A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: items 1-34 Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Alexander Militarev Russian State University for the Humanities / Santa Fe Institute

A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 1-34

The paper presents a detailed etymological analysis of the first 34 lexical items on the Swadesh 100-wordlist as attested in most of the living and extinct Semitic languages, aiming at a maximally precise lexical reconstruction of these items for Proto-Semitic as well as intermediate stages (West Semitic, South Semitic, etc.). All the etymologies are meticulously accompanied with evaluations of alternative possibilities of reconstruction, potential external parallels in other Afroasiatic languages, and — occasionally — discussions of a more generally methodological character.

Keywords: Semitic languages, lexicostatistics, Swadesh list, etymology, lexical reconstruction.

This study is the author's second attempt at compiling a complete one hundred wordlist ("Swadesh's List") for most Semitic languages, fully representing all the branches, groups and subgroups of this linguistic family and including the etymological background of every item whenever possible. It is another step toward figuring out the taxonomy and building a detailed and comprehensive genetic tree of said family and, further, of the Afrasian (Afroasiatic) macro-family with all its branches on a lexicostatistical basis.

Several similar attempts, including those by the author (Mil. 2000, Mil. 2004, Mil. 2007 and Mil. 2008), have been made since Morris Swadesh introduced his method of glottochronology (Sw. 1952 and Sw. 1955). In this paper, as well as my previous studies in genetic classification, I rely on Sergei Starostin's method of glottochronology and lexicostatistics (Star.) which is a radically improved and further elaborated version of Swadesh's method. One of the senior American linguists told me he had heard from Swadesh that his goal was "to get the ball rolling". I am absolutely sure that in a historical perspective this goal should be regarded as brilliantly achieved in spite of all criticism, partly justified, of Swadesh's method from various points of view.

That said, it is no secret that Swadesh did not care much about regular sound correspondences, the quality of etymologies or the problem of borrowing (being, in these aspects, very close to the mass comparison method authored by J. Greenberg1) in his diagnostic lists. This negligence toward the fundamental principles of the comparative method was unfortunately

1 Joseph Greenberg, an outstanding American linguist who recently passed away at a respectable age (one of the creators of linguistic typology, a pioneer in the area of root-internal phonotactics as well as plenty of others) introduced this method as a way to envisage the preliminary and approximate genetic classification of linguistic families that comprise a huge number of languages, poorly studied in the comparative aspect, with "relatively little carnage" — without establishing sound correspondences and reconstructing protolanguage states. Endowed with a remarkable intuition, Greenberg has advanced far ahead that path, which cannot be said for most of his followers, few as they are, whose handling of the mass comparison method is as distinct from the much more labor-intensive comparative-historical method (which the Moscow school steadfastly holds on to) as the job of a lumberjack is distinct from that of a jeweler — and thus, somewhat discredits the very idea of distant language affinity in the eyes of the skeptics.

Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 3 (2010) • Pp. 43-78 • © Militarev A., 2010

inherited by most of the students who have so far applied lexicostatistics to Afrasian (V. Blazek being a conspicuous exception). Even those who have claimed to follow these principles practically never adduce consistent etymological arguments in favor of their cognate scoring decisions2. (I regret to say that my own earlier studies, with their scarce and brief etymological remarks and only occasionally reconstructed protoforms, are no exception from this lamentable rule.)

Starostin's method, in my opinion, yields far more coherent results; however, it requires a thorough etymological analysis to distinguish between inherited and borrowed lexemes. His rule concerning the latter is that a loanword, if, of course, reliably qualified as such, (1) when matching the inherited lexeme in a related language, should not be scored as its cognate (or counted as a +), and (2) when not matching the corresponding inherited lexeme in a related language, should not be scored as its non-cognate (or counted as a -), (3) when matching another loanword in a related language, should not be scored as its cognate, and (4) in all the above cases it should be eliminated from the scores (counted as 0), therefore equaling the not infrequent case of a lexeme missing in a given language in a given position on the 100-wordlist.3

This paper is an attempt to meet these requirements to the extent that the present state of comparative Semitic linguistics allows, and supply the scoring choices, wherever possible,

2 In view of these considerations, I was surprised at the publication in the Proceedings of the Royal Society (B — Biological Sciences) of a study, obviously arranged as a novel discovery and a serious breakthrough in scholarship, by Andrew Kitchen, Christopher Ehret, Shiferaw Assefa and Connie J. Mulligan, entitled "Bayesian phylo-genetic analysis of Semitic languages. Supplementary data identifies an Early Bronze Age origin of Semitic in the Near East" (Proc. R. Soc. B published online 29 April 2009). The study refers to a supplement containing a modified version of the Swadesh list that includes 96 words for 25 extant and extinct Semitic languages, compiled by Chr. Ehret and subjected to "Bayesian phylogenetic analysis". While the choice of the most representative lexemes for each language is also fraught with multiple problems, it is the etymological aspect, the basis of the scoring, that serves as argumentation for this or that etymological/scoring decision and is responsible for the resulting genealogical tree and the chronology of branching for a given linguistic phylum. Without this argumentation, the application of any methods, be it Bayesian-based phylogenetics, or the old Swadesh or Starostin methods or any others, no matter how advanced and sophisticated, remains fruitless: it is calculating nothingness. Being well acquainted with Prof. Ehret's work, I am more than assured that, when (and if) his etymological/scoring argumentation comes to light, there will be an enormous number of debatable — and objectable — issues; I am fully prepared to participate in these debates. Until this has happened, I can regard the sensational study in question only in a Shakespearean light, as "much ado about nothing". Another detail that struck me was the absence of several of my studies on the subject (SED I, XV—xvi, etc.) from the list of sources referred to. This is more than strange, not only because of the incompleteness of references, but also in view of the fact that some of the non-trivial results, presented in the quoted paper and obtained in my studies, surprisingly coincide in regard to both classification and chronology.

3 A conclusion to which both of us, Starostin and myself, came independently and, surprisingly, simultaneously (somewhere around 1984) after much hesitation and checking. I was finally convinced by the following: Tigre and Amharic, although undoubtedly belonging to the same (Ethiopian) group of Semitic, yielded incoherent results when compared lexicostatistically with Jibbali or Mehri: Tigre showed a much closer cognation with the latter languages than Amharic. That was simply impossible: a well-known Russian-Jewish joke tells us that the distance from Zhmerinka to Odessa cannot be longer than the distance from Odessa to Zhmerinka. The absurd situation that first seemed a deadblock for the whole method, cleared up only after I had eliminated the loanwords from the Ethiopian lists: 13 or 14 Cushitisms from Amharic (wussa 'dog', tatta 'drink', joro 'ear', laba, laboba 'feather', asa 'fish', tagur 'hair', gulbat 'knee', awwaka 'to know', saga 'meat', tannas 'small', dangay 'stone', cara 'tail', zaf 'tree', probably waha 'water') and only four Cushitisms (cagar 'feather', ?asa 'fish', cagar 'hair', saga 'meat') and one Arabism (nafar 'person') from Tigre. The lists, now reduced to 86-87 (Amharic) and 95 (Tigre) items, showed quite an even result for Amharic and Tigre, on one hand, and Jibbali and Mehri, on the other. The distance between Odessa and Zhmerinka turned out to be the same from both ends, and the method was — luckily, not posthumously — rehabilitated.

with explicit etymologies based on a clear and complete set of regular sound correspondences, at least in the area of consonantism. Compared with my previous paper dealing with the same 34 first items of the list (Mil. 2007), the present version is updated, corrected in some points, sometimes more reliable etymologies are proposed, and more Afrasian data are drawn to the comparison — not only in those cases when these data have to influence a certain etymological decision, but in others as well4.

In my previous papers on glottochronology I have already listed my informants to express my gratitude, and will not repeat that here, but I must reiterate that, for over thirty years, I have been inspired in my work by the prematurely deceased great linguist and my dearest friend Sergei Starostin.

