s/e-f; Soq. s/eh // < Sem. *sV(i)p(-af)- '(tuft of) hair': Arb. sa/af-'mèche de cheveux, tupet, cheveux' (BK 1 1240), etc. (SED I #259).

□ < Afras. *ca£Vp- (ADB): Brb. *zz/a/-: Ahaggar fa-hz/a, E.Tawllemmet fa-z/fa 'unplaited hair', Wargla za//, Iznasen azä/, Snus zâf 'hair'; Chad. (?) C.: Kotoko sapà/à 'tail', Mada asapa 'plait (hair)', Mofu sasap- 'plait (hair, rope)' (otherwise < *sVpV 'rope' or *sVp-), E.: Ndam sap 'tail', Masmaje sà/z/z-fé 'mane' (St. 2007 #90, 94); E. Cush.: Oromo sapzz 'pubic hair', Darasa sape 'hair, pubic hair'.

0 Tna. cäg^ar, säg^ar; Tgr. cagär; Amh. iägur; Arg. cagär; Gaf. sagärä; Har. czgär are all < Cush. (cf. C.: Qwara iagur, E.: Somali dagur, etc., v. LGz 550). No terms in Pho. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *sair(-af)- (#1).

37. hand

(1) Akk. kflfw // No Sem. etymology.

□ If -t- is a fossilized suffix, related to Afras. 'claw, fingernail, hand' (ADB): Chad.

W.: Mburku fcawz, Jimbin kwya 'finger-nail', E.: Ubi koya 'hand', Mokilko kooke (redupl.) 'claw'; E. Cush.: Konso teyafl, Darasa 'claw', Gawwada qoy-akko 'claw, nail', Dobase qoi-akko 'finger', Tsamay goi-akko 'claw, hoof'; perhaps also Egyp. (MK) Afh '(upper) arm, shoulder, elbow' without reliable Afras. parallels10, implying that Egyp. Afh may be a result of secondary phonetic processes, considering that the combination is impossible in Sem. and unusual for Afras.

(2) Ugr. yd; Hbr. yad; Pho yd; Bib. yad; Pal. yad, ?id; Syr ?zd-; Mnd. F(z)d-; Urm. ?ayd-; Qur. yad-; Leb. ?ad-; Mec. yad; Mlt. zdey; Sab. yd; Gez. ?ad; Tna. ?zd; Tgr. ?ade; Amh. ?aj; Arg. anj; Sod.

8 There seem to be a few cases of Dahalo d < *j/j (although d mainly < *d), but this correspondence still has to be investigated.

9 I do not see any reason to separate what Takacs reconstructs as two N. Omot. roots — *miiz- 'cow' and *minj- 'cattle', for which he admits the possibility of being a palatalized form < *ming- borrowed < Eth.: Amh. manga, etc. The change *g > j is not characteristic of Omotic in genuine words and is hardly expected in loanwords.

10 The ones suggested in EDE I 332 are all with *k-, not *k- as in Egyp.)

äj; Har. iji; Wol. anj; Cha. äj; Hrs. hayd; Mhr. hayd; Jib. ed; Soq. ?ed // < Sem. *yad- ~ *?id-(SED I #291).

□ < Afras. *ya/id- (ADB; scarce attestation): Egyp. d, hieroglyph for hand; E. Chad.: Mawa kwa-yida-m '(my) hand' (cf. kwa-kal 'bras', kwa-kam 'griffe', etc.).

(3) Gaf. satä // < Sem. *sVb1(-at)-, ?a-sba1- 'finger' (SED I #256).

□ < Afras. *cibV1- 'finger' (ADB): Egyp. (Pyr.) db1 'finger'; (?) Brb.: Ghadames ta-dabu-t 'fin-ger-ring'11; E. Cush.: *1Vdib- 'heel': Somali ledib-, Rendille dabdab (redupl. with a loss of initial pharyngeal), Baiso i??ib- (*d- > 0 in Baiso)12.

^ Common West and South Semitic: *yad- ~ *?id- (#2).

38. head

(1) Akk. kakkadu // < Sem. *ka/udka/ud- 'skull, head' (SED I #159).

□ Likely a reduplicated form < Afras. *kwad- 'calabash, vessel' (ADB)13: Chad. *kwad-/*kwad-(with a shift of emphasis): W.: Kirfi kwado, Gera kwada, Geruma koddo 'calabash', C.: Higi kwadya 'small pot', Logone r/koda (< *nV-kwad-) 'bottle', E.: Dangla koda 'small jug'; Cush. E.: Oromo qodaa 'receptacle', S.: Dahalo koodo 'kind of calabash'.

(2) Ugr. ris; Hbr. rö(?)s; Pho. r?s; Bib. re?s; Pal. re(?)s, rys; Syr. res-; Mnd. ris-; Urm. ris-; Qur. ra?s-; Leb. ras; Mec. ras; Mlt. ras; Sab. r?S1; Gez. rd?ds; Tna. rd?ds-i; Tgr. rä?äs; Amh. ras; Har. urüs; Hrs. herih; Mhr. haröh; Jib. res; Soq. rey // < Sem. *ra?(i)s- (SED I #225).

□ < Afras. *ra?is- 'brains, head' (ADB): Egyp. ?ys (Med.) 'brain, viscera (of the skull)'; Chad. C.: Glavda rursa, Nakatsa rarsa, Mofu ma/ga-fas 'brains' (on the phenomenon of "secondary lateralization" in C. Chad. see St. LS), E.: Mawa rasa, Kajakse reeze 'brain'.

(3) Arg. damah; Gaf. damwä; Wol. dumi // See hair #4.

(4) Sod. gunnän; Cha. gunär // See hair #3.

^ Common West and South Semitic: *ra?(i)s- (#2).

39. hear

(1) Akk. semü; Ugr. sm1; Hbr. sm1; Pho. smi; Bib. smf; Pal. smf; Syr. smf; Mnd. sma; Urm. smf; Qur. smi; Leb. samala; Mec. simi1; Mlt. sema(gh); Sab. s1mi; Gez. smi; Tna. sämle; Tgr. sämla; Amh. sämma; Arg. sämma; Gaf. sämmä; Sod. sämmam; Har. säma?a; Wol. sämä; Cha. sämam; Hrs. höma; Mhr. hema; Jib. si1; Soq. hemah // < Sem. *sm1- .

□ < Afras. *sim(1)- (ADB): Egyp. smt (Pyr.) 'hear', sm.t 'ears' (NE), smtmt (BD) 'eavesdrop'14; Chad. C. *sim- (with secondary lateralization) and E. *sVm- 'ear' (St. 2009 #266).

^ Proto-Semitic: *sm1-.

11 Phonetically possible, but semantically problematic; quoted as ta-dabb-ut 'finger-ring' in EDE I 256-7 together with Ahaggar ta-deho-t id., which I could not find in available sources.

12 Cf. EDE I 256-7, where the E. Cush. forms are not drawn into comparison, while cognation with N. Omot. Hozo zaba, Sezo zabi 'finger', made without any reservations, is questionable: there is no *c- > z- shift in Hozo or Sezo (-z can be < *-c in non-initial position only in Sezo), according to Bender's chart of correspondences (Bnd. Om. 290).

13 A metaphoric semantic shift, attested in various languages.

14 Sem. *-?, with no traces of it in Egyp., looks like a secondary root extention (see Mil. RE). In EDE I 194 and 262, Sem. *sm? and the Chad. forms are instead related to Egyp. sdm. Though, according to EDE III 609, "...Eg. sdm has been convincingly etymologized from *smd < *sm? ~ Sem. *sm? 'to hear' (see EDE I 262)", this is based only on a bare statement in EDE I 262, with no arguments at all, convincing or not, in favor of this comparison; recognizing in Sem. *-? a secondary extention, regardless of whatever reasons may lie behind it, is in better agreement with the principle of Occam's razor than the multiple-stage explanation of incompatible s and f in Egyp., with ? for some unknown reason changing to d (reflecting *g? or one of the emphatic affricates?), the whole process crowned with metathesis at that!

40. heart

(1) Akk. /zbbw; Ugr. /b; Hbr. /eb; Pho. lb; Bib. /eb; Pal. lb; Syr. /ebb-; Mnd. /zb; Urm. lib-; Sab. /bb; Gez. /abb; Tna. /abbz; Tgr. lab; Amh. /abb; Arg. /abb; Sod. /abb; Hrs. he/beb; Mhr. ha/bib; Jib. wb; Soq. ?z7bz'b // < Sem. */zbb- (SED I #174).

□ < Afras. *(?-)/zb(b)- 'heart' (ADB)15: Egyp. ib (OK) 'heart'; Chad. C.: (?) Bura /zbw 'weed with heart-shaped leaf', Daba /ibi, Musgoy /zb 'belly' (or < */a/zb- 'chest, side of body' — see footnote 15), E.: Mokilko ?w/bo 'heart'; Cush. N.: Beja lew (if < */zb-) 'pylorus' (cf. /eeb 'belly, stomach, heart' < Eth.?), C. */ab(b)ak- 'heart' (App. CDA 82 with the comment "the suffix element -¿k- ... is unexplained"), E.: Afar a/zb 'lung' (/wbbz 'heart, soul' is < Eth.), Somali /aab, Konso /wppoota (unless < */a/zp?-, footnote 15) 'heart' (both rather genuine than borrowed, whereas Oromo /wbbww 'heart, soul, spirit' is likely < Amh. and Sidamo /wbbo, Burji /wbboo 'soul' are < Oromo rather than < Amh.), S.: Ma?a /wbwra 'spleen' (the comparison with Asa /zba 'chest' in HRSC 205 implies a suffixed -ra in Ma?a; Asa /zba 'chest' likely belongs to */a/zb- 'chest, side of body', footnote 15); Omot. N.: Bworo /zbbo 'heart', S.: Ari (Ubamer) /zp/ba id. (otherwise < Afras. */a/zp?- 'inner organ', footnote 15).

(2) Qur. ka/b-; Leb. ?a/ab; Mec. ka/b; Mlt. a/p // Most likely, related (with metathesis) to Akk. kab/w 'middle, center, middle part; hips, loins, waist' (CAD k 6; cf. also SED I #161).

□ < Afras. *kab/- ~ *ka/b- (ADB): Egyp. (MK) kb 'breast' (if < *kV/b-; cf. EDE I 314); W. Chad.: Mburku kwbw/o (and Siri bwkw/z with met.?) 'stomach' (E. Cush.: Oromo qa/bzz 'mind' must be an Arabism).

◊ Har. kfl/bz, isolated in Eth., is rather an Arabism than an inherited term; Wol. wfl'zfln is a loan from Cush. (cf. Kambatta wozana, etc.); Cha. k'an (together with similar Gurage forms

15 In almost all of the sources (Dolg. 1973 163-4, EDE I 87-8, App. CDA 82 et al.), several roots are confused -part of them have presumably been variant roots as early as in Proto-Afras.; I hold it methodically correct to treat them separately. Besides *(?-)lib(b)- 'heart', they are (ADB):

(1) *la/ib- 'upper torso': Sem. *labb(-at)- 'neck with chest; back and flank': Akk. labânu 'tendon of the neck; neck', Arb. lubb-at- 'le haut de la poitrine qui touche à la clavicule', labab- 'le haut de la poitrine ou de poitrail d'où descend un collier ou autre parure du cou', laban- 'poitrine, surtout la partie entre les mamelles, poitrail (de tout animal à sabot)', Tgr. labbat 'place of the fillet steak on the back of animals; midst, side', Jib. leb 'side', etc. (cf. SED I #173); Chad. W.: Guus làabî 'corpse', C.: Mada làwva 'side'; Cush. N.: Beja léew (< *lVb-?) 'side', C.: Aungi yelib 'woman's breast', E.: Afar lab- 'side of the body' (cf. labka 'scapula, back of shoulder'), Saho id., Somali laab 'chest, sternum, thorax', Burji lap-ée 'side' (or < Oromo lappee 'breast'?), S.: Asa liba 'breast, chest'.