This study was carried out within the frames of several projects: "Featuring early Neolithic man and society in the Near East by the reconstructed common Afrasian lexicon after the Afrasian database" (supported by the Russian Foundation for Sciences), "Semitic Etymological Dictionary" (supported by the Russian Foundation for the Humanities), "Evolution of Human Languages" (supported by the Santa Fe Institute), and "The Tower of Babel" (supported by the Russian Jewish Congress, the Ariel Group and personally Dr. Evgeny Satanovsky). I am highly thankful to all of the supporters. My gratitudes also go to my colleagues and collaborators in different projects — Prof. O. Stolbova (with whom I work on the Afrasian Database within the "Evolution of Human Languages" project, wherefrom I draw most of the data) and Drs. L. Kogan and G. Starostin for consultations and discussions.

The lists below are based on the following main sources (not referred to in the text except for special cases): Akk. — CAD and AHw; Ugr. — DUL and DLU; Hbr. and Bib. — HALOT; Pho. — Tomb.; Pal. — Sok.; Syr. — Brock.; Mnd. — DM; Urm. — Tser. and Sarg.; Qur. — Pen. and BK; Leb., Mlt. — native speakers, Mec. — Sat.; Sab. — SD; Gez. — LGz; Tna. — native speakers and Kane T; Tgr. — a native speaker and LH; Amh. — native speakers, Baet. and Kane A; Arg. — LArg; Gaf. — LGaf; Sod. and Cha. — native speakers and LGur; Har. — a native speaker and LHar; Wol. — LGur; Hrs. — a native speaker and JH; Mhr. — native speakers, JM and Nak.; Jib. — native speakers, JJ and Nak.; Soq. — data collected by Prof. V. Naumkin in Soqotra, LS, JM, JJ and Nak.

The Data.

The data consist of the first 34 items of the "Swadesh 100-word list" (without any modifications and/or replacement of items that, in my opinion, are unnecessary and only multiply difficulties) of 28 Semitic languages representing all groups within the family. Every item consists of an array of synonyms with different etymological origin, each preceded by an entry number in round brackets. Each entry, in its turn, consists of one or several cognate lexemes divided by a semicolon; the etymological comments including, wherever possible, a reconstructed protoform follow after a double slash. Note that for cases when the choice of only one representative lexeme in a language is too difficult, Starostin's procedure allows for several synonyms in the same language to be scored; in this case, synonyms from the same language would be present in two or more entries. Within each item there may occur two kinds of cases which are not scored — borrowings and lack of a corresponding term in the available sources; such cases form a separate section within the item, preceded by the symbol 0.

4 The most significant updating is due to my thorough study of the three volumes of EDE: my critical remarks and disagreement with G. Takacs on quite a few individual etymologies and certain methodological approaches (to follow) do not prevent me from considering this fundamental and, in principle, proper comparative-historical work as one of the most important recent advances in the field of Afrasian linguistics.

The following dates (some of them fairly conventional, some chosen after much hesitation and discussions with specialists in individual languages) have been attributed to individual languages: Akkadian, 1450 B.C.E.; Ugaritic, 1350 B.C.E.; Hebrew, 650 B.C.E.; Phoenician 850 B.C.E.; Biblical Aramaic, 200 B.C.E.; Palestinian Judaic, 200 C.E.; Syrian Aramaic, 200 C.E.; Mandaic, 750 C.E.; Urmian Aramaic 1900; Qur'anic Arabic, 600 C.E.; Lebanese Arabic, 2000; Meccan Arabic, 2000; Maltese Arabic, 2000; Sabaic, 200 B.C.E.; GeTez, 500 C.E.; Tigrai, 2000; Tigre, 2000; Amharic, 2000; Argobba, 2000; Gafat, 1900; Soddo, 2000; Harari, 2000; Wolane, 2000; Chaha, 2000; Harsusi, 2000; Mehri, 2000; Jibbali, 2000; Soqotri, 1950.

Abbreviations of languages, language periods and sources:

Afras. — Afrasian (Afroasiatic, Semito-Hamitic); Akk. — Akkadian; Amh. — Amharic; Arb. — Arabic; Arg. — Argobba; Arm. — Aramaic; BD — Book of the Dead; Brb. — Berber; Bib. — Biblical Aramaic; C. — Central; Chad. — Chadic; Clas. — Classical; Cush. — Cushitic; Dat — Datna Arabic; Dem. — Demotic; Dof. — Dofar; Dyn. — Dynasty; E. — East; Egyp. — Egyptian; ESA — Epigraphic Sout Arabian; Eth. — Ethiopian; Gaf. — Gafat; Gez. — GeTez; Gur. — Gurage; Har. — Harari; Hdr — Hadramaut; HEC — Highland East Cushitic; Hbr. — Hebrew; Hrs. — Harsusi; Jib. — Jibbali (= Shahri); Jud. — Judaic Aramaic; LL = lexical lists; Leb. — Lebanese Arabic; LEC — Lowland East Cushitic; Mlt. — Maltese Arabic; Mec. — Meccan Arabic; Med. — Medical Texts; Mhr. — Mehri; MK — Middle Kingdom; Mnd. — Mandaic Aramaic; Mod. — Modern; MSA — Modern South Arabian; N. — North; NK — New Kingdom; OK — Old Kingdom; Omot. — Omotic; P. — Proto; Pal. — Palestinian Aramaic; pB. — postbiblical; Pho. — Phoenician; Pyr. — Pyramid Texts; Qur. — Qur'anic Arabic; S. — South; Sab. — Sabaic; Sel. — Selti; Sem. — Semitic; Sod. — Soddo; Soq. — Soqotri; Syr. — Syrian Aramaic; Tna. — Tigrinna (= Tigray); Tgr. — Tigre; Ugr. — Ugaritic; Urm. — Urmian Neo-Aramaic; W. — West; Wol. — Wolane.

Transcription and transliteration:

c — alveolar voiceless affricate [ts], j — alveolar voiced affricate [dz], c — palato-alveolar voiceless affricate [ts], j — palato-alveolar voiced affricate [dz], s — hissing emphatic voiceless fricative, c — emphatic voiceless affricate, z — conventionally stands for what was likely d, emphatic voiced interdental, or t, emphatic voiceless interdental, c — palato-alveolar emphatic affricate, s — lateral voiceless fricative, c — lateral voiceless affricate, c — lateral voiceless emphatic affricate, z — lateral voiced emphatic fricative or affricate, z — lateral voiced fricative, k or q — emphatic velar stop, y — uvular voiced fricative (Arabic "ghain"), h — uvular voiceless fricative, h — uvular voiceless fricative (only in Egyptian), h — pharyngeal voiceless fricative, h — laryngeal voiceless fricative, f — pharyngeal voiced fricative, ? — glottal stop, H — unspecified laryngeal or pharyngeal, y — palatal resonant.

1 all:

(1) Akk. kalu; Ugr. kl; Hbr. kol; Pho. kl; Bib. kol; Pal. kwl, kol; Syr. kul; Mnd. kul; Urm. kdl; Qur. kull-; Leb. kdll; Mec. kull; Mlt. kolla; Sab. kll; Gez. kwdllu; Tna. kwdllu; Tgr. kdllu; Amh. hullu; Gaf. ydlhwd (<*ydlkw-, met.); Sod. kulldm; Cha. anndm; Har. kullu; Wol. hulldm; Hrs. kal(l); Mhr. kal; Jib. ka(h)l // < Sem. *kwall-u (cf. in LGz 281).

(2) Arg. muli // < Sem. *mP 'to be full' (v. full No. 1).

(3) Soq. fahere // < Sem. *pahr- 'totality, gathering': Mhr. Jib. fdhrdh 'together' (JM 110, JJ 67), Akk. paharu 'sich versammeln' (AHw 810), 'to assemble, congregate, gather, collect' (CAD p 23), Ugr. phr 'assembly, cluster; group, faction, family' (DUL 669), phyr 'whole, totality'

(DUL 670),5 Pho. m-phr-t 'assembly', ESA: Qatabanian fthr (-t-stem) 'to enter into partnership, associate with' (Ricks Qat. 129).

^ Proto-Semitic6 *kwall-u (#1) < Afras. *kwal- 'all, each, much': (?) Brb.: Ahaggar tu-kld-t 'ê. réuni en masse'; Egyp. (Pyr.) tnw 'each' (<*kVlw?7); W. Chad.: Pero kâlù 'to gather', C. Chad.: Gude kâlà 'every'; C. Cush.: Waag täkäl 'all' (likely <*ta-kal)8; S.: Iraqw kila 'very much, completely', Dahalo ?âkkale 'all'; S. Omot.: Dime kull id. (cf. EDE I 136).

2 ashes:

(1) Akk. tumru; Ugr. Imr (also 'dust' // <*(tV-)Wmr-.9

(2) Hbr. ?epär, Amh. afär // < Sem. *?apar- 'dust, soil; ashes' (v. HALOT 80; LGz 10).

(3) Pho. ?ry (Tom. 29) // < Sem.: Hbr. ?ür 'firelight, fire' (HALOT 25), Arb. ?ry II 'allumer le feu' (BK 1 27), 7irrat- 'feu' (ibid. 22), 7awwara 'enflammer' (ibid. 68), Tgr. 7arwa 'to flame, to blaze' (LH 359).

(4) Pal. ktm; Syr. ketm-; Mnd. gitm-; Urm. kitm- // < Sem. (Arm-Arb.) *kitam-: Arb. katam- 'poussière' (BK 2 675).

(5) Qur. ramäd-; Leb. rmdd; Mec. rumäd; Mlt. drmit // In the absence of direct cognates,10 one wonders whether it may be a metathesis < Sem. *midr- 'dust, dirt': Hbr. pB mädär 'ordure (material used for vessels)' (Ja. 735); Syr. medr- 'gleba (terrae), terra, lutum, pulvis' (Brock. 373); Arb. madar- 'boue sèche et tenace, sans sable' (BK 2 1078), Gez. mddr- 'earth, ground, soil, etc.' (LGz 330), Mhr. mdêr 'Lehmziegel' (Jahn 210), v. LGz 330.

5 Surprisingly overlooked in Kog. Ug. 466, wherein Akk. paharu is referred to as "the only reliable Sem. cognate to the MSA forms." In this respect, I would like to polemicize with my friend and co-author Leonid Kogan whom I consider one of the (if not the) best today's Semitists. This is an example of our long-term controversy about what he regards as "unreliable cognates" — in this case, implicitly, the Phoenician and Qatabanian forms that he does not even quote in the main text, but rather in a footnote. My position is that in such cases, one should strictly observe the "presumption of innocence". What is wrong with the two examples? Or with the fact that both of them represent hapax legomena? They do match the Akkadian form (let alone the Ugaritic and Soqotri ones) perfectly, both phonetically and semantically. Does this assertion cause doubts? Or are there doubts in the philological aspect —about their correct reading or interpretation? If there are, they should be explicitly exposed, otherwise they are invalid. Are there doubts as to their authenticity? If so, any suspicions about their having been borrowed and any suggestions about the source of borrowing should be openly discussed. Are there doubts about the qualifications of the author(s) of the corresponding source if he/she quotes the form in question without a question mark or any other sign of his/her doubts? Could he/she, for some whimsical reason, have forged the form in question, deliberately adjusting it to match the "reliable cognates"? Or can this affinity be the result of a chance coincidence? Perhaps there is some other rational justification that I have overlooked — besides the simple intuitive mistrust of the philologist, which is eventually of the same nature as the mutual mistrust that is often felt between students of "classical" literary ancient languages and those of non-literary modern living languages towards the data of each other. If not — what is the point of this self-restrictive overcautiousness?

6 By "Proto-Semitic", which I use in a somewhat conventional opposition to "Common Semitic" (see n. 10) I refer to a term represented in all the main branches of Semitic, according to my genealogical classification based on lexicostatistics: South Sem. (MSA), North Sem. (Akkadian), and West Sem. (all the rest).

7 Tentatively compared in Vyc. 216 with tr 'number' (since the 20th Dyn.) with the following comment: "The writing tnw: trw speak in favor of reading as *tlw".

8 Cf. PNAgaw *t-ahdr/-dhdr 'aunt', a fem. derivative with prefixed -t (App CDA 26).

9 These two forms, undoubtedly related, are not compared either in AHw 1370 or in DUL 165 where the Ugr. term is viewed as having no definite etymology; direct, if tentative, comparisons (ibid.) with ?pr 'polvo, tierra' and other Hbr. and Arb. terms are unacceptable unless viewed as instances of m : p root variation, which in this case, however, is hardly possible to prove or disprove (on this phenomenon v. Maizel and SED I pp. lx-lxiii).

10 Note what can be viewed as a variant root: Arb. rubd-at- 'colour of ash, ashen'; cf. also Hausa rubudi 'hot fine ash' (an Arabism?).

(6) Gez. hamad; Tna. hamäkwdsti or hamäd kwdsti;n Tgr. hamäd; Amh. amäd (syn.); Arg. hamäd; Sod. Cha. amäd; Har. hamäd; Wol. amäd // From the semantic point of view, more likely < Sem. *hmd (in which case h- in Gez. must be treated as a purely graphic variant of *h-): Arb. hmd 'cesser de flamber (se dit du feu, quand la flamme s'éteint, quoqu'il y ait encore des tisons qui brûlent)' (BK 1 630), Mhr. hdmüd 'to be extinguished, burnt out' (JM 443), Jib. hod 'to extinguish; to be extinguished' (JJ 301); very probably also Hbr. pB. hmd 'to produce shrivelling by heat' (Ja. 475). Somewhat less likely < Sem. *hmd 'to be hot' represented by Arb. hmd 'être intense (se dit de la chaleur)', hamadat- 'pétillement du feu qui brûle' (BK 1 488) and Dat. hamad 'to be hot, burn' (quoted in LGz 232 together with Arb. hmd).12

(7) Tgr. rämäc ('hot ashes', syn.);13 Mhr. ramz; Jib. remc // < Sem. *rams- 'hot ashes', *rms 'to burn' (v. LGz 470).

◊ Hrs. remëd, Mhr. rmid; Jib. rid and Soq. rimid are rather Arabisms than original retentions; no terms for 'ashes' found in the available sources for Bib., Sab. and Gaf.

^ Common Semitic 1:14 *(tV-)Wmr- (#1). The only plausible, if isolated, parallel is W. Chad.: S. Bauchi *m/qururj- 'ashes' (cf. EDE III 244), probably <*muruH- and consequently < *mur<t-: Jum mùrur, Mangas mwurùn and rûrur, Kir mwurr and rûrdr. Common Semitic 2: *rams- (#7).

Common Semitic debatable15 (# 2) *7apar- < Afras. *far- 'dry soil': Egyp. (Pyr.) fi.t 'dust (?); W. Chad.: Hausa fàra, C. Chad.: Gaanda fir-tà, Boka fur-tà 'ground', E. Chad.: Mokilko pùùré 'dust'; E. Cush.: LEC: Dasenech faara 'clay' (ADB)16.

3 bark:

(1) Akk. kuliptu, kulpu; Hbr. kdlippä; Syr. kdläpdt-; Urm. kalpa; Hrs. kelfët; Mhr. kalifüt; Soq. kalifoh // < Sem. *kal(i)p- (v. in LGz 427).

(2) Mnd. masik- // < Sem. *ma/isk- 'skin' (v. in SED I No. 190).

(3) Leb. 7isri; Mec. gisra; Jib. kasrot // < Sem. (Arb.-Eth.) *kVsr-: Gez. kassara 'to peel, scrape, take off scales', kzssär 'fish scales, shell' (LGz 448).

(4) Gez. ldhs; Tna. ldhsi; Tgr. ldhds; Amh. ldt; Arg. lihinto; Har. inçi ldhit ('thin bark of tree'); Wol. ldççaçe // A deverbal noun < Common Eth. *lhs 'to peel, bark' (LGz 312), likely < Sem. *lhs/hls 'to draw off, peel': Arb. lahhasa 'épurer en séparant les parties moins propres; enlever, tirer, extraire la partie la plus pure et la meilleure' (BK 2 980), Akk. haläsu 'to press, squeeze out; clean by combing' (CAD h 40), Hbr. hälas 'to draw off', pB. 'to take off (shoe)' (HAL 321), (nif.) 'to be peeled off (skin)' (Ja. 472), Jud. halas 'to take off, undress' (ibid.