(2) *la/ip?- 'inner organ; chest and belly with interior': Egyp. np? (CT) 'guts' (if < *lVp?-); W. Chad.: Sura, Angas lap 'spleen', Bokos ma-laf 'liver'; Cush. E.: Afar aleefu 'spleen', Oromo lappee 'heart, breast' (Gr. 262; unless <

*labb-, but, in any case, hardly < Amh. labb). S.: Dahalo lafi 'lungs'; N. Omot.: Basketo lippe, Galila lib/pa 'belly' (otherwise *lib(b)- 'heart'). Here, perhaps, also Sem. *li/api?- 'adipose, fleshy tissue, fat; marrow, pith' (cf. SED #180).

(3) *na/ib- 'heart': Chad. C.: Daba nùv 'heart', nav 'stomach, chest', Musgoy nav 'heart, stomach' (perhaps also W.: Zar nàbi 'left' with a meaning shift from 'heart'); C. Cush.: Bilin nabaka, Kemant nabay 'middle' (acc. to CDA 82, "variant forms" of *lVb-); N. Omot.: Yemsa nibaa, Kafa nibboo, Bworo niiba, Hozo nibba, Sezo nibba 'heart' (it is highly unlikely that in all these forms *l- evolved into -n- in various Afras. branches independently from one another, especially in view of the fact that the forms in -l and n- coexist in some of the languages; Bender's assumption in Bnd. Om. 167 & 274 that Omot. forms in -n might be loans from Amh. libb- is untenable).

(4) *TawVyl(-im)- 'heart; belly': Brb.: Siwa uli, Ayr, E. Tawllemmet awal, Ahaggar ul, Kel-Ui ulam (note -m!), Taneslemt ulh, etc. 'heart' (in my opinion, cases of the much-discussed correspondence Tuareg h ~ Ghadames and Audjila b ~ other Brb. 0 can reflect Afras. *b only if there is a laryngeal or pharyngeal in the reconstructed Afras. root; in the present case, the absence of either corresponding forms with b in Ghadames and Audjila or traces of a laryngeal or pharyngeal consonant in Afras. *lib(b)- gives no grounds to relate the above Brb. forms to the latter); (?) W. Chad.: Jimbin hwahala 'intestines'; E. Cush.: Saho uluf- 'belly' (with metathesis), Somali Talol 'belly'; Omot. N.: Welaitta ?uluwa 'belly' (metathesis), S.: Hamar wooylim 'heart' (note -m!), perhaps Ongota laata id.

in LGur 372) is tentatively regarded by Leslau as a loan from Oromo onne 'heart', which is not very convincing, but I could not find an alternative etymology (possibly < Sem. *ga/in(a)n- 'viscera; heart' SED I #83?). No term in Gaf.

^ Proto-Semitic: *libb- (#1).

41. horn

(1) Akk. karnu; Ugr. krn; Hbr. karan; Pho. krn; Pal. krn; Syr. karn-; Mnd. karn; Urm. ka(r)n-; Qur. karn-; Leb. laran; Mec. karn; Mlt. run; Gez. karn; Tna. karn-i; Tgr. kar; Amh. kand; Arg. kdrara, kand; Gaf. kanda; Sod. kar; Har. kar; Wol. kar; Cha. kan; Hrs. kon; Mhr. kon; Jib. kuhn; Soq. kan // < Sem. *kar-n- (cf. SED I #168).

□ < Afras. *kar(-n)- (ADB): Omot. N.: Yemsa kala, Kafa karoo, Mocha karo, Anfillo karoo, Bworo kalla, Sezo kali, Hozo kara 'horn'16, S.: Ari kari 'tusk'.

◊ No term in Bib. and Sab.

^ Proto-Semitic: *kar-n-.

42. I

(1) Akk. anaku; Ugr. ?an, ?ank; Hbr. lani, lanoki; Pho. ?nk; Bib. lana; Pal. lana; Syr. lena; Mnd. ana; Urm. lana; Qur. lana; Leb. ?ani; Mec. ?ana; Mlt. yin; Sab. ?n; Gez. land; Tna. lane; Tgr. lana; Amh. dne; Arg. an, ay; Gaf. anat; Har. an; Cha. dya // < Sem. *lan(-akV).

□ < Afras. *la-na(-k/tV) (ADB): Egyp. ink; Brb. *na/ikk: Ahaggar nek, Zenaga nilk-an, Qabyle ndkk, etc.; Chad. W.: Hausa niinaa, Bolewa ina, Dera naani, Sura an, Fyer yin, etc., C.: Tera jja, Margi nayu, Musgu ta-nu, Bachama -na-, Masa nan, etc., E.: Migama na, nadtd, Jegu no, Mokilko nujj, nuuno, Tumak m, etc.; Cush. N: Beja ani, ane, C.: Bilin an, Khamta an, Kemant, Aungi an, E.: Afar anu, Somali aniga (< *la-ni-ka), Boni, Rendille, Oromo ani, Konso anti, Sidamo, Hadiya, Burji ani, Gawwada ano, Tsamay lano, S.: Iraqw an/ani, Ma?a ani, Dahalo ana / ani; Omot. N.: Anfillo to-loni, Hozo na-ga (< *na-ka?), Nayi na, Sheko nta, Dizi inu (cf. metathetic forms tana, tani in Ometo, Chara, Bworo, etc.).

(2) Sod. adi // An enigmatic pronoun with no Sem. parallels (cf. various suggestions quoted in LGur 13, none of which is convincing); cf., however, C. Chad.: Buduma n-dau, dau, Logone n-dau 'I' (independent form).

(3) Wol. ihe // In spite of formal affinity with (4), more likely < *lik- (cf. LGur Vol. I XXXVII-VIII and LXIV) to be tentatively related to the *-k- element in Sem., Egyp., Brb. 1st person sing. pronoun, Chad. C.: Glavda kaya, Daba kata, Cinene kayd, kd, Guduf kd; (?) E. Cush.: Yaaku iigel (< *lik-?); S. Omot.: Ongota kata.

(4) Hrs. hoh; Mhr. hoh; Jib. he, hel; Soq. ho // Certainly a separate root, not distorted forms of *lan-17.

^ Proto-Semitic: *lan(-akV) (#1).

16 Yemsa kala and Sezo kali can be < *kar, according to the correspondence charts in Bnd. Om. 184 and 290; as for Bworo, *-r > -r and -rh. There is little doubt, however, that the Omot. proto-form is *kar-, perfectly matching Sem. *kar-n-. Since the Omot. forms can hardly be regarded as borrowed from Tgr. or S. Eth. forms lacking -n, or from Gez. karn, or from Amh. kand, the root should be considered Common Afras. which is decisive in the old dispute about broader connections of Sem. *karn- with its Indo-European and Kartvelian counterparts: they could be either borrowed from the former or go back to the common Nostratic-Afrasian proto-form, while borrowing into Sem. is unlikely.

17 The h element occurs in this personal pronoun in other Afras. languages as well, although rarely — cf. C. Chad.: Mofu yah (and, perhaps, forms like Bura ya, Malgwa ?iyya, Podoko waya, Gisiga ?iya, etc. in which *h may yield ? or 0); E. Cush.: Arbore yehe(lo), etc. One wonders whether it may eventually be traced back to the h element in deictic pronouns.

43. kill

(1) Akk. dâku (duâku) // also dakâku 'to crush' (CAD d 34, lex.), apparently from Sem. biconso-nantal base *dk 'to crush, pound': Hbr. dk? (pi.), dky 'to crush', dwk 'to pound', Arb. dkk, etc. (HALOT 216, 221).

□ Related to Chad. W.: Hausa dflkfl, Bolewa dak- 'to pound' (HSED #633), C.: Bura dzka 'to pound with a club', Mbara dàk 'to strike' (ADB). However, Akk. dâku/ duâku 'to kill' also has direct parallels with the meaning 'to kill' in Chad. W.: Karekare dukwa, Bolewa dùwi (< ^duk"-), Ngamo duko, Kirfi dukVduf^-, Sha duk (also 'to beat') and C.: Logone duku (ADB); the question is whether the presence of two different forms in Akk. and Bolewa forms speaks against uniting the Sem. and Chad. forms meaning 'to pound, beat' and 'to kill' within one root (although their eventual kinship on the Proto-Afras. level is evident), or the semantic shift took place independently in both languages.

(2) Akk. nëru (syn.) // Likely related to Arb. nhr 'causer à quelqu'un une lésion à la clavicule; égorger (surtout un chameau)' (BK 2 1211-12)18.

(3) Ugr. mhs19 // < Sem. *mhs: Akk. mafrâsu 'to strike', Hbr. mhs 'to smash', etc. (HALOT 571). No reliable Afras. parallels.

(4) Hbr. Sab. hrg // < Sem. *hrg: Moabite, Old Aram., Arb. 'to slaughter' (HALOT 255). No Afras. parallels.

(5) Bib. Pal. Syr. kil; Mnd. gfl/gefal; Urm. Qur. kil; Leb. ?aia1; Mec. kaial; Mlt. âiel; Sab. kil (syn.); Gez. kil; Tna. kÀÏÀ'lfl; Tgr. kÀ'ila; Wol. kÀÏÀ'lfl; Cha. kflifl'ram // < Sem. *ki1: Akk. kaiâlu 'to kill, slaughter' (CAD q 162), Hbr. kil 'to kill' (a rare term, considered an Arameism, see HALOT 109220).

□ Perhaps a form with fossilized -l (see Mil. RE), derived from Afras. *kVi/i- 'strike, kill' (ADB): Sem.: Arb. w/yki 'beat (so.)'; Chad. C.: Podoko kada, Ouldeme kàd, Gisiga kad 'kill', Mofu -kad- 'strike, kill', etc., E.: Migama kodo 'to strike' (according to O. Stolbova, Chad. d reflects Afras. *d adjacent to a laryngeal, but not *i; there are, however, quite a few cases worth further research where Chad. d seems to continue Afras. *i); N. Cush.: Beja kadaw 'to strike'.

(6) Amh. gÀddfllÀ'; Arg. gÀddÀ'la; Sod. gÀddfllÀ'm; Har. gÀdÀ'lfl // < Sem. (Arb.-Eth.): Gez. gadala 'to strive', Tgr. iÀ'gadfllfl, Amh. iflgadÀ'lfl 'to fight' (in LGz 182 related to Sem. *gd1 'be big, grow big and strong', which is semantically hard to prove), Arb. jdl 'jeter, renverser par terre', II id. (d'un coup de lance), III 'se quereller, se disputer avec quelqu'un' (BK 1 265-6). No Afras. parallels.

(7) Hrs. leiôf; Mhr. luiôf, Jib. leiaf, Soq. laiah // < Sem. (Arb.-MSA; less likely an Arabism in MSA with a shift from one of the many synonyms meaning 'to strike, hit' in Arb. to the main term for 'to kill'): Arb. lif 'frapper; piquer' (BK 2 964), cf. Idf 'piquer (du scorpion)' (ibid. 983). No Afras. parallels.

(8) Jib. endsum (syn.) // < Sem. *nsm 'to breathe' (see die #6). No Afras. parallels.

◊ No term in Pho. and Gaf.

^ Proto-West Semitic: kil (#5).

18 Compared in St. 2005 #569 with E. Chad.: Dangla r/err/ire 'schneiden', Mokilko nyerire 'tailler'.

19 Suggested by L. Kogan instead of hrg, which has very scarce attestation.

20 In Mil. 2008, instead of "in Heb. an Arm. loanword", I have miscopied "in Heb. and Arm. loanword" from HALOT, taking it for an assertion that implies borrowing into both from Akkadian, and, ridiculously, gave my objections.

44. knee

(1) Akk. birku; Ugr. brk, birku; Hbr. barak; Bib. *barak; Pal. brk; Syr. burk-; Mnd. burk-; Urm. birk-; Gez. bark; Tna. bdrki; Tgr. barak; Wol. bark; Hrs. bark; Mhr. barak; Jib. berk; Soq. berk // < Sem. *bi/ark- (SED I #39).