11 kmssti is a variant stem of kmaskmasa 'to stir, poke, revive, relight a fire, to shake cinders, ash from a firebrand' (Kane T 966-7; cf. Bulakh Dis. 119-120).

12 Cf. Kog. Eth. 379 ("None of the two alternative etymological approaches to this Proto-Ethiopian root outlined by Leslau is fully convincing"), where Hbr. pB. hmd 'to produce shrivelling by heat' and Akk. hamadiru 'shrivelled or withered' (CAD h 57; the form has an affixed fossilized -r, v. Mil RE) are compared not to Arb. hmd 'to subside (of fire)', which is more attractive in view of Akk. h-, but to Arb. hmd and hamadat, which implies an irregular, though not unattested correspondence: Akk. h vs. Arb. h.

13 Borrowed into C. Cush. Aungi areméc 'embers' (App. CDA 61).

14 What I conventionally call "Common Semitic" are cognate terms — provided they are definitely "above suspicion" of having been borrowed — represented at least in two of the three branches of Semitic (at least in one language of each branch).

15 On such cases as Hbr. 7epar, Amh. afar, when a similar meaning evolution from a different meaning of the common proto-form seems quite transparent, see note 18.

16 The Egyp. word (meaning debatable) is tentatively compared in EDE II 553 with Sem. *?apar— *?apar-'sand' (two different roots, comparable as variants) and Mokilko.

473). It is hard to say whether -h- in the Gez. root is a graphic variant of *h or reflects Sem. *h; cf. what looks like two variant roots with h vs. h in Arb., both probably with the underlying meaning 'bark': lhs 'av. la paupière de l'oeil supérieur très charnue' (BK 2 980) and lahas- 'contraction de la paupière supérieure, au point qu'il s'y forme des plis' (ibid. 974). Cf. Kog. Eth. 377.

(5) Tna. kwdrbat (syn.; also 'skin, rind, peel') // < Sem. (Arb.-Eth.) *kwirb-at-: Arb. kirbat- 'grande outre à lait ou à eau faite d'une seule peau cousue au milieu' (BK 2 704), Gez. kwdrbâbit 'leather bag' (LGz 440), Amh. korbat 'skin'.

(6) Tgr. kardf (syn.); Amh. karfit (syn.); Sod. karfit (syn.); Har. karfit ('hard bark of tree') // < Sem. (Arb.-Eth.) *kVrp-: Arb. kirf- 'bark (n.)', krf 'to peel' (v. LGz 441).

(7) Sod. kana, Cha. kara // only Gur.17

◊ Mlt. barka is a lw., likely < English; no terms in Ugr., Pho., Bib., Pal., Qur., Sab. and Gaf. Note: *kal(i)p-, *kVrp- and *kwirb-at- are scored differently as they go back to three different variant roots as early as in Afras. For *kVrp- ~ *pVrk- cf. Brb.: E. Tawllemmet e-fârây 'coquille'; W. Chad. *kwarip-: Tsagu korope, Barawa kworap, Wangday kworip 'bark'; Egyp. (Med.) p?k-t 'shell (of turtle, skull)' (v. EDE II 403-4); and, perhaps, E. Cush.: Somali fuuruq 'smallpox' (met. and a meaning shift 'bark' > 'scab'); for *kwirb-at-, C. Chad.: Mandara kwàlàbàa 'bark' (possibly < *kwarab-), N. Cush.: Beja kurbe 'skin' (<*kurb-), Omot.: Male kurubi 'bark', etc. (ADB).

^ Proto-Semitic: kal(i)p- (#1) < Afras.*kalp-: E. Cush. *kolf-: Somali qolof, Konso qolfa 'bark', Oromo qolofa 'foreskin', Gawwada qoffol 'bark' (met.).

4 belly:

(1) Akk. karsu; Syr. kars-; Mnd. kars-; Urm. ki(r)s-; Tgr. karsat; Arg. kars, hars; Gaf. arsa, Sod. kars; Har. karsi; Hrs. kërds; Mhr. kïras; Jib. sirs // < Sem. *kar(i)s- (SED I No. 151).

(2) Ugr. kbd (?); Gez. kabd; Tna. kabdi; Tgr. kabdd (syn.), Amh. hod // < Sem. *kabid(-at)-,18 v. in liver No. 2.

(3) Hbr. batan; Qur. batn-; Leb. batan; Mec. batin // < Sem. *batn- (SED I No. 42).

(4) Bib. *md?ë (pl. suff. mdîohï) // < Sem.: Hbr. mëîayim (pl.) 'entrails', Arb. maSy- 'intestins', etc. (SED I No. 185).19

(5) Wol. dal; Cha. dan // according to LGur 210, "represents dal" with the l ~ n variation; if, indeed, < *dal 'abdomen, belly, stomach, interior' (including Selti dalmut 'intestine') ibid., these forms are related to Amh. (Gondar) dulat 'mets de tripes de chèvre ou de mouton' and Arb. dawlat- 'jabot, gésier' (DRS 235) going back to Sem. (Arb.-Eth.) *dawl- 'stomach, interior'. If, otherwise, the Gur. forms represent dan, they should be compared to redupli-

17 Tentatively compared in LGur 344 to E. Cush. Burji kan-oo 'bark', which can hardly be a source of borrowing into Gur. One wonders whether Sidamo konnonna id. could be such a source, with k- rendered as k- in Gur.

18 The treatment of such cases is a serious problem for lexicostatistics: on one hand, it seems obvious that the shift from 'liver' to 'belly' in Ugr. and Proto-Eth. should be estimated as two independent processes, not reflecting a common inherited feature; following this logics, the Ugr. and Eth. forms should be scored as unrelated which, however, would have looked strange. On the other hand, 'belly' could have been a secondary meaning of *kabid-as early as in Proto-West Sem., accounting for the later semantic shift in both Ugr. and Proto-Eth. caused by this inherited common feature and allowing to score them as related.

19 There are isolated parallels worth mentioning: E. Cush.: LEC: Bussa maye 'liver', which, according to EDE III 160, may be a borrowing from N. Omot. *mayy-, regularly from *mayz- (corresponding to Egyp. myz.t 'liver'); cf., however, E. Chad.: Gadang muyo 'liver' (derived by Jungraithmayr and Ibriszimow from Chad. *m-l-d, at first glance, rather suspicious). Could this stunning resemblance in root structure point to the vestiges of Afras. *ma?Vy-'entrails, liver'?

cated Gur. danäddänä (LGur 212), Gez. dandana 'to be fat, stout', Amh. dänäddänä id. (LGz 136), probably further related to Akk. dandann- 'tout puissant' (compared in DRS 280; 'almighty' in CAD d 87) connected with danänu (da7änu) 'strength, might, force' (CAD d 81) and/or Sem. *duhn-, *daha/in- 'fat' (SED I No. 48).

(6) Hrs. höfel; Mhr. höfel; Jib. sofdl (all syn.) // < Sem. *§xV(n)pVl-:20 Arb. misfalat 'gésier; esomac', Tgr. sdnfdlla 'one of ruminant's four stomachs', etc. (SED I No. 271).

(7) Soq. mer (mher) // likely < Sem. *mar?- 'fat' (cf. LGur 418 and fat No. 9); less likely < Sem. *mi/ar(V)r-(at-) 'gall, gall-bladder' (SED I No. 188).

(8) Soq. hant (syn.) // with the assimilation of *-m- > -n- to the dental -t (< *i) in a contact position < Sem. *hVmt- '(lower) belly, uterus, womb' (SED I No. 122).

◊ Mlt. stonku is a lw. from a European language (Italian or English?); no term in Ugr., Pho., Pal., Sab.

^ Proto-Semitic: *kar(i)s- (#1).