□ Cf., on one hand, C. Chad. forms in p- (a triconsonantal variant root with partial reduplication?): Gisiga poporok 'knee', Matakam paparakw 'paw' and obscure E. Cush.: Yaaku loiporokugi 'knee' (unless a borrowing from a non-Afras. language, composed of loi-porokugi < *-porokuki < *borok- with loi of unknown meaning?) and, on the other hand, Chad. forms meaning 'knee' like W.: Ngamo buru, Maha burum, Galambu bubur, Pa?a burmi, Guruntum vdran, etc. (and such forms as Sura ka-furum, Tangale purum, Warji ywurmu-na, Kir kaa-furum, etc., in which, according to Stolbova, the modification of the initial consonant is due to the body part prefix *kV- < *kV 'head'), C.: Padoko bar-na 'knee', Gude burd 'elbow', Zime-Bata buru 'to kneel, to crawl', E.: Mokilko lobbird 'to kneel on river shore to drink' (all ADB; the latter comparison is valid only if we presuppose a fossilized -k in Sem.; note the -k element in body parts in some of the Cush. languages quoted above, like Agaw *lab(b)ak- 'heart' and Saho-Afar labka 'shoulder'; see also Mil RE).

(2) Bib. *larkubba; Qur. rukbat-; Leb. rikbi; Mec. rukba; Mlt. arkoppa // < Sem. *(la-)rakub(at)- 'knee' (cf. SED I #232); should be scored differently from *bi/ark-. A clearly secondary metathetic variant of the latter, derivable from it on the Common WSem. level: cf. Bib. birkohi and larkubbateh (both dual) 'knee', Jud. birka id. and rakuba, rakubta, larkubta 'part of the leg' and Arb. barikat-'genou', brk 's'agenouiller', with both variant roots coexisting in the same languages.

◊ Amh. gulbat; Arg. gulbat, gulot; Gaf. gulbat; Sod. gulbat; Har. galib; Cha. gwarbat are from Cush., more likely from HEC (cf. Kambatta gulubi-ta, Darasa gulubo) than from LEC, where the pertinent terms have *j- as the first radical (Oromo jilba, Somali jilib), whereas similar forms in Agaw, with the exception of Dembea gulvie, have -r- as the second radical; Saho and Afar fit in phonetically (both have gulub), but can hardly be the source of a loanword that is so widespread in the S. Eth. area. No term in Pho. and Sab.

^ Proto-Semitic: *bi/ark- (#1).

45. know

(1) Akk. idu; Ugr. yd?; Hbr. yd?; Pho. yd?; Bib. yd?; Pal. yd?; Syr. yd?; Mnd. yda; Urm. d?y (met.); Sab. d?w (met.); Hrs. yoda // < Sem. *yd?.

□ < Afras. *yada?- ~ *daya?- 'know' (ADB): C. Chad.: Mandara diya, Malgwa diya 'know'; Cush. E.: Saho da/i?- (also da/i?-), Afar da?- (also da?-) 'know, be able', Somali (Isaq) da?-'understand', Oromo yaada 'think', yaada-dda 'remember', Sidamo yaad- 'think' (likely < Oromo), S.: Iraqw da?-ati 'witchcraft' (acc. to HRSC 224, < *d%?-), da?-ari (acc. to KM 78, < *da?- 'burn', which is less probable), Alagwa danda?-as 'to treat injury, wound', Asa ndal-aruk 'doctor-diviner'; (?) N.Omot.: Bworo daan 'know' (if < *da?-an).

(2) Pal. hkm (syn.) // < Sem. *hkm 'to know, be wise' (HALOT 313-14). No reliable Afras. parallels.

(3) Qur. ?alima // other meanings are 'savoir distinguer une chose de l'autre; apprendre quelque chose' and (?alama) 'marquer, distinguer par une marque' (BK 2 349) < Sem. *?lm, something like 'make/discern hidden signs': Ugr. ?lm 'be hidden, unknown, go unnoticed' (DUL 158), Hbr. ?lm (nif.) 'to be concealed' (HALOT 834), Gez. ta?alma 'to be hidden, disappear from sight', Amh. allama 'to disappear from sight' (LGz 61), Mhr. ?alom 'to brand (with a rag), to make a mark' (JM 22), etc.21

21 For possible Afras. parallels cf. Chad. W. *lVm- 'to hide, to disappear' and, perhaps, E.: Mafa lem- 'think' (ADB).

(4) Leb. Tara/; Mec. fz'rz/// Class. Arb. fr/id. No parallels in other Sem. or Afras. that I could find.

(5) Mlt. kzn ya/ // ya/ < *yak/ related to Class. Arb. kw/ 'connaître, déviner l'état intérieur d'une chose à l'aide des signes extérieurs' (BK 2 835). No parallels in other Sem. or Afras. that I could find.

(6) Gez. ?a?mara; Tgr. ?ammärä // < Eth. *?mr 'to show, indicate': Gez. ?ammara, Tna. ?ammärä, Amh. ammärä < Sem. *?mr 'to see': Akk. amäru, Pho. ?mr id., Ugr. ?amr 'to look at' (DUL 71), Sab. ?mr 'sign, omen, oracle' (SD 6).

□ < Afras. *(?V-)mVr- 'to see, look, show, search for' (ADB)22: Egyp. m?? (OK) 'see, look' (if < *mrr), mr.t 'eye', m?r 'supervisor'; Chad. W.: Ankwe mèr 'spy on, look for', C.: Lamang mar-, Mandara mara, Malgwa mara 'to show', Glavda mar- 'show, make known', E.: Bidiya mer 'look, peer', Kera ka-maara 'soothsayer'; Cush. N.: Beja mz'r 'see, attend to; find', C. (re-dupl.): Khamir mzrmz'r, Kemant märämär, Aungi marmara-a^ 'examine, search for', E.: Oromo (Waata) mar-adda 'look for, search for', Rendille mor-o 'soothsayer, star-gazer, who sees visions'; (?) N. Omot.: Mocha marà ra(yé) 'to dream' (cf. EDE III 30-33, 353-6).

(7) Tna./äläfä // Eth. / 'to separate, split': Gez./alafa 'to separate, split, discern, know, etc.', Amh. /älläfä id. < Sem. (Eth.-ESA) / 'to split, separate': Sab. /f 'to assign land' (SD 44); probably related to Sem. *p1f 'to save' (cf. LGz 161). No Afras. parallels.

(8) Gaf. salä; Sod. salä; Wol. calä; Cha. karäm // < Sem. *kh1 'to be able' (LGz 277). No Afras. parallels.

(9) Hrs. ferob (syn.); Mhr. ferob; Jib. farob; Soq. ferob // The only solution, though debatable, that I can suggest is to trace these forms back to Sem. *farb- 'sunset, west' with a peculiar semantic shift 'to come to know/learn' < 'to go to an unknown place' < 'to go west' (e. g. Mhr. farbët 'strange place, unknown place, abroad' JM 140, Jib. oforb 'to go west' JJ 88, Akk. ereb-(erb-) 'setting of the sun, west' CAD e 258, Arb. farb- 'coucher (du soleil)' BK 2 450, etc.)23.

0 Amh. awwäkä; Arg. wonka, onka; Har. ßka < C. Cush.: Aungi -aq-, Damot y-ak-, Qwara ax-, etc. 'to know'.

^ Proto-Semitic: *ydf (#1).

46. leaf

(1) Akk. aru, eru 'frond, leaf of the date palm' OB on (CAD a2 311), artu (and astu) 'foliage' Y/NB (ibid.)24 // < Sem. *far-: Arb. fâr- 'feuilles de la vigne'; espèce d'arbre qui produit une résine' (BK 2 516), perhaps also Hbr. fÄroi (pl.) 'reeds (on the Nile)' (HALOT 882; hapax) unless < Egyp. (Pyr.) fr 'Binse; Pflanze; Schreibfeder' (EG I 208, VI 28, 136), which, if -r reflects *-r (otherwise see #2 below), may be related to Sem. *far-.

□ For non-Sem. parallels cf. Cush. N.: Beja rat, rat, erat 'leaf' (unless the same as lat, though registered by several authors on a par with lat).

(2) Akk. (syn.) haru // v. footnote 24.

22 Often merged, as in EDE III 30-33, 353-6, with Sem. *?VmVr- < Afras. *mVr- 'to say, order'; I prefer to treat the two as homonymous roots on the Proto-Afras. level.

23 The only, though interesting, parallel outside Sem. is in S. Omot.: Ongota girib- 'become night', if Ong g may render Afras. *y.

24 Also haru id., cf. harû 'young shoot of the date-palm' SB (CAD h 117), harutu NB 'branch of the date palm' (ibid. 121), referred to as an Arm. lw.; cf. HJ 404 with no indication of language: hrwt = 'branch of date palm' > Ak-kad., referring to AHw 329 asserting the same borrowing < Arm.). Perhaps two variant roots (with semantic contamination in Akk.?): (1) e/aru / artu 'foliage, leaf' < *yar-, (2) haru 'frond, leaf, branch, shoot of the date palm' < Afras. *haruy- ~ *huray- 'leaf, palm leaf, palm': Egyp. (Med.) h?.w (if < *hr-w) 'leaves' (also *h? 'leaf (and stalk) of lotus', an hieroglyph); C. Chad.: Musgu hurai, horai 'Deleb palm' (cf. also Zime huray, plant Grewia venusta whose leaves are used for making sauces); S. Cush: Iraqw huray- 'Borassus palm' (HRSC 260). Cf. EDE I 160 and ADB.

(3) Hbr. ?älä // No straight parallels in Sem.25

□ < Afras. *îaly/w- ~ *wa?l- ~ *law?-: Chad. W.: Pero âlàu, Jimbin aluhu, Polchi wâl, Zul wali, etc. 'leaf', (?) C.: Chad. ?èliya 'liane'; Cush. N.: Beja lût 'leaf' (< *la?-at-? Cf. also rat id. above), E.: Somali îâléen, pl. îâléemô id., S.: Iraqw loîo; N. Omot. Mao waale, Kafa wollo, etc. id. (ADB)26.

(4) Pal. trp, trb; Syr. tarp-; Mnd. a-tirp-; Urm. tarp- // < Sem.: Hbr. tarap 'fresh twig, shoot' (HALOT 380), Arb. tarfat- 'espèce de tamarise' (BK 2 73; cf. also tirf- 'plante qui n'est pas encore épanouie', perhaps to be connected with tirf- 'nouveau' ibid.), Akk. tarpa?u 'ein Tamariskenart' (AHw 1382; compared with Arb. tarfa?- 'tamarisk')27.

(5) Qur. warak-at-; Leb. wara?a; Mec. waraga; Mlt. wer?a // < Sem. *warak- 'green, yellow' (see green #1).

(6) Gez. kwäsdl; Tna. kwäsl-i; Amh. kdtäl; Arg. kdtäl, hätal; Gaf. kdtälä; Sod. kdtäl; Har. kutti; Wol. kutäl; Cha. kdtär // See green #5.

(7) Tgr. kätfät // < Sem. *ktp 'to pluck (leaves, fruit)': Akk. katapu 'to cut off, pluck off', Hbr. ktp 'to pluck off', Gez. katafa 'to pick, cut (flowers, leaves), pluck, snap', Amh. kättäfä 'to pick flowers', etc. (LGz 453). No reliable cognates outside Sem.

(8) Cha. dnzar (syn.) // < 'ear', with a common semantic shift < Sem. *?ud(V)n- 'ear' (see ear #1).

(9) Mhr. çya(l)fôt; Jib. çyizfot; Soq. saîlof // No direct parallels. Cf. Arb. Isf IV 'ê. en feuilles (se dit des céréales, quand elles n'ont que des feuilles)' (BK 2 272). Compared in LS 354-5 with Hbr. sdîîp, sarîap 'branche', Syr. sarîep 'former des branches', Arb. saîf- 'rameaux ou feuilles de palmier sec' with the improbable comment "le s emphatique est amené par la présence de P.

◊ No term in Ugr., Pho., Bib., Sab. and Hrs. (the two Akk. terms should rather remain un-scored).

^ No common Sem.

47. lie

(1) Akk. salalu // 'to lie/fall asleep, be at rest; remain inactive; sleep with a woman' (CAD s 67). Likely from Sem. *sll 'to fall/lie/go/stay down': Hbr. sll 'to sink' (HALOT 1027; hapax), Syr. sll 'se inclinavit, inclinatus est, se demisit; flexit, disposuit; insidiatus est' (Brock. 628), Arb. sll 'surprendre quelqu'un, tomber inopinement sur quelqu'un (se dit d'un malheur)', sall- 'pluie abondante; pluie légère qui tombe çà et là comme une rosée' (BK 1 1355), Gez. sal(l)ala 'to float upon, come to the surface, swim', Tna. sälälä 'to float', Amh. cällälä 'spread (intr.) over a surface (butter or oil)' (LGz 555)28 .

(2) Akk. nâlu, nialu, i/utülu (syn.) // < *nyl, likely related (with metathesis) to Ugr. ln 'sleep, stay the night' (DUL 500), Hbr. lyn 'to spend the night, stay overnight, etc.' (HALOT 529), (?) Arb. laynat- 'coussinet' (BK 2 1051; unless from lyn 'ê. tendre, mou'). No visible Afras. parallels.

25 HALOT 830 quotes Jud. falya id., which is more likely a Hebraism. Cf. also Syr. falway, ?elway, Gez. falwa, ?alaw, etc. 'aloe', considered a loan from Greek aloe of Sanskrit origin (LGz 63); I wonder whether 'aloe' could, on the contrary, be equated to 'leaf' and treated as a genuine Sem. (and Afras.) word meaning 'leaf'.

26 Cf. EDE I 94, where the Hbr., Syr. (quoted as 'leaf', not 'aloe'), part of W. Chad., Somali (with reservations) and S. Cush. (Iraqw halmi, Alagwa elemi; hardly related to the present root, since Afras. *f yields Iraqw f, not h) forms are compared to Egyp. fr 'Binse; Pflanze; Schreibfeder' (see #1), unquestionably interpreted as reflecting *fl.

27 Cf. E. Chad.: Bidiya tirip 'k. of tree' (ADB).

28 Perhaps related to Chad. W.: Hausa calaalaa 'pour out a large quantity of fluid', C.: Gude cdla? 'dripping', Logone sili-wun 'to drip'; according to St. 2009 #735, < *cVl- 'to drip' including other parallels meaning 'rinse, soak' and 'be liquid, watery' which, if related, make the comparison with the Sem. root unlikely.

(3) Ugr. skb; Hbr. skb; Pho. skb; Gez. sakaba // < Sem. *skb (HALOT 1486-7); cf. Akk. sakâpu 'to lie down, lie still' (rare) with irregular s- (< *s, not *s) and -p (< *p, not *b). No Afras. parallels.

(4) Pal. Urm. dmk // Common Arm.: Syr. dmk 'dormivit' (Brock. 157), etc. (v. DRS 272); no other Sem. or Afras. parallels (if not for unexplainable -k, cf. Afras. *da/zm- 'dwell, stay' incl. Egyp. dm? 'lie').

(5) Pal. rbf (syn.), Mnd. rba; Wol. (syn.) rebÀÏÀ' // The Arm. and Wol. forms are related, if the former reflect *rbf (they may alternatively go back to *rbs) < Sem. *rbf: Hbr. rbf 'to lie in position, recline; to copulate'29, Arb. rbf 'se tenir debout; atteindre' (with a comment: "dérivé probablement des quatre pieds des quadrupèdes"); rester', V 's'asseoir, ê. assis les jambes croisées, à la turque' (BK 1 808), Wol. (above), Selti rêbaia 'to lie down to sleep' (LGur 521).

□ An interesting if controversial, parallel is found in E. Cush.: Elmolo rap- 'to sleep' (*b yields Elmolo p), Tsamai rabe 'lie, sleep' (SLLE; -f, however, is expected to be preserved in Tsamai) which seem to imply *rab-. Though Elmolo rap- is included by Sasse (PEC 22) into common E. Cush. *raf- 'to sleep' (a variant root of *rab-?), *f yields in Elmolo f, not p.

(6) Syr. gan (syn.); Mnd. gna (syn.) // < Sem. *gny/? 'bend down, lie down': Arb. jn? 'bend over smth.', Gez. ganaya 'bow down, prostrate oneself, etc.', Soq. ?zgnzn 'bend, bow down' (LGz 200).

□ < Afras. *gzna?- 'lie/fall/bend down' (ADB): Brb. (alternatively can go back to *b(w)zn- in footnote 30, as Afras. yields Brb. *g): Ayr, E. Tawllemmet agan 's'accroupir, descendre, faire halte', Izdeg gan 'dormir', Qabyle gan 'dormir, ê. couché'; Chad. W.: Bolewa gan-d- 'lay down', Buli gzn-dfl 'fall down', Ngizim gznà 'to sleep', C.: Zime-Batna gam 'la bas', E.: Migama gone 'bottom', Bidiyo gflny 'be on the bottom'; (?) E. Cush. *g'zzn- 'stay in place' (only the reconstructed form, enigmatically adduced in Ehr. #124); Omot.: Male gan?-, Ari gzn?- 'to sleep'30.

(7) Leb. // < *№i, same as Class. Arb. Ikb 'jeter, lancer', VIII 'ê. jeté par terre' (BK 2 1012-13), perhaps related to Sem. *7kb 'to take, lend' (see in LGz 317), though a semantic connection is far from evident. No Afras. parallels.

(8) Mec. iamaddad; Mlt. kzn mzndud // < Sem. *mdd 'to stretch, spread': Hbr. mdd (hitpo.) 'to stretch out upon', Arb. mdd, Gez. madada, Tgr. madda 'to spread', Mhr. mad, Soq. med 'to stretch', etc. (v. LGz 329).

□ < Afras. *mzdd- (ADB; cf. EDE III 791): Brb.: Mzab amdz 'tendre (un piége)'; Cush. N.: Beja mzdz 'to stretch out', E.: Hadiya mzdzd 'to stretch (body)', perhaps also Egyp. m?dd 'somnoler' (late, its determinative depicting a man sinking to ground from fatigue), compared in EDE III 130 as "very uncertain" with W. Chad: Zeem (iaarù) madaz, Tule (dar) mada 'to sleep'; Oromo (Borana) mudda 'feel sleepy' (quite tenable, for my money).

(9) Mlt. zmiëi (syn.) // < Sem. *mii/y 'to stretch, spread': Hbr. miy 'to spread, stretch out' (HALOT 654), Arb. mii 'étendre quelque chose en long' (BK 2 1055), etc.31

29 Treated in HALOT 1180, after Wagner, as a loan from Arm. *rb?, considered a reflex of *rbs: Hbr. rbs 'to lie down, rest' (ibid. 1181), Arb. rbd 'ê. couché les jambes ployées' (BK 1 805), etc. Since there are apparently no other arguments for interpreting Hbr. rb? as an Arm. loanword (the Hbr. term is attested in Ps. and Lv.), the whole idea looks ungrounded, since Hbr. rb? has direct cognates pointing to Sem. *rb?.

30 Compared in EDE I 164 with Egyp. (Pyr.) hny 'to rest', confusing three different Afras. roots: (1) *gina?-'lie/fall/bend down', (2) *h(w)in- 'rest, lie down': Egyp. hny; C. Chad.: Ga?anda huna, Hwona hùna, Fali-Kiria hànu, etc. (several other forms are adduced in ADB and reconstructed by O. Stolbova as *hwVn-, compared with Arb. hwn 'to fall asleep'; I would rather reconstruct the quoted C. Chad. forms as *hwVn-), likely related (with metathesis) to Sem. *nwh- 'be extended, stretched out, repose' and S. Omot.: Dime na(a)ht- 'to sleep', (3) *kVwVn- 'sit, lie': Sem. *kwn 'be firmly established' (> 'be'); E. Chad.: Kera aw kin 'to sleep', Mokilko kon- 'sit'; N. Omot.: Yemsa kuna 'lie', etc. (cf. Bla. Om., comment to #47 'lie', where several unrelated roots are also confused in one entry).

31 See Sem. variant roots and some suggested Afras. parallels in EDE III 700.

(10) Tna. tä-gadämä; Amh. tä-gaddämä // Mod. Eth. only32.

(11) Tgr. ?dkrur hälla // < Sem. *krr: Akk. kararu 'to put an object in place, set, lay (a foundation), throw, cast' (CAD k 207), Gez. krr 'to fall', Amh. (tän)karrärä 'to lie on one's back' (LGz 294). No Afras. parallels that I could find.

(12) Amh. jäg alä (syn.); Har. zäg baya // Mod. Eth. only: Tna. zäg bälä 'to fall down heavily' (LHar 164)33.

(13) Arg. (b)angerru t-enna; Sod. annäm; Har. ne?a (syn.); Wol. dnne // < Eth. *nhy (Gez. ndhya 'to repose, recover, be quiet' LGz 394). Within Sem., the Eth. forms can be compared (with metathesis) to Arb. hwn 'se reposer, se calmer, s'endormir' (BK 2 1460).

□ < Afras. *nahy- (ADB): Chad. W.: Dera nöwe 'to rest', Daffo-Butura nyah, Kulere, Sha nya 'to sleep', C.: (?) Mofu -n- 'se coucher, passer la nuit, durer'; N. Cush.: Beja nay 'to sleep, rest' (LGz 304). Cf. what seems like variant roots (ADB): (1) *nuny-: Egyp. nny (MK) 'be tired'; Chad. W.: Dera ?non 'to sleep', E.: Somrai nùnii, Tumak nùn 'sleep' (n.), Ndam ?éjâ nün 'to sleep'; (2) *wny ~ *nwy 'be tired': Sem.: Arab wny 'to be weak, tired'; Egyp. nw (MK) 'weak'; Chad. W.: Ankwe ne 'tiredness', Warji, Kariya nuw- 'be tired', E.: Dangla nàwiyè 'rest but not relax'.

(14) Gaf. (tä)gäddälä; Cha. (tä)gätäräm // Related to Arb. 3dl 'jeter, renverser par terre' (BK 1 265), perhaps to be analyzed as *gd-l, with the extension -l, eventually related to Cush. *gVd- (see footnote 32).

(15) Hrs. enbeltâh; Mhr. dnbaltdh; Jib. bottah, dnbdltâh // < Sem. *b(l)th: Hbr. bth 'to fall on the ground' (HALOT 120), Arb. bth 'renverser, faire tomber quelqu'un la face contre terre', VII 's'étendre' (BK 1 135), blth (and bldh) 'ê. couché à terre et s'y coller' (ibid. 159, 161), Soq. bth, blth 'to lie'34. In DRS 59 compared with Tgr. bät belä, Tna bät bälä 'ê. couché de tout son long', which is phonetically questionable. No Afras. parallels.

(16) Hrs. engerdös (syn.) // agerdös 'to lay down' < Sem. *grds 'to fall down, be ruined': Ugr. grds 'be undermined, ruined' (DUL 307), Syr. gardes 'erosit', (etpa.) 'fractus, laceratus est' (Brock. 132), Jib. dngerdés 'fall down', etc. No Afras. parallels.

(17) Mhr. sd-wküf (syn.) // Related to Arb. wkf 'ê. incliné, penché', wakf- 'tapis ou peau qui l'on etend par terre pour s'y asseoir' (BK 1 1598)35, likely related, assuming the extension w-, to Sem. *kpp: Akk. kapapu 'to bend', Hbr. kpp 'to bend, bow down', Arb. kff X 'to curl up' (HALOT 497), likely also Tgr. käf belä (LH 425), Tna. kof bälä 'to sit' and, perhaps, with a further semantic shift, Jib. séf 'to sleep' (JJ 267; related if s in this root is derived from palatalized *k; unrelated if it goes back to *s, cf. below Soq. sé?df 'to lie, sleep together' ibid.)36.

32 Inseparable from C. Cush: Xamtanga gadam y- 'to lie down' (in App. CDA 92 considered an Amharism), Khamir gidem-s 'ausgestreckt liegen' (also from Amharic, according to RCham 359); cf., however (ADB): Cush. N: Beja gad 'to stop, stand, stand still, wait', E.: Arbore goad- 'to stalk, ambush' (i. e. lie in wait). If the Agaw forms, with a suffixed -m, go back to common Cush. *gVd-, the isolated Eth. forms may, on the contrary, represent loans from C. Cush.

33 The only remote parallel that I could find is in C. Chad.: Guduf njdg-àna 'sit!', Dghwede njèginjègè 'to sit' (reconstructed in Tak. 2001 6 as *n3[a]g-).