Common West Semitic *batn- (#3) < Afras. *ba/ut(Vn)-: Brb.: Semlal a-bud 'navel', Ntifa a-bud 'belly' (and i-binid 'navel', met. <*bidin-?), etc.; W. Chad.: Mupun a-bud, Angas bwut, Fyer buto', etc. 'belly, stomach' (see more details in EDE II 241-2). Common West Semitic (debatable) (#2): *kabid-

5 big:

(1) Akk. rabû; Ugr. rb, rabbu; Pho. rb; Bib. rab; Pal. rb; Syr. rabb-; Mnd. rba // < Sem. *rabb- (DLU 382-3).

(2) Hbr. gädöl // < Sem. *gVdVl- (HAL 177; 179); Egyp. (MK) dd? 'fat' (adj.) if < *gdl (v. EDE I 245) is related, going back to Afras. *gVdVl- 'big, fat'.

(3) Bib. saggï(7) (syn.) // Aramaic only; the interpretation as 'big' is debatable.

(4) Qur. kabïr-; Leb. kbeyr; Mec. kabiyr; Mlt. kbïr // < Sem.: Akk. kabäru 'to become fat, heavy, thick, strong' (CAD k 4), Syr. kbr 'multus fuit' (Brock. 316), Sab. kbr 'great; richness, abundance' (SD 76), etc.

(5) Gez. îabiy; Tna. îabiy; Tgr. îabi // < Sem. *î/yby 'to be big, thick' (LGz 55).

(6) Amh. tdlldk (< td-lldk); Sod. maläk; Cha. mk // < Eth. *lhk 'to grow, grow up' (LGz 309) < Sem., if Lelsau's interpretation of Soq. di-lek as 'which is numerous' (LS 129) is correct.

(7) Arg. läham, näham // < Sem. *lVhVm-: Akk. lim, nom. lïmu 'one thousand' (CAD l 194), Arb. lahmüm- 'grand nombre' (BK 2 1034); cf. also W. Chad. Hausa lùmùmu 'in quantity' (Barg. 732), E. Cush. Darasa lumo 'big' (Huds. 27) < Afras. *lV(H)m- 'big quantity'?

(8) Gaf. dmmuna; Cha. dmmiyä (syn.); Jib. 7um, Soq. 7am (fem.) // likely < Sem. *7u/imm-'mother' (v. in LGz 22; cf. also LGur 49-50).21

20 On sx v. SED I xlviii-cv. The decision to separate this root (*sxV(n)pVl-) from *spl 'to be low' was taken by the SED authors after a lot of discussion and hesitation; the fact that the two roots are usually represented as one is not what I call "mythetymology" (where the blunder usually lies on the surface, due to lack of professionalism in etymological technique, inertia, old stereotypes, overreverence toward one's scholarly ancestors, or sloth of mind) — this case is really very complicated, with the difference in consonantism being fairly subtle and very likely involving traces of contamination. The fact that this entangled situation keeps triggering fancy ideas is evidenced by the following comparison in EDE I 324 (note 11): "OEg. *sf [*sfl] ^ MEg. sf "to hate" = Soq. spl "to despise" < Sem. *spl "to be low." One wonders how a word in one language can be equated with a semantically compatible word in another language, whose meaning ("despise") is, however, openly recognized to be secondary and derived from quite a different meaning ("be low", which is quite tenable)?

21 For the semantic shift, cf. 'big' < 'father' below (#10). This case is similar to the one discussed in n. 18: it is hard to decide whether the shifts 'mother' > 'big' (in MSA, for nouns in the fem. gender and/or objects associated with the feminine as opposed to the 'father' > 'big' shift for nouns in the masc. gender and/or objects associated

(9) Sod. gddddr (syn.); Har. g(i)dir, Wol. gädärä // in Wol. and Zway gädärä is 'to grow up (child), be big' compared in LGur 264 (with hesitation, but quite reasonably) to Amh. (tä)gäddärä 'to germinate' ("that is, grow" ibid.), further related to Arb. jdr 's'élever au-dessus du sol (se dit des plantes); se former (se dit des certain fruits)' (BK 1 263) < Eth.-Arb. *gdr 'to grow, grow big'.22

(10) Hrs. soh; Mhr. soh (also 'old') // < Sem. *syh- 'to grow big or old': Akk. sâhu (siahum) 'to grow (in size or age)' (CAD s1 106), sihu 'tall, high, stately' (ibid. s2 418), Arb. sayh- 'vieillard; ancien, cheikh; maître' (BK 2 1296).

(11) Hrs nyöb, Mhr. nöb (fem.) // < Sem.: Arb. nab-, pl. 7anyäb- 'chief of a tribe', nawb- 'power' < Afras.: Egyp. (OK) nb 'lord, master' (< *nVb, cf. Vyc. 138-9); E. Cush.: Afar nabba 'big' (see EDE I 107).

(12) Jib. 7eb (syn.); Soq. 7eb, heb (syn. 1) // likely < Sem. *7ab- 'father' (v. in DLU 2; LGz 2).

(13) Soq. fekar (syn. 2) // < fékar 'grandir' (LS 325) < Sem. (Arb.-MSA): Jib. fokor 'to grow up' (JJ 11), Arb. fkr 'ê. grand, haut, d'une belle croissance (se dit des plantes)' (BK 2 315).

0 Urm. gür < Kurdish gaur, gûr.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *rabb- (#1); cf. S. Omot.: Ongota arba 'big'.

Common Semitic debatable (#8): *7u/imm- 'big', i.e. 'mother' < Afras. *7Vma 'mother' represented in Sem., Chad. and Cush. (ADB).

6 bird:

(1) Akk. issuru;23 Ugr. fsr, fussüru (Huehn.) // < Sem. (Akk.-Ugr.) *fVssür-.

(2) Hbr. sippör; Pho. spr; Bib. sippar; Pal. sypr; Syr. seppar-; Mnd. sipr-; Urm. sipr-, Mlt. (gh)asfür (< Arb. fasfür-, with a secondary f- perhaps influenced by Sem. *fVssür-, or even a remnant of a composite form) // < Sem. *sVp(p)Vr-.

(3) Syr. (syn. 1), Urm. (syn.) tayr-; Qur. tayr-; Leb. tayr; Mec. tayr // < Sem. *tayr- (SED II No. 235).

(4) Syr. parah-t- (syn. 2) // < Sem. *parh- 'chick, brood' (SED II No. 179).

(5) Gez. fof; Tna. fuf; Tgr. fuf; Amh. wof; Arg. of, wof; Gaf. yafwä; Sod. wof, of; Cha. afw; Har. üf; Wol. üfw // < Sem. fawp- 'bird' (SED II No. 48), related to *fwp 'to fly', both < Afras. *fa(w)p-'bird; flying': Egyp. (late) fpy 'to fly'; S. Omot.: Ari ?afti, apti, Dime iftu, Hamer ap/fti 'bird' (a generic term) < *7ap-t-i < *fap- (ADB).24

with the masculine) took place independently in S. Eth. and MSA or the "potential" for this shift had already been there in the corresponding terms in Proto-Sem. — and the mentality of its speakers.

22 Presumably, with fossilized suffixed *-r < Sem *ga/idd-: Arb. jidd- 'beaucoup, extrêmement' (ibid. 260), Sab. gdd 'great' (SD 49), Tgr. gadda 'to be bigger, surpass' (LH 602; unless an Arabism) < Afras. *gVd(d)-: Brb. C. Morocco gudy 'ê. nombreux, beaucoup, abonder', sgudy 'produire beaucoup, en grande quantité' (DRB 737-8 without specifying the language; cf. Ahaggar egdeh, Ayr egdu 'suffire' ibid. 727), W. Chad. Bolewa gddo 'many' (Kr. I 87), N. Cush. Beja gwud 'many', E. Cush. Arbore guuda 'many', Dasenech guddu 'big' (Bla. Om. No. 5.2), Oromo guddaa 'big; greatly, very' (Gr. 184), S. Omot. Dime geed 'big' (Bnd Om. 205), Ongota gadah/hune, gaddahino (FI. Ong. 42), gaddaîuni, pl. giddeîeta 'big, old' (S-T 117). V. in Mil. RE.