34 Not mentioned as the main term (which is se?ef) in Kogan's list.

35 Perhaps cognate to Sem. terms for 'saddle' or to the Akk. term (if other Sem. parallels are a chain of loanwords, eventually from Akk.): Akk. uküpu 'Packsattel' (AHw 1405), Syr. îakkïp- 'sedulus' (Brock. 19), Arb. wi/ukaf-, îikaf- 'bât (d'un âne ou d'un mulet)' (BK 2 1598), etc.

36 The N. Eth. forms are inseparable from C. Cush.: Bilin kaf y 'sit' (App. CDA 124), which would undoubtedly qualify as a loan from N. Eth. (apparently having cognates in other Sem.), if not for E. Cush.: Yaaku kopehm (< *kop-) id. perhaps implying common Cush. *kaf-.

(18) Jib. afiéM (syn.) // Likely < Sem. 'to turn, bend': Ugr. fpn 'winding' (DUL 177), Hbr. fflMlflion 'writhing (snake)', ?flka1ka11oi 'twisting (road)', Syr. fukM- 'winding track', Arb. SW 'to turn, bend' (HALOT 874). No Afras. parallels.

(19) Soq se?ef // As to its problematic affinity with Jib. séf, see #17; Leslau (LSoq 409) quotes Bittner's comparison with Hbr s?p 'to gasp' (HALOT 1375 also quotes Jud. s?p 'gasp for air, pant' and Arb. shf 'gasp, thirst', whereas BK 1 1156 translates shf as 's'agiter dans des convulsions, avoir les derniers mouvements de l'agonie' and 'éprouver une soif violente'), which is not quite convincing. I failed to find any Sem. or Afras. cognate.

◊ No term in Bib., Qur. and Sab.

^ Proto-West Semitic: *skb- (#3).

48. liver

(1) Akk. amwiu // < Sem. *mafay/w(-ai)-: Hbr. mefayzm (pl.) 'entrails, intestines', Arb. mafy- 'intestins', etc. (v. in SED I #185).

□ < Afras. *mafay- 'liver, entrails' (ADB): (?) E. Chad.: Gadang mwyo 'liver' (quoted in EDE III 161; an isolated form, but hardly coincidental); Cush. E.: Bussa maye 'liver' (according to EDE III 160, may be a borrowing from N. Omot., which is quite plausible; cf., however, Oromo mo?o 'loins, back', which could also belong here with a shift of meaning), (?) S.: Gorowa meheme 'second stomach', Ma?a mméme 'navel' (HRSC 157); N. Omot. *ma?ay-: Zaysse, Gidicho, Ganjule, Koyra maayyé, Zergulla ma?e, Haruro-Kachama maayyé (in another source, maje is attested), Chara mayya, Sezo me?z, She maz 'liver', Bench may 'heart'37.

(2) Ugr. kbd; Hbr. kâbéd; Pal. kbd; Syr. Mnd. Urm. kabd-; Qur. kabzd-; Leb. kabdz; Mec. kabed; Gez. kÀ'bad; Tna. kÀ'bdz; Tgr. kÀ'bdÀ'i; Har. kûd; Wol. hÀ'bd; Cha. kÀ'pi; Hrs. sebdéi; Mhr. sabdzi; Jib. subdei; Soq. szbdeh // < Sem. *kab(z)d- 'liver; stomach, entrails' (SED I #141), perhaps derived from Sem. *kbd 'be heavy' through a semantic shift that has certain typological parallels (see references ibid). No Afras. parallels.

(3) Amh. gubbÀ'i; Sod. gabboi // Presumably not the same as *kab(z)d-; more likely < Sem. *ga(n)b- 'side of body': Arb. janb- 'côté' (BK 1 334), Gez. gabo 'side, flank, rib, loins' (LGz 176), etc. (cf. SED I #85); cf. also Akk. gabbu 'part of the human or animal body (...an internal part of the animal body)' (CAD g 5) and Arb. jabjab- 'estomac du chameau farci de viande hachée' (BK 247).

□ If the meaning shift 'side of body' > 'liver' holds water, < Afras. *gab- 'side' (ADB): Egyp. (Westcar) gb? 'side of a room'; Chad. W.: Hausa gàba 'across, on the other side of', Dwat gaap 'side', C.: Higi-Bana gobzo, Musgu gubbz, gobz, Masa gob 'nearby'; Cush. N.: Beja gab 'side', C.: Bilin gÀ'ba 'side (of body)', Khamir gaba 'side', E.: Afar gabbe 'side (of back)', Konso, Dirasha kapa (k- < *g-, -p < *-b) 'beside, near', Burji gflba 'side', Harso kapa (k- < *g-, -p < *-b) id. (cf. EDE I 223).

(4) Arg. amfaha // Regardless of the form being interpreted as derived from a triconsonantal root *mph/h/h or *nph/h/h, or from biconsonantal *ph/h/h, it has no fitting etymology whatsoever.

◊ Mlt. fuzei; borrowed from a Romance language. No term in Pho., Bib., Sab. and Gaf.

^ Common West and South Semitic: *kab(z)d- (#2).

37 EDE III 159 asserts that South-East Omot. *mayy- is regularly < *mayz-. However tempting it is to equate the two forms, in Bla. Om., where correspondence tables by Lamberti-Sottile, Bender, Hayward and Ehret are quoted, the shift *z/z > y is postulated only for Kafa-Mocha; Bender's way of solving this problem by reconstructing (in Bend. Om. 118) N.-W. Omot. *may+z does not help, since it implies an unproved suffix *-z. Anyway, the development *z/z > y, possible in theory, of course, requires proof; until it is presented, I prefer to regard N. Omot. *ma?ay-and *mayz- (undoubtedly cognate with Egyp. (Pyr.) myz.t 'liver') as separate roots, both with sound Afras. etymologies at that.

49. long

(1) Akk. arku; Ugr. ?rk (verb); Hbr. ?arök; Pho. ?rk; Pal. ?ryk; Syr. ?arrîk-; Mnd. aruk-; Urm. yarîk-// < Sem. *?arVk- 'long'.38

(2) Qur. tawîl-; Leb. tawil; Mec. tawiyl; Mlt. twîl // < Sem.: Hbr. twl (hif) 'to throw far' (HALOT 373; Tgr. täwwälä, quoted ibid. as 'to extend', implying cognation, is actually 'to lengthen' in LH 618, likely derived from tdwil 'long', an obvious Arabism), Sab. tl-m 'length', twl 'to extend, stretch' (SD 154), etc.; cf. the Eth. root augmented with î: Gez. ?antoldîa, Tgr. (?an)tolîa 'spread, stretch out' LGz 590).

□ Perhaps < Afras. *tawl- 'be long, stretch' (ADB)39: (?) Egyp. dwn (Pyr.) 'to stretch out' (if < *dwl < *twl); C. Chad.: Ouldem tàl, Mofu -tdl- 'extend (a hand)', Mada âtla 'extend, reach (toward)'.

(3) Gez. näwih; Tna. näwwih // < Sem. *nwh 'be extended, stretched out, repose': Gez. nwh 'to be long, tall, extended, stretched out, repose, etc.', Akk. nâhu 'to be slow, still; rest, etc.' (CAD n 143), Ugr. nh 'to rest' (DUL 629), Hbr. nwh 'to settle down, rest, repose', Arb. nayihat- 'étendue de terre, pays qui s'étend au loin' (BK 2 1364)40.

(4) Tgr. räyim; Jib. rihm; Soq. rihom // < Sem. *rym 'to be high, long': Ugr. rm 'high', Hbr. rw/ym, Syr. rym 'to be high', Arb. rym II 'to exceed', Sab rym-m 'height', Gez. rayyama 'be high, long', etc.

□ < Afras. (ADB): Egyp. wrm.t (Pyr.) 'Dach (bekrönung eines Gebaudes)', wrm (late) 'hochragende Figur'; W. Chad.: Hausa rîmî 'stand (on hind legs)' (semantically debatable); S. Cush.: Dahalo rum-ate 'long, tall' (for other possible parallels cf. EDE III 368).

(5) Amh. räjim; Arg. räzzim // Amh. räzzäma 'to be long' (Gez. razama 'to become long, be tall, heavy', razum 'tall, long', etc. are marked in LGz 479 as borrowed from Amh., which requires argumentation); cf. also Tgr. tarazzämä 'to be heavy, intense', märäzzäm 'strong, intense, steady' (compared with Amh. räzzäma in LH 160; the semantic connection is far from evident). The only non-Eth. parallel, though also debatable semantically, that I could find is Arb. rzm II 'rester longtemps chez soi, à la maison' (BK 1 856; cf. also mirzamat- 'qui fait de grandes enjambées (chamelle)' ibid. 857). No Afras. parallels.

(6) Arg. gudor (syn.); Gaf. gaddärmä; Har. gudör; Wol. gudär (the three latter forms also meaning 'big') // < *gdr 'to grow, grow big': Wol. Zway gädärä 'to grow up (child), be big', Amh. (tä)gäddärä 'to germinate' ("that is, grow" LGur 264 where the Gur. and Amh. verbs are compared with hesitation, but quite reasonably), Arb. jdr 's'élever au-dessus du sol (se dit des plantes); se former (se dit des certain fruits)' (BK 1 263). The Eth.-Arb. *gdr presumably goes back, with the extension *-r, to Sem *gVd(d)-: Arb. jidd- 'beaucoup, extrêmement' (BK 1 260), Sab. gdd 'great' (SD 49), Tgr. gäddä 'to be bigger, surpass' (LH 602); see Afras. etymology in big #8.

(7) Sod. gälldf; Cha. gef // quoted as 'tall' in LGur 272, but as 'tall, long' in LGur., I 56 and 1066. The Gur. verb *glf is identified in LGur 272 either with Oromo golfofa 'to be tall and lazy'

38 For odd external parallels cf. (with metathesis) W.Chad.: Miya karakara 'long'; C. Cush.: Kemant kaar-t 'be far, distant', Qwara kaar- 'be long, distant' < *ka(?)ar- (though Dolg. 202 relates these forms with E. Cush. *kVr-); one wonders whether Yaaku etirak 'long since' could be explained as having a prefix t- and thus related (it is tempting to compare E. Cush.: Bayso ka?eri 'long, high' as in Dolg. 202, but ka- is a prefix of adjectives in Bayso).

39 Cf EDE I 247, comparing Egyp. dwn with the Hbr. and Arb. verbs and E. Cush. *d1al- (referring to Sasse PEC 27, where Gidole caal- 'be better, welthier, taller', Konso jaal 'exceed, be bigger, longer' and Oromo caal- 'exceed' are quoted, clearly pointing to the initial affricate, and not to *d- < *t-) that yields Lowland E. Cush. *del- 'be long' with no specific forms adduced, which I could not find (there is what may be a variant root of *tawl-, namely E. Cush *di/er- 'long': Saho deel, Afar deeri, Somali deer, Dasenech dir, etc. related in Dolg. 126-7 with Sem. *srr 'be high').

40 To be compared with isolated S. Omot.: Dime na(a)ht- 'to sleep'; for parallels (with metathesis) see fn. 30.

(in this case, a loanword) or with Amh. (iän)ga,ö/rä7/ä7ä (with metathesis) 'to be long (of hair)'; in favor of the latter assumption cf. Arb. jßlz/- 'longue mèche de cheveux qui descend sur les tempes' and jfll/z 'robe à manches longues' (BK 1 317). No Afras. parallels.

◊ Hrs. fewzl and Mhr. fawzl are almost certainly Arabisms. No term in Bib. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *?ßrVk- (#1).

50. louse

(1) Akk. uplu // < Sem. *pVl(y)-: Arb./y, Mhr./alo 'to delouse', etc. (SED II #175).

h < Afras. *(?V-)pz7- (ADB; cf. EDE II 393): Egyp. py (Med.) 'flea' (if < *pVl-); Chad. W.: Sura mpz7-wus 'Glühwürmchen' (wus 'fire'), C.: Bura mfl-/z7-kwz 'flea', Hildi ma-fzlz 'spider', Mada o//dl 'tique (du chien, des vaches)', Matakam n-/aZzyfl 'k. of ant'; Cush. C.: Qwara pelzya, Kemant /äle 'flea', E.: Dirasha /z7le'f, Sidamo pzllo, Harso /z7lßyye, Gollango /z7lßye id., S.: Qwadza pfl?fll-zko 'flying termite'; N. Omot.: Kafa pzllo (perhaps < E. Cush.).