23 Certainly not < *?ispur-, proposed by some Semitists and uncritically repeated by others — a typical example of what can be described by the oxymoron "scholarly folk etymology", by me called "mythetymology". See SED II liv-lv for more details on this.

24 Cf. also EDE I 67, where the S. Omot. forms are compared with Egyp. ?pd 'bird', implying an irregular — and non-existent — sound correspondence Egyp. d ~ Omot. t (the note on the Omot. forms "assim. < *?Vpd-" is of no heIp, since no such process is attested in S. Omot. — otherwise it shouId have been demonstrated). Such forced "disposabIe" correspondences, "vaIid" onIy for one exampIe (they occur in hundreds in Semitic and in thousands in Afrasian studies), are an insuIt to the comparative method — especiaIIy when they are proposed by one of the very few reaIIy professionaI adherents of this method in Afrasian Iinguistics.

(6) Tgr. särerät // < Sem. *srr 'to fly, jump' (LGz 514).

(7) Hrs. 7akäb; Mhr. 7akabit (the other term for 'bird', teyrït, must be an Arabism); Jib. îesyet // < Sem. (Arb.-MSA, less likely, an Arabism in MSA because of difference in meaning): Arb. lakäb- 'eagle' (BK 2 310).

(8) Soq. noyhir (another term, 7gsféroh, is more likely an Arabism) // < Sem. *nVsr- 'eagle, vulture' (SED II No. 166).

◊ No term in Sab.

^ Common Semitic: *?Vssür- (#1), met. < Afras. *çirâî-: S. Cush. Iraqw çirîi, Alagwa ciraîa, Burunge ciraîa, Asa sira7a 'bird'; E. Cush. Saho cam?, carrai 'Madenhacker, buphaga erythrorchynchus', etc. (v. in SED II No. 43). Common West Semitic 1: *sVp(p)Vr- (#2) < Afras. *çi/apur-: W. Chad. Mburku çâpùr, C. Chad. Bura cèvuf, Margi cèvuf 'guinea fowl', Kilba civir, Hildi civiraw, Wamdiu civùf, Mofu càvâr id. (v. in SED II No. 212). Common West Semitic 2: *tayr- (#3).25

7 bite:

(1) Akk. nasäku; Ugr. ntk; Hbr. nsk; Gez. nsk; Hrs. netök; Mhr. mtk // < Sem. *ntk (v. in LGz 402).

(2) Pal. Syr. Mnd. nkt; Tna. näkäsä; Tgr. näksa; Amh. Arg. Gaf. näkkäsä; Sod. näkkäsäm; Cha. näkäsäm; Har. näkäsä; Wol. näkäsä // < Sem. *nkt (cf. LGz 402).26

(3) Urm. krt // < Sem. *kwrt 'to cut, pinch': Arb. krt 'to cut in pieces', Tna. kwärtätä 'to pinch, break off leaves', etc. (v. in LGz 444), further related with a fossilized -m suffix to Arb. krtm 'couper', Gez. kartama 'to munch, chew food that is hard', Soq. kartem 'to chew', etc. (LGz 445). Formally is also compatible with Arb. krz 'couper' (BK 2 716).

(4) Qur. Leb. Mec. îdd // < Sem. *îss: Arb. îdd 'mordre; ê. rusé, astucieux', îidd 'méchant, qui mord; homme d'un mauvais caractère' (BK 2 276), Gez. îadda 'to deprive, cause harm, affront, do wrong' (LGz 58), Soq. îéd(d) 'traîter durement' (LS 323). There are isolated Afras. parallels: W. Chad. Hausa gaçâ (possibly < *îaç-), N. Omot. Dizi wâç. Probably related is HEC *Hi(n)ç- 'to chew': Darasa inç-, Hadiya ïçç-, Kambatta ït-, Sidamo hinç- (Huds. 413)27.

25 The only Afras. parallel found so far is in N. Omot.: Manjo toro 'vulture' (H. Fleming. Kefa (Gonga) Languages, The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia, Mon. No. 5).

26 After some hesitation, scored differently from *ntk. I suggest two main criteria to allow variant roots, or root variants, to be scored as different lexemes in a lexicostatistical study (in a "normal" etymological entry it suffices to just describe the controversy without taking any dramatic decisions): (1) if the variant roots in question occur in the same language; (2) different sets of cognates in related languages (for which their origin should be traced to the deepest chronological/taxonomic level possible). It is according to these criteria that the difficult decision on the *ntk/ *nkt case was made (counter to Kog. Eth. 373 averting: "the metathetic variation, well attested for this root within and outside Ethiopian, is intriguing, but can hardly be regarded as an obstacle for postulating an eventual etymological identity of both variants"). According to criterion (1), there are two cases where both roots co-exist in the same language, one being Gez. nasaka 'to bite', ma-nsak 'jaw, teeth' (ibid.) and nakasa 'to bite', marked in LGz 398 as an Amharism, but having a few derived forms including ma-nkas 'jaw, jawbone'; the other, semantically less reliable, Syr. nakat 'momordit; offendit iram' (Brock. 430) and natak 'damno affecit' (ibid. 452). Application of criterion (2) is not so simple, since, while *nkt has quite reliable matches in non-Semitic Afrasian, the parallels to *ntk unearthed so far are much less convincing.

27 Quite likely, derivable from Afras. *Tac(Tac)- 'facial bone, lower cheekbone' (see 10 bone #3); the idea (in EDE II 574) that Arb. Tdd 'to bite' is related to Gez. Tade 'vermin, worm, moth, caterpillar', Tna Tase 'larva' (sustained by a similar connection between Aram. toleTa 'worm' vs. matalleTot (pl.) 'teeth', but what is meant is perhaps Hbr. 'jaw-bones', v. SED I No. 177) implies some sort of association between 'worm, larva' and 'tooth' and, to me, looks funny in view of the fairly deep knowledge of animal anatomy by the ancient Semites, clearly reflected in their anatomic lexicon (SED I).

(5) Mlt. gidem // Either < *gdm 'to cut' (v. in LGz 182) or <*kdm (g- < *k- by assimilation with *-d) < Arb kdm 'mordre' (BK 2 875); I could find no other parallels in Sem.

(6) Jib. çaîar // Perhaps metathetically related to Arb. îird- 'nuée de sauterelles' [BK 2 220] (and ltd 'crever pour avoir mangé trop d'herbe (se dit des moutons)') and Tgr. îarsat, larsätit (also îarsetet) 'termites' [LH 463], going back to Sem. *?rs- ~ *s?r 'to devour'.28

(7) Soq. kârdeb // Related to Arb. krdb 'couper, consumer tout, manger' (BK 2 714).

◊ No terms in Pho., Bib. and Sab.

^ Proto-Semitic: *ntk (#1) < Afras. *(nV-)cVk-: C. Chad.: Mofu -câcdk- 'goûter', Mada âccaka 'goûter', etc.; (?) Egyp. NK hsk 'essen von etw.' (EG III 169; if <*h-ck with a hypothetic verbal prefix *h-).

Proto-West Semitic: *nkt (#2) < Afras. *(nV-)kuc- or *(nV-)kwVc- 'tooth, biting' (or 'a biting tooth'): Egyp. (MK) ts (<*kVs) 'tooth'; Brb.: Ntifa uks, Zenaga uksi 'tooth', Ahaggar dks 'manger, mordre'; C. Chad. Malgwa kuca 'to bite off';29 N. Cush.: Beja kös 'tooth, horn', E. Cush.: HEC: Sidamo kis- 'to bite', S. Cush.: Qwadza ko?os-iko 'molar tooth'.30 (ADB; cf. also EDE I 239).

8 black:

(1) Akk. salmu; Sab. zlm (SD 172; debatable, v. discussion in Bulakh Dis.); Gez. sallim; Tna. sällim; Tgr. sällim; Gaf. sälläma; Harari täy; Wol. tem // < Sem. *zlm 'to be black' (v. in LGz 556; Bulakh 2003 5-6 and Bulakh Dis.).

(2) Hbr. sahör // < Sem. *shr 'to be black' (HAL 1465, 1466, 1457; Bulakh 2003 13-14).

(3) Pal. 7wkm, 7kwm; Syr. ?ukkäm-; Mnd. Ikum-; Urm. küm // < Sem. (compared in Bulakh Dis.): Akk. akamu 'cloud of dust, mist' (CAD a1 259), Hbr. pB. ?km 'to be sun-burnt, black, dark-colored' (Ja. 64) < Afras. *kVm-: Egyp. (Pyr.) km 'black'; E. Cush.: Dullay: Gawwada kummay, Harso kûmma, Tsamay guma 'black', etc., Yaaku kumpu7 id.31

(4) Syr. kdnä7 (syn.) // Akk. (from OB) uknû 'Lapislazuli, Lasurstein, Türkis; (grün)-blau; künstliche Lapislazuli, blaue Glasur' (AHw. 1426f.), Ugaritic iknu 1) "gem of lapis lazuli"; 2) "violet blue"; 3) "violet purple or violet textile" (DUL 93), (?) Pho. 7kn7 (lapis lazuli/purple; Phoenician blue/purple?) (HJ 100), Arb. kunuww- 'couleur noir', kan-in 'très-rouge' (BK II 826), kana7a 'être rouge, être teint en rouge (se dit de la barbe teinte en rouge, des doigts teints en rouge ou rougis du suc des mûres', taknP- 'teindre en rouge foncé (les doigts, la barbe); teindre en noir (la barbe)', 7akna7- 'rouge' (там же, 818). Cf. AA *kVn- 'to (be) white, yellow' (ADB).

28 A tentative parallel suggested in Kog. Ug. note 51 is Gez. safara 'to cause pain, torment, vex, etc.', with cognates in other Ethiopian; this seems erroneous not only because of Gez. s instead of the expected d — that might be accounted for by the scribe confounding the two graphemes which happens in Geez texts — but mainly because of reliable Aramaic matches with s instead of the expected f, corresponding to Jib. c (the voiceless emphatic lateral affricate pronounced by several of my Jibbali-speaking informants; rendered by Johnstone as z; anyway, <*Sem. *s), quoted in LGz 544; all of these forms are probably related to the Common Sem. verb *sfr ~ *s^r 'to be small' with a meaning shift 'to be small' > 'to be despised, neglected, treated badly' > 'to torment, vex, etc.' (cf. HALOT 1043).

29 Cf. also W. Chad.: Pa?a kaci 'to insult'; probably also related are W. Chad.: Buli ngas-, Zaar qgas, C. Chad. Daba qac, etc. 'to bite' (CLR II 24-5), which, according to Stolb. 2005 No. 445, may go back to *nkac-, with voicing of the velar consonant.

30 Cf. also the enigmatic Bilin (C. Cush.) form näkät-, the main term for 'bite' (besides Qemant näkäs, a regular-looking Ethiopism), with -t instead of -s, expected both in an Ethiopic loan and in an inherited term < *nkc (cf. App. CDA 33).

31 Likely also C. Chad. Buduma kaime 'Schatten (eines Menschen)' (LBud. 108) and, perhaps, C. Cush. Aungi kem 'farsi sera', Qwara küm 'giungere a sera', N. Omot. Kullo kamma 'notte' (CR Aw 164).

(5) Qur. ?aswad-; Leb. ?aswdd; Mec. ?aswad; Mlt. ?iswet // Obviously comparable with Mhr. sâtwdd 'to be disgraced, blackened' (JM 353), Jib. essod 'to blacken, curse', estëd 'to turn black, be disgraced' (JJ 232); however, lack of a direct meaning 'black as color' everywhere outside Arb. makes one suspect these forms to be metaphoric loans from Arb. (cf. swd III 'parler bas à l'oreille de quelqu'un' and the expression sawwada llahu wajhahu 'qui Dieu rende son visage noir!' pour dire, 'que Dieu le damne!' BK 1 116132). Cf. discussion in HALOT 1417 and especially 1418 (in connection with Arb. ?aswad-) about such demon names as Akk. sëdu, Hbr. *sëd etc., including Mnd. sdum (with -m suffixed?) 'a spirit of the darkness, one of those ruling the underworld'. Cf., finally, Akk. sëdu(m), attested in a lexical list and tentatively translated in AHw. 1034 as 'rot' (CAD s 206 gives no meaning). Outside Sem. there is a possible parallel in Chad. *sVdH-: C. Chad. Lame-Peve Mesme sod 'dirt', Zime-Batna sudo, Masa sudoy 'faeces' (CLR II 129), E. Chad. Kera sodï 'Dreckigkeit' (Eb. 108), Mokilko sïïdo 'earth (soil)' (CLR II 117).

(6) Amh. tdkwdr; Arg. Sod. Cha. tdkur;33 Gaf. tdkura (syn.) // Eth. *tkr 'to be black', *takar 'soot' (LGz 596). The only Sem. parallel, problematic both phonetically and semantically, that can be tentatively suggested is the metathetic Sem. *kutr- 'smoke, incense' (see LGz 452 and ADB).

(7) Hrs. héwer; Mhr. hôwdr (hor); Jib. hor; Soq. hohar, haur // < Sem. *hwr 'to be black and white': Hbr. hwr 'to grow pale', Syr. hewwar-, Mnd. hiwar- 'white', Arb. hwr- 'ê. d'un noir et d'un blanc bien prononcé' (BK 1 509) (cf. Bulakh 2004 273-4).34

◊ No terms in Ugr., Pho. and Bib.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *tlm (#1) < Afras. *çilam- "to be dark, black": W. Chad.: Karekare càlum 'shade, shadow', C. Chad.: Bura cilim 'black soil used as a dye-stuff', Buduma cilim 'dark', Makari silim 'black', etc. (claimed by some Chadicists to be a Kanuri loan, which is out of the question in the light of Afras. data), E. Chad.: Mawa cilim 'black, dark'; S. Cush.: Qwadza calam- 'green'; S. Omot.: Ari çelmi 'to be dark' (ADB).

9 blood:

(1) Akk. damu; Ugr. dm; Hbr. dam; Pho. dm; Pal. 7adam, 7ydm (<*?a-dam-, with *7a- prefixed); Syr. ddm-; Urm. dim-; Qur. dam-; Leb. Mec. damm; Mlt. dem; Sab. dm; Gez. Tna. Tgr. Amh. Arg. Sod. Cha. Har. Wol. dam; Gaf. damwa // < Sem. *dam- (SED I No. 50).

(2) Mnd. zma35 // < Sem. *zam-: Arb. za?ama 'presser une plaie de manière que le pus en sorte, le sang se dessèche et forme une croûte' (BK 1 967), Gez. zam 'blood' (LGz 638) < Afras. *3am(V- 'blood': W. Chad. Galambu 3àamâ (3- <*3y-), Sha, Kulere zom (cf. Stolb. 1987 190), S. Omot. Ari Hamar zum?-i, Dime 3um-u (Bnd Om. 206), cf. SED I No. 296.36

32 M. Bulakh regards the possibility of borrowing into MSA as "undoubtful" (Bulakh Dis.).

33 The other term for 'black', gämbäna, is from HEC, cf. Qabenna gamballa, Tembaro gämbälla (LGur 281).

34 Possibly matching Egyp. (OK) hlty 'Bleicher, Wäscher' (unless <* hVl-), v. EDE I 149.

35 This word's identification as a strange phonetic variant of *dam- (also reflected in Mnd. as the less common form dma) by practically all the authors is one more Semitic "mythetymology".