(2) Akk. kalmafu (syn.); Pal. klmh // Presumably < Sem. ^k^fll-m-: Akk. kulzlu 'dragonfly' (CAD k 503), Gez. k^alk^f) 'kind of black ant' (LGz 283). See discussion in SED II #130.

□ < Afras. *k(")fl/z7(-m)- 'a biting insect' (ADB): S. Brb.: Ayr, E.Tawllemmet kßlkßf 'ê. pouilleux'; Cush. E. *kzlm-: Saho, Afar kzlzm 'tick', Somali szlzn, pl. szlm-o, Boni szlm-z, Rendille cz'lz'm, Oromo szlm-a id. (Sas. Bur. 173).

(3) Syr. kalmaf-; Urm. kalm-; Qur. kaml-; Leb. ?amal; Mec. gamzl; Mlt. ämel; Gez. k^amal; Tna. k^amal; Tgr. kamal; Amh. kamal; Arg. kamal; Sod. kamal; Har. kumäy; Wol. kumal; Cha. kamar // < Sem. *kOml-/*kwmßl- ~ *kalm- (SED II #130).

□ With a few parallels in Chad. (?) W.: Hausa kùm 'flea (of rats, dogs)' (with a loss of final -l? or < Arb. kaml- ?), Mupun kuma id. (< Hausa?), C.: Buduma komälz 'ant' (ADB).

(4) Gez. k^ainz (syn.) // < Sem. *kaWn-: Syr. keiiorn 'cimex' (Brock. 659), Arb. ktn IV 'tuer la teigne' (BK 1 675), see SED II #141.

□ < Afras. *kaViVft/m- (ADB): Chad. (?) W.: Hausa kwàrkwflffl, kwàlkwflf« (< *kwflfkwflffl?) 'louse', Karekare kùfkùsùm, kùskùfùm (< *kus kufum ?) 'fowl lice', etc., C.: Cuvok mà-k^fè-k"bf£ 'an insect with a pointed head'; E. Cush.: Dasenech kuudzn 'worm', Darasa koofflflmo 'ant'; cf. what may be a variant root ^"VfVn/m- in HEC: Sidamo goofflflmo, and N. Omot.: Wolaitta guiiun-zyfl, Gamu guçune, Malo guszne, Dace, Zaisse guçume 'worm'.

(5) Hrs. kenemof; Mhr. kenmzf; Jib. sznzf; Soq. konem // < Sem. *kz/flnn(-Vm)- 'a harmful insect': Hbr. ken 'gnat', kznnäm 'gnats', pB. kznnß 'vermin, louse', kanzmmä 'vermin, moth', etc. (SED II #116).

□ Cf. scattered parallels in E. Chad.: Migama kßkkwmß 'louse' (< *kankum-?) and N. Omot.: Hozo konnz 'louse' (ADB).

◊ No term in Ugr., Hbr., Pho. Bib., Mnd., Sab. and Gaf.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *k(")aml- ~ *kalm- (#3).

51. man

(1) Akk. zz/flkaru, Hbr. zßkßr // < Sem. *dflkar-: 'man, male' (HALOT 270, DUL 269)41.

(2) Ugr. mi // also 'individual' and 'husband' (DUL 598; the meaning 'man' debatable, probably 'husband' — v. Kog. Ug.) < Sem. *mVf-: Akk. mufu 'husband; man, warrior' (CAD m 313), Hbr. mafzm (pl.) 'men, people' (HALOT 653), Gez. mat 'husband' (LGz 371).

□ < Afras. *mVf- 'man, husband' (ADB): Egyp. (Pyr.) mi 'man'; Brb.: Ghadames fa-meffay-n 'peuples', Ahaggar to-maffé, pl. fz-maffzw-zn 'ensemble de population très considerable,

41 The only distant non-Sem. parallel that comes to mind is in N. Brb.: *a-rgaz 'man' with metathesis, although -g- does not correspond to Sem. -k-. A mere chance resemblance?

tous les peuples du monde, etc.'; Chad. W.: Hausa mùt-ûm 'person', E.: Dangla mitî-kd 'man', mita 'husband', Jegu mîtô 'man', Sokoro mâtii 'man, husband', etc.; (?) E. Cush.: Oromo maatii 'family' (cf. also N. Omot.: Welaitta attuma 'man' < *?a-tum- with metathesis?). Perhaps eventually related to Afras. *mwt 'die', implying the primary notion of human being as mortal.

(3) Pho. ?s; Hbr. ?ls 'man' (syn.; also 'husband; human being'); Sab. ?ysi // < Sem. *?is- 'man': Arm. (Old, Palm., etc.) ?ys (HALOT 43).

□ < Afras. *(?i-)was- (ADB) 'man, person, male relative; female; daughter': Brb.: Siwa t-acciw-in (pl.), Ahaggar ass, Nefusa issi, Mzab issis, etc. 'daughter'; Chad. W.: Siri wusi, Geji yasi 'brother', Bokkos wâs 'father-in-law', Daffo-Butura was 'uncle', C.: Mbara wùs, us, Musgu (w)us 'man', Glavda us 'woman'; Cush. C.: Xamtanga as-aw 'male (human)'42, was-ray, Bi-lin ?us-ari, Kemant yus-ay female', E.: Somali was- 'to copulate (with a woman)', Sidamo osoo, Hadiya oos-ico 'boy', Kambatta (w)osoo 'child'; N. Omot.: Wolaitta asa, Male ?asi, Koyra aci, Ganjule aci, Chara asa, âca, Mocha ?aso, Mao (Bambeshi) ?££ss£, Ganza ?asi 'man, person', Hozo see, Sezo saay, Ganza saa (< *sa(?a)y with met.?) 'woman, wife'.

(4) Bib. gdbar; Pal. gebar; Syr. gabr-; Mnd. gabr- // < Sem. *gabr- ~ *gabbar- (Kog. DD) 'strong man, hero'43: Hbr. gibbor 'manly, vigorous; hero', gabura 'strength' (HALOT 172), Jud. gibbar- 'strong, hero, giant', gdburt- 'superiority, strength, might' (Ja. 234), Arb. jabbar- 'fort, grand et robuste; puissant; homme violent, tyran' (BK 1 248).

(5) Urm. ?anas-; Sab. ?nsi (syn.); Tgr. ?anas (less likely to be reinterpreted as sing. < Arb. coll. pl.) // < Sem. *(?i-)nas- 'man(kind)': Akk. nisu 'mankind, people', Ugr. ?ins 'people', Hbr. ?anos 'man', Syr. nos-, (?)nas, Arb. ?ins-an-, nas- (coll.), etc. (cf. HALOT 70).

□ < Afras. *(?i-)nas- 'human being, male, male relative' (ADB): Egyp. (MK) nswy.w 'servants'; Brb.: Ahaggar a-ynds 'jeune homme'; W. Chad.: Bokkos nus, Daffo-Butura nis 'brother'; Cush. C.: Bilin nas-ahw, Kemant nasaya, Qwara nasa 'male', S.: Ma?a naseta (with the fem. suffix -t-) 'woman'; Omot. N.: Gimira (Bench) nas, (She) yanas 'person, man', Nao nuuse 'husband', S.: Ari ins-e 'boy', nas-i 'son', Hamar nas 'child'44 .

(6) Qur. rajul-; Leb. razzël; Mec. rijjal; Mlt. rajal // with a semantic shift 'foot' > 'pedestrian, foot-soldier' < Sem. *rigl- 'foot' (SED I #228; see 'foot' #3); cf. Hbr. ragal 'foot, leg; one who goes by foot, pedestrian', Pho. mrgl, Jud. rigla? 'footman' (HALOT 1184-6, Tomb. 198).

□ < Afras. *riga/ul- 'limb, leg' (ADB): Brb.: Zenaga ta-rgal, Ghadames ta-rza/el-t 'plume', tu-ragl-a 'gros pédoncule du régime de dattes', Ayr a-rgul 'penis', Ahaggar â-rgal 'queue'; Chad. W.: Angas tu-rgul 'ankle, ankle bone', Tangale argil 'inner side of upper thigh', (?) E.: Mawa dargal, Sokoro dergel, dèrkal 'knee' (if < *dV-rgVl-). Cf. also Egyp. (Pyr.) î?g.t 'hoof (of cow and ass)' (< *% dissimilated < *% < *rlg < *rgl?), (NK) îglt (< *rgl?) 'claw (of lion and bird)' (cf. footnote 54).

42 Comparing this form with Kemant nasaya 'male', D. Appleyard (App. CDA 96) states: "the Xam.[tanga] form is surely related, but the absence of the initial nasal is difficult to explain. Perhaps *nasa- > *ansa- > asa-." In fact, it is easy to explain as reflexes of two different Afras. roots: (?i-)was- and *(?i-)nas- (see #5).

43 With a couple of surprising parallels in C. Chad.: Ouldem gùbàr 'homme, mari, adulte' (an Arabism?), Ba-chama gboara 'person' (ADB) and S. Brb.: Ahaggar a-jabbar 'homme géant de l'époque préhistorique' (Fouc. 709), E Tawllemmet ajobbar id. (j < *g is possible; one wonders if this could be an Arabism, which would be somewhat strange from the historical point of view, or a loan from Punic), jâbbâr 'ê. adulte' (Aloj. 83).

44 Cf. Bnd. Om. 206, where the quoted Ari and Hamar forms are united with Galila yinc and Dime nic, nith 'child'. However natural such an agglomeration of similarly looking terms with the same meaning may seem, I prefer to relate the Galila and Dime forms to a different Omot. root *7inc-, also including Ongota ?inta, hinta and N. Omot.: Mao êntê / êntê 'man' (quoted by Fleming), to be related, for phonetic reasons (Omot. reflexes of Afras. *c are still not clear), with Sem. *?ant-at- 'woman', reconstructing Afras. *?a/inc- 'man, woman, child' (ADB).

(7) Gez. ba?as-z' // also 'male, husband, someone', ba?aszi 'woman', Tgr. ba?as 'husband' (LGz 83). No Sem. cognates.

□ < Afras. *bV?Vs- 'son, boy, coeval' (ADB): Chad. W.: Siri be?sz' 'son, boy', C.: Tera baso^ka (< *beso-n-k?) 'boys'; Cush. C.: Kemant baas 'beget, become father', S.: Qwadza bo?os-zko 'friend' (HRSC 138), Dahalo boso?o (met.) 'friend of same age, coeval'; N. Omot.: Dawro bzsa 'brother', Malo bzsa 'child', Yemsa bu?sa (pl.) 'boys', Kafa buso 'boy, son', Mocha bus(o) 'child', Bworo (Shinasha) busoo 'son'.

(8) Gez. fad (syn.) // also 'male, husband', pl. fadaw, ?afadâw 'men, people' (LGz 56). Likely < Sem. *fz/add- 'assembly, gathering of people, community': Ugr. fdi 'assembly' (DUL 1512), Hbr. fêdâ 'assembly; gang; national, legal and cultic communities' (HALOT 789-90), Arb. fzdd- 'grand nombre, foule, grand quantité; ami, camarade; pareil, égal' (BK 2 187), Tgr. fÀ'd 'tribe (i.e. the own tribe), family, people, village, country', Tna. faddz 'country, village; people' (LGz 56; contra Dolg. 148, the Eth. forms are not Cushitisms).

□ < Afras. *fV(n)d- 'community, tribe, (member of) clan, person' (ADB): Brb. *yudaw-'(gathering of) people; companions, relatives': Nefusa y-ud-ân, Sokna ud-ân, Iznassen z-ud-an, etc. 'people', Zenaga eddzya 'famille, parents', Ayr, E. Tawllemmet zdaw 'faire compagnie (avec); aller ensemble; se réunir', zdawfli 'rassemblement de pers.', a-m-zdz 'compagnon, ami'; C. Chad.: Gude nda, Tera ndz-fya, Musgu dz-f, pl. daz, Gidar da-f, pl. dz 'person' (acc. to O. Stolbova, -f in Musgu and Gidar is a suffix of singularity; cf. also Mbara ?wdà 'nomadic Fulani keeping sheep'); Cush. N.: Beja o-?andoa 'clan, tribe, village', ?éenda 'people' (C.: Bi-lin fad 'tribe' is likely < N. Eth.), E.: Saho endaa 'clan, tribe, family', Somali fzd 'people, community, tribe, family' (less likely < Eth.), (?) Oromo daadoo 'cooperative work', Arbore ?edan 'people', Sidamo aydde 'family'; S.: Asa ?zdo-k 'man' (unless < *hz/ud-); Omot. N.: Malo adde, Koyra ade, etc. 'man, male', Yemsa ad-, Mao (Diddesa) ondu 'family', Gofa zndo, Gamo ?zndo, etc. 'woman, female', Oyda, Male ?zndo, etc. 'mother', S.: Ari ?eed, Hamer eedz 'person', Dime ?zndzda 'wife' (cf. Bla. Om. comparing aslo W. Rift *hed- 'person' and C. Chad. forms in h- more likely constituting another root, *hz/ud-).

(9) Tna. sÀ'b?ay; Amh. sÀ'b, sÀ'wu, Arg. su, sÀ'wy; Gaf. sÀ'wwÀ'; Har. usu? (< *sub?); Wol. sÀ'b; Cha. sÀ'b // < Eth. *sab?-: Gez. sab? 'persons, men, people, mankind' (LGz 482), Tgr. sÀ'b (sÀ'ba?-when with suffixes) 'men, people' (LH 182). Likely connected (borrowed from? or into?) with the ethnonym 'Saba': Akk. (Ass.) Sab?aya (HALOT 1381 after S.Parpola), Hbr. sabâ?, a people and a kingdom in South Arabia (ibid.), sabâ?-zm 'Sabaeans' (ibid. 1382), Arb. sabfl 'nom d'un peuple du Yémen' (BK 1 1049; note the absence of -?); cf. also Mhr. habû 'people' (possibly < *sabV?-; quoted in Gz 482 with reference to Bittner who "expresses doubts concerning this comparison"; absent in JM)45.

□ There are parallels, perhaps haphazard, in Chad. W.: Siri subwnz 'person', C.: Jimijimen sobagz (-gz suffix?) 'friend', Daba sàbàn 'parente, clan, la race' (ADB).

(10) Amh. wÀ'nd (syn.) // < Sem. *wa1d- 'child' (v. Kog. DD), *w1d 'to bear, give birth to' (LGz 613).

□ < Afras. *wa1ad- ~ *wada1- ~ *dawa1- 'child; young' (ADB): Chad. W.: Dera dwal 'small', Tangale dele 'a younger brother, sister', C.: Dghwede dawale 'new', Malgwa dflwale 'young', Glavda dfllfl 'new, young', E.: Mokilko dflàlà 'new', Mawa dwal 'young girl'; E. Cush.:

45 Cf. Arb. sub?at- 'long voyage' (BK 1 1040; unless < Sab.), Sab. sib?-t 'expedition, undertaking, journey' (same in Qatabanian), s1b? 'militant', s-ib?y-n 'warrior (?)', ts1b?t 'participants (in a military expedition)' (SD 122) and, perhaps, Mhr. satbu '(of a tired and thirsty desert traveller) to move a little and then rest' (JM 341); it is unclear if these forms allow a reconstruction of *sVb?-, meaning something like 'traveller, member of a (military) expedition', which may be also compared with the present root.

Bayso wodala 'young man', Sidamo wedel-icco 'young (of animals)', wedella 'young man, young woman', Kambatta wadal-iccu 'young man', etc.

(11) Sod. mass (syn.) // Arg. mis 'husband', Har. mis 'fellow', etc. No Sem. cognates that I could find.

□ < Afras. *mVs- 'male, husband' (ADB): Brb.: Zenaga o-massan 'mâle (animal, plante)'; Chad. W.: Angas mu/is 'male, husband', Sura mis, Mupun, Ankwe mis 'man, husband', Chip mis 'man', Galambu mi musi, pl. masana 'man, husband', Guruntum masi (suppletive plural of mar 'man'), Boghom mees 'person, man', W. Bade msan, Ngizim masak 'husband', etc., C.: Muyang mis 'person, male', Kotoko màsa 'husband'46; cf. N. Omot.: Chara masnâ, Yemsa mâs-k-àsu 'woman' (interpreted in Bnd. Om. 177 as 'female -k- person'), Anfillo temisen, Bworo misà 'sister', Nao moskn 'woman'.

(12) Hrs. yayg; Mhr. yayg; Jib. yeg; Soq. îayg // Cf. Mhr. yiggen 'boy', yaggët 'big girl' (JM 147) derived from the same root47. For highly tentative connections outside MSA, cf. a proper name in Hbr. îôg 'Og, Amorite king of Busun', Pho. îg (in hîg... h?dr 'the powerful Og'), a god of the underworld (?), etc. (compared with the MSA terms in HALOT 794; add Arb. îûj- 'Oudj, fils d'Ouk, n. pr. d'un homme d'une taille gigantesque, qui, dit-on, a vécu depuis Adam jusqu'à Moise' BK 2 399).

(13) Soq. horis (syn.) // Composed from hor 'black' and res 'head' (LS 193), according to Müller, who refers to a similar word combination in Akk. salmat kakkadi 'men' ('black-headed'). An alternative etymology is < Sem. *har(a)s- 'wise, skillful person; craftsman': Akk. ersu 'wise' (CAD e 314), Ugr. hrs 'craftsman, manual worker' (DUL 370), Hbr. haras, Pho. hrs 'craftsman' (HALOT 358).

^ Common West Semitic: *(?i-)nas- (#5).

52. many

(1) Akk. madu; Ugr. m?ud, ma?du // < Sem. *mV?ad- 'many, much': Hbr. ma?öd 'very' (HALOT 538).

□ < Afras. *mV?Vd- 'big, many, entire, all' (ADB)48: (?) Copt. *mity.at (EDE III 708 after Vy-cichl; if < a hypothetical Egyp. *md.t); Brb. *i-mdu/aH- 'be complete, whole': Ghadames imda 'all', amdu, Ahaggar amdu 'ê. entier', etc.; Chad. C.: Daba madày 'big, large', E.: Fianga modo 'big', Mokilko mèedâ 'big' (fem.) and 'hundred', Kajakse emadi 'many' (and very likely Somrai, Gabri, Dormo moid 'ten'); E. Cush.: Afar made 'be full', Darasa madadi-nke 'all'; Omot. N.: Dizi mad- 'very', S.: Ari müda 'all'.

46 Cf. EDE III 613-17, where the above forms are quoted indiscriminately under Afras. *m-S- (with a question mark) together with Chad. forms in -z/z (Tacacs wonders if they reflect a hypothetical Afras. *j), and all of them are tentatively compared to Egyp. ms? (OK) 'Heer, Truppen' (with s reflecting the Afras. lateral sibilant). Though the latter comparison is quite plausible semantically, it is not proper from the phonetic side, since the Chad. forms with voiceless sibilants are not lateral (cf. St. 2007); as for such Chad. forms as *mij/j-, they should be treated separately together with Omot. N.: Sezo maj 'man' (EDE III 616) and S.: Dime ?amz 'woman' (Bnd. Om. 220).

47 For possible Afras. parallels, cf. W. Chad. reconstructed by O. Stolbova in ADB as *nV-gaw- (one wonders if it can be reconstructed as *jgaw-, j- reflecting *?- or *y-): Sura ygi 'man', Angas go, Karaekare jga, Ngamo rjgo 'person'; S. Omot.: Hamar ajg, Ari ajgi, ay", ang, etc. 'man' (ADB). Since Chad., Cush. and Omot. reflexes of Afras. *y are some of the weakest points of comparative Afrasian phonology, it is unclear if Afras. *yayg- can be reconstructed on such evidence.

48 See the entire spectrum of etymological opportunities in EDE III 708-10; what I cannot agree with is the reconstruction by Takacs of such an Afras. proto-form as *m-t ~ *m-d 'many': separating such roots as distinctly as possible (marking, of course, all cases of the regular shift *d > t or *t > d, if any) and only thereafter making a cross-reference to variant roots is methodologically the only correct way to treat such an entangled and evasive phenomenon as root variation.

(2) Hbr. rab; Pho. rb; Urm. rab- // < Sem. *rabb- 'big', see big #1.

□ There are scattered but unequivocal Afras. parallels (ADB): Chad. W.: Hausa rzzbfl, rwbà 'multiply, exceed' (cf. also rabflbfl 'in large quantity'), C.: Bura rzbrzbu 'many'; S. Omot.: Ongota arba 'big'.

(3) Bib. saggz?; Pal. saggz; Syr. saggz // < Sem. *sg? 'to be numerous, large' (with an interesting reduplication of the second radical in Arm. and esp. Arb.: possibly conveying the semantics of plurality or largeness?): Hbr. sg? 'to grow' (HALOT 1305), sgy 'to increase, become large' (ibid. 1306), Arb. sajawjâ?- 'très grand, très haut' (BK 1 1196)49.

(4) Mnd. naps- // No suggestions other than a non-trivial development from other meanings of the same word — 'soul, personality, self' (DM 285) < Sem. *nap(z)s- 'soul, person, etc.' < *nps 'to breathe' (SED I Verb #46).

□ < Afras. nVfVs- 'breathing': Brb.: Ahaggar unfas 'breath', Izayan unfus id., naffas 'breathe'; Chad. W.: Hausa nwmfflsâ (and Zwmfflsâ with dissimilation? Cf. also Sha lufwos 'breathe') 'breathe; rest', Daffo-Butura nafos 'breathe' (in principle, the Brb. and W. Chad. terms can be Arabisms, but this seems less likely to me), C. (met.): Mofu -safn-, Musgu swmfa id., etc.; E. Cush.: Saho nafse 'breathing' (more likely < Eth.), Boni neefso 'breathe', Rendille nefsz 'breath', nefso, nefs-flda 'breathe' (not necessarily < Eth.).

(5) Qur. kaizr-; Leb. kizr; Mec. kaizyr // Most likely < Sem. *kir 'fit, achieve, be optimal, plentiful, etc.' (cf. also Kog. DD): Akk. kasâru '(1) to repair (ruined or damaged walls, buildings, etc.), (2) to succeed, achieve, (3) to replace, compensate' (CAD k 284-5, given as three unrelated roots), Ugr. kir 'skillful' and 'vigour, good health' (DUL 471, two different entries; cf. also kiri, goddesses who preside over childbirth, ibid. 472; could this be goddesses of fertility or "abundance"?), Hbr. ksr 'to be proper', kzsron 'skill, success, profit, advantage' HALOT503), etc.

□ < Afras.? Perhaps related to Egyp. (OK) ii?? (< *kcr? Eg. i renders *kz/u, and i can be < *c) 'Eigenschaft von der Macht des Konigs' (EG V 411; compared with Sem. in EDE I 317). One wonders if the Arb. term (or all of the abovelisted forms if they do indeed reflect the same root; if so, with the primary meaning 'be many, plentiful') is derived, with the extension -r of unclear function (see, however, Mil RE 122-4), from Afras. *(?z-)kac- (ADB): Sem.: Akk. kasÂsu 'be massive'; C. Chad.: Mbara koco 'many, much'; Cush. N.: Beja kass 'all' (or assim. < kars, kflrzs id., which, in turn, can be a metathesis < *kacr-?), C.: Khamta ek-sÀ'i 'many', E.: Harso zkzsa 'many'.

(6) Mlt. hafna // < Sem. *hVpn- 'hollow of the hand, handful; fist': Hbr. hopnayzm (dual) 'the hollow of both hands', etc. (SED I #125). No reliable Afras. cognates.

(7) Sab. ?hny // The only parallel that I could find is Arb. hny IV 'pondre, déposer une grande quantité d'oeufs (se dit des sauterelles); av. une végétation très-riche (se dit d'un pré)' (BK 1 643). No Afras. parallels50.

(8) Gez. bazuh; Tna. bazuh; Tgr. bazuh; Amh. bazu; Har. bfljzh; Wol. bazzz; Cha. bazÀ' // Related to Arb. bazft- 'abondance (de biens)' (LGz 117, DRS 54)51 .

(9) Arg. nabbur // < Sem. *nbr 'to elevate, raise, place atop'52: Amh. annÀ'babbÀra 'to heap, pile up' (LArg 215), Gez. nabara 'to sit, stay, live, etc.' (with a semantic shift that is somewhat

49 Obviously related to C. Cush.: Bilin siig y- and Khamir cag- 'be plenty' (Dolg. 120 reconstructs *cV[w]g-, comparing these Agaw forms with unrelated Beja saw- and some Omot. words, but, for some reason, overlooking the comparison with Sem. *sg?-).

50 Cf. what may be a variant Afras. root *hin-: Egyp. (Gr.) hn 'grow' and E. Chad.: Lele hin- 'increase' (ADB).

51 The only similar-looking forms (perhaps look-alikes) that I could unearth are in E. Chad.: Kabalai peja, Nanchere baja 'many'.

strange for the main verbal stem), tanabara 'to be placed (one thing upon another)', manbar 'seat, chair, high place, pulpit, throne' (LGz 383-4), Arb. nbr 'élever, exhausser (une chose); grandir, av. grandi (se dit d'un petit garçon)', minbar- 'estrade, place un peu élevée au déssus du sol; chaire, prône où se place l'imam ou un khatib pour réciter la prière ou haranguer le peuple' (BK 2 1183), Hbr. pB, Jud. nbr '(of the swine) to turn the ground up with the snout' (Ja. 870), Syr. nbr 'excitavit (terram)' (Brock. 412), perhaps also Akk. nëberu 'ferry, ford, crossing; ferryboat' (CAD n2 145). No Afras. parallels.

(10) Gaf. täbbä, täbwä // also 'ê. abondant' (LGaf 240), presumably a non-trivial semantic shift < Eth. *tbî 'to be courageous': Gez. tabîa 'to be brave, courageous, manly, strong, etc.' (LGz 569-70), Tgr. tä^a, Tna. täb?e, Amh. Gur. täbba 'to be courageous'. Perhaps related to Akk. tebû 'aufstehen, sich ergeben, etc.', tëbû 'Insurgent' (AHw 1342). No Afras. parallels.

(11) Sod. yädank // "Probably for yädamk, jussive of dämmäkä 'to be beautiful, pretty'" (LGur 680); if true, < Sem. *dmk (ibid. 209). No Afras. parallels.

(12) Hrs. meken; Mhr. mëken; Jib. mekan // < *me-ken, cf. Soq. kaan, kayhan id. (related to the Mhr. and Jib. forms in JM 264; not on Kogan's list). Likely related to Arb. k?n 'ê. fort; devenir fort et gros' (BK 2 850)53.

(13) Soq. di-lak // Related to Eth.: Gez. lahakä 'grow' (cf. lik, Tgr., Tna, Amh. lik 'chief'), Amh. lakä 'grow', tallak 'big' (< *ta-llak?), Gurage *lakä 'be superior, grow, etc.' (LGur 381). No Afras. parallels.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *mVlad- (#1).

53. meat

(1) Akk. sîru; Pho. sir // both also 'flesh' < Sem. *silr- 'flesh' (SED I #238).

□ < Afras. *sVlur- (ADB): Chad. W.: Ngizim sâurâk 'long stripes of dried meat', pl. saurarin (< *sawr-), C.: Kulung asâra 'meat, flesh', E.: Kera ku-sur 'body'; E. Cush.: Arbore sora 'meat'.

(2) Ugr. bsr; Hbr. basar; Bib. basar; Pal. besar; Syr. besr-; Mnd. bisr-; Urm. bisr-; Gaf. bäsärä; Sod. bäsär; Har. bäsär; Wol. bäsär; Cha. bäsär // < Sem. *bisr- ~ *basar- 'flesh, (human) body; skin' (SED I #41).

□ The only etymological guess I can make is that the meaning 'skin', attested in Arb. and MSA, is the primary one here, so the root can be compared, assuming the extension -r, with such forms as Sem.: Arb. (Syrian) bassas 'couper menu (viande, etc.)'; Brb.: Ghadames bzar 'to be peeled' (note preservation of -r); (?) E. Chad.: W. Dangla bèèsè 'faire une coupure de la peau au couteau', E. Dangla bésé 'scarifier, faire une entaille dans la chair' (if Afras. *-c can yield Dangla -s in non-initial position; acc. to St. 2007 8, Afras. *c- in the initial position yields Dangla c-); Cush. C.: Khamir bas- 'to make an incision in the skin, tattoo', (?) E.: Somali bus-e 'chaff', S.: Ma?a buse 'skin', all < Afras. *bac(-Vr)- 'skin; to (cut) skin' (ADB).

(3) Qur. lahm-; Leb. lahm; Mec. laham; Mlt. laham- // < Sem. *lahm- 'food': Ugr. lhm 'to eat', 'grain, bread; food, meat', Hbr. lähäm, Syr. lahm- 'bread', etc. (v. in DUL 495, 497; HALOT 500).

□ Cf. tenable parallels in Chad. W.: Hausa lamàmë 'k of gruel', lamai 'tuwo', Mburku laamù, Guruntum làâm 'meat', E.: Bidiya kà-lâamo 'meat-lover' (ADB).

(4) Hrs. tewi; Mhr. tîwi; Jib. tel; Soq. te // < Sem. *tiw/y 'to eat' (see eat #5).

52 Perhaps with a fossilized n-prefix < Afras. *bVr- 'big' (see a variety of derived terms in EDE II 9-10).

53 Note E. Cush.: Oromo ikkaan, Dirasha kaan- 'big', unless a chance coincidence, implying Afras. *ka?n-'many, big'.

□ < Afras. *iz?aw- 'eat': Egyp. i? (Pyr.) 'bread'; Brb. *iaii 'eat' (habitative); Chad. W.: Hausa iwwo 'tuwo', cz, Bolewa iz-, Dera iwz/a, Geruma izz-, Jimbin iz, iaa, Tule cz/sz, Daffo-Butura cuh, Ngizim ifl 'eat (soft food)', C.: Lame -iz'-, Masa iâ, etc. 'eat', E.: Dangla ie, Migama iz'-yflw, Birgit iwwà, izya 'eat (soft food)'; N. Cush.: Beja izyu 'eat'; N. Omot.: Yemsa ia?- 'eat' (pl.), Gimira (Bench) iya?- 'eat (of carnivores)'.

0 Gez. sagâ; Tna. saga; Tgr. saga; Amh. saga < C. Cush. (see in LGz 526). The only tenable explanation for Arg. jÀ'w, having no parallels in Sem., is a loan from C. Cush., in spite of phonetic differences, cf. Khamir zzyaa, Qwara zeyaa 'meat', etc. No term in Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *sz?r- (#1). Common West Semitic: *bzsr- ~ *basar- (#2).

54. moon

(1) Akk. warhu; Ugr. yrh; Hbr. yÂrëBh; Pho. yrh; Gez. wÀ'rh; Tna. warh-z; Tgr. wÀ'rah; Har. wahrz; Wol. warz // < Sem. *warh- 'moon'54.

(2) Pal. shr; Syr. sahr-; Mnd. szr-; Urm. sahr- // < Sem. *sahr- 'new moon': Arb. sahr-, Gez. sahr, Jib. sehar, etc. (v. LGz 528).

□ < Afras. *ca/zhar- 'night celestial body: moon, star' (ADB): Chad. *sVHVr- 'star': W.: Ankwe sum-sar (sum is 'sky'), Boot saàr, Guus syààr, Kulere szsz'rz, C.: Mbara mzx-zèr (St. 2007 #289). There is also S. Cush. *sa/zh- 'moon': Iraqw saha^, pl. saheerz, Alagwa, Burunge sehe, Qwadza saha-yzko, Ma?a mszh, but *s- in W. Rift languages, where Afras. *c usually yields *c and Afras. *s yields *s, is unusual. Even if the S. Cush. root is related, the question remains whether it has lost its final *-r or it actually represents the original root without the secondary extension.

(3) Pal. zehar (syn.) // < Sem. *zhr 'to shine' (HALOT 265).

□ < Afras. *ja/zhr- 'night celestial body: moon, star' (a variant root of Afras. *ca/zhar-) together with Brb. *-zzr- 'moon' (ADB): Siwa, Mzab ia-zzrz, Qabyle iz-zzrz, etc., unless the latter continues *ca/zhar-, a problem doomed to remain unsettled, since both Afras. *c and *3 yield Brb. *z.

(4) Qur. kamar-; Leb. ?amar-; Mec. gamar; Mlt. Âmar // The exact meaning in Class. Arb. is 'lune, surtout depuis la troisième jusqu'à la vingt-sixième nuit du mois lunaire' (BK 2 811). Either derived from the verb kmr 'ê. blanc ou blanchâtre, briller' (BK 2 811) or constitutes a primary noun; in the latter case, there are two etymological opportunities, both debatable: (1) < Sem. *kamar 'arch' (implying the association of the crescent moon with an arch): Hbr. pB. kmr 'to bend, arch over', Jud. kmr 'to bend' (Ja. 1387), Gez. kamara 'to build an arch, round off, etc.', kamar 'vault, arch, firmament', Tna. 'to build an arch'; (2) related to Gez. kamar 'moon' (LGz 432), if it is noi an Arabism (contra Leslau), to be further compared to Gez. kammara 'to count, compute, etc.', Tna. kÀ'mÀra 'to compute, reckon by the calendar', Amh. kÀ'mmÀ'ra id. commented upon ibid. as "the verb is perhaps a denominative from kamar 'moon'... which serves in the computation" (ibid.). No Afras. parallels in either case.

54 With no other parallels outside Sem., the only well-known unsophisticated comparison, proposed by various authors and justly doubted by Takacs (in EDE I 280), is to Egyp. i?h 'moon'. However, it may eventually prove to be acceptable; possible proof, the way I see it, should involve painstaking research on positional changes in Egyptian due to full and/or partial consonantal incompatibility (requiring detailed and exact calculations like the ones made by J. Greenberg in his pioneering study on Arabic triconsonantal verbal roots, see Green.) and, in this particular case, in connection with what I suspect to be "rhotal R" in Egyptian conveyed by ? and causing certain positional changes — a hypothesis I am working on.

(5) Amh. çÀ'raka; Arg. çÀ'raka; Gaf. sÀ'rakfl; Sod. dà'rrakka // No etymology proposed in LGur. 632, except for a mention of Cerulli's opinion that the Eth. term is a loan from Beja ierzg id.55 Clearly related to Arb. fânk- 'étoile du matin', the primary meaning being 'a night luminary' (irk 'venir de nuit; faire une sortie de nuit, etc.', iurkai- 'ténèbres' BK 2 75). No Sem. or Afras. parallels for this Eth.-Arb. root.

(6) Cha. bÀ'na // No parallels outside Gur. According to LGur. 146, "it is tempting to identify it with S[elti] and W[olane] wÀ'rz with the alternance r:n:n and with w becoming b", but this etymology, first suggested by Ullendorf ("with reservations" ibid.), is out of the question.

(7) Hrs. hÂrêi; Mhr. h«ni; Jib. ?£rai; Soq. ?ere // < MSA *?ary- 'moon'. Probably related to Sem.: Akk. urru '(heller) Tag' (AHw. 1433), Hbr. ?or 'brightness, daylight; light; dawn' (HALOT 24), Soq. ?érzr 'allumer' (LS 75), etc. (v. DRS 13, where Sem. 'ê. allumé, briller (lumière, feu)' is not compared with MSA *?ar- 'moon')56.

0 No term in Bib. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *warh- (#1).

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Статья является второй частью этимологического разбора, проделанного автором для стословного списка Сводеша по семитским языкам (первая часть была уже опубликована в третьем номере Вопросов языкового родства). Анализу подвергаются еще двадцать элементов списка, для каждого из которых предлагается прасемитская реконструкция и обсуждаются возможные параллели в других языках афразийской семьи.

Ключевые слова: семитские языки, афразийские языки, глоттохронология, лексикоста-тистика.