36 Not to be confounded with another Afras. root, *j/jVn- 'blood': Egyp. Pyr. znf (presumably zn-f "his blood"), Brb. Ahaggar a-hni (<*-^/jVni), Ayr a-zni, etc., W. Chad. Hausa jlni (<*^/jini); N. Omot. Zaysse zonn-e 'pus' (Hay Om 265; for the semantic shift, cf. Sem.: Mhr. dam, Jib. dihm 'pus' JM 71 < *dam- 'blood', v. #1). The variant roots *3am(?)- and *^/jVn- must have existed as different roots (contra EDE I 183 and 289) as early as in Proto-Afrasian and must be separated as such (with cross-references, of course), although eventually they appear to be related — one "simple" root and one with fossilized suffixal *-b (this segment is frequently encountered in quite a few anatomic and non-anatomic terms: see Mil. RE): C. Chad.: Bachama zambe, Bata jambe <*jam/nb/p- 'blood'; S. Omot.: Hamar zumbi, zömbi, Karo zunpi 'animal blood'.

(3) Hrs. dore?; Mhr. dor-ah; Jib. dohr; Soq. dor // Generally regarded as derived from MSA *dVrr-: Mehri dar 'to spread out; to spread (gravy, curry, seed)' (JM 47), Jibbali derr 'to spread out' (JJ 47) < Sem. *drr/y/wP 'to scatter, spread (seed), disperse, winnow'37 (cf. HA-LOT 280; LGz 644; Mil. Farm.): Akkadian zarû 'to sow seed; broadcast; scatter, sprinkle; winnow', Hebrew zry 'to scatter, winnow', Judaic Aramaic dry, dr? 'to scatter, strew; winnow', Arabic dry/w 'vanner, nettoyer (le grain)' (BK 1 771).

◊ No term in Bib.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *dam- (#1) < Afras. *dam- id. (ADB; EDE I 240).

10 bone:

(1) Akk. esemtu; Ugr. Szm; Hbr. Sasam; Pho. Ssm; Qur. Sazm-; Leb. Sazam; Mec. Sazum; Mlt. (gh)adma; Gez. Sasam; Tna. Sasmi; Tgr. Saçam; Amh. ?atant; Arg. hatam, atant; Gaf. asmWa; Sod. Cha. Wol. atam; Har. at // < Sem. *Satm(-at)- (SED I No. 25).

(2) Bib. garam; Pal. grm; Syr. Urm. garm-; Mnd. girm- // < Sem. *gVrm- 'body; bone': Hbr. garam 'bone', Arb. jirm-, etc. 'corps', Sab. grm 'body (of animal)' (SED I No. 94).

(3) Hrs. ?azayz; Mehri Sazayz; Jib. Sayçeç // < Arb.-MSA *SVsâ/ïs- (v. SED I No. 24): Soq. Sêd 'noyau (substance)'38 (LS 323), Arb. Sudad-, Saddad- 'le haut du nez' (BK 2 277), 'os, cartilage' (Belot 501) < Afras. *Saç(Saç)- 'a facial bone': E. Cush. *Sad-: Afar ode, Konso ada, Gol-lango Sado 'cheek', Arbore ?açéç 'lower jaw', S. Cush. Iraqw Gorowa Alagwa Burungue Sunça 'cheek' (cf. K-M 309), Ma?a Pôso 'cheekbone'.39

(4) Soq. séhloh // The comparison (made with reservations) to Soq. dalh 'côté' in LS 347 (< Sem. *sil(a)S- 'rib, side (of chest)', v. SED I No. 272) is possible only if the two forms in Soq. are to be treated as variant roots; the comparison with metathetic Sem. *hVls- 'loin, hip' with the same root consonants (Hbr. hâlasayim, Gez. hals 'loin', etc., v. ibid. No. 118) seems more attractive.40

◊ No term in Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *Satm(-at)- (#1). No Afras. parallels that I could find.

11 breast:

(1) Akk. irtu; Ugr. ?irt // < Sem. *7ir(r)-at- (rather 'chest' than 'breast', cf. Tgr. 7arra 'milt, by-stomach (of cattle)' SED I No. 9; cf., with metathesis, Sem. *ri?-at- 'lung' with Afras. parallels and Afras. *warVy- 'lungs' ADB).41

(2) Ugr. td; Hbr. sod; Pal. td; Syr. tad-; Hrs. todi; Mhr. todi; Jib. tode7; Soq. todi // < Sem. *tVdy-'(woman's) breast' (SED I No. 280).

(3) Bib. hâdë; Syr. hady- (syn.); Mnd. hady // < Hbr.-Arb. *had(V)y- 'breast' (with plausible wider Sem. connections, v. SED I No. 112).

37 The meaning shift seems uncommon unless we suppose an intermediate stage: 'to spread out' > '*to (let) flow' > 'to bleed/blood'. Cf. the shift from 'to flow' to 'blood' in Arb. drr IV 'laisser couler en abondance', dirrat-'abondance (de lait, de la pluie)' and 'sang' (BK 1 681-2). Cf. verbal forms of the same root as 'blood' in MSA: Mhr. dátri (-t- stem) '(blood) to flow' (JM 81), Jib. edré7 'to let an animal blood run over an invalid' (JJ 47), the latter verb pointing to a magic ritual which may account for the semantic evolution 'to flow' > 'blood'.

38 For the semantic development cf. Russian косточка 'fruit-stone', literally 'little bone'.

39 Cf. EDE I 299, comparing the Cush. forms with Arb., but not MSA, and tentatively with Egyp. hd-wy 'Kinnbacken', comparable only as a variant root, since Egyp. h in no way corresponds to Afras. *?.

40 Alternatively cf., with metathesis, Arb. his 'to be fractured (bone)' and hasïl- 'tail'.

41 The interpretation of Akk. irtu as a reflexation of Sem. *had(a)y- 'breast' proposed by some authors (e. g. Holma) is but another case of "mythetymology" in Semitic linguistics.

(4) Qur. sadr-; Leb. sidr-; Mec. sadr; Mlt. sider // No clear cognates outside Arb.42

(5) Gez. 7dngdd?ä or 7gngddîû // < Sem.: Tna. 7gngdd?ä (LGz 29), Arb. najd- 'mamelle', Hbr. nägäd 'in front of' (SED I No. 195)43 < Afras. *nagOV(H)d- 'breast with neck' (W. Chad.: Kirfi ngido, Galambu ngiryà, Diri qgwâdù 'neck'), perhaps with *n- prefixed < Afras. *ga7id- 'upper part of breast with the neck': Sem.: Arb. jïd- 'cou long et gracieux' [BK 1 361]; E. Cush.: LEC: Somali gaaddo 'breast' (ADB).

(6) Tna. tub; Tgr. tab; Amh. Arg. tut; Gaf. tüwwä; Sod. tdbuyyä; Cha. tu; Har. tôt; Wol. tub // < Arb.-Eth.-MSA *tVb- 'teat' (SED I No. 277).

(7) Jib. géhe7 (syn.); Soq. gehe (syn. 1) // < Sem. *gaw(w)i7- '(front part of) body; chest, belly; interior' (SED I No. 99).

(8) Soq. bérak (syn. 2) // < Sem. *barak- 'chest, thorax' (SED I No. 38). ◊ No terms in Pho. and Sab.

^ Common South and West Semitic: *tVdy- (#2); no Afras. parallels.

Common Semitic: *7ir(r)-at- (#1)44 < Afras. *7Vr(a)r- chest and belly': Brb: E. Tawllemmet a-häror 'poitrine'; C. Chad.: Padokwo arwa 'chest', E. Chad.: Jegu 7urre 'navel'; E. Cush.: LEC: Somali ùur-, pl. ûurâr 'stomach', Rendille ûr, pl. ur7âr 'belly, abdomen', HEC: Burji ir-a 'stomach', Yaaku irêh 'belly'; N. Omot.: Mao 7aare 'breast'.

12 burn (tr.):

(1) Akk. sarapu; Ugr. srp; Hbr. srp // < Sem. *srp (HAL 1358).

(2) Ugr. hrr (syn.); Gez. 7ahrara; Tna. harärä, 7ahrärä; Tgr. harärä // < Sem. *hrr (HAL 357, LGz 243).

(3) Bib. Pal. ykd; Syr. 7-ykd; Urm. kwd (met.) // < Sem. *y/wkd (HALOT 430).

(4) Mnd. kla // < Sem. *klw (v. in LGz 431; cf. also EDE III 645).

(5) Qur. hrk VIII; Leb. harra7; Mec. harak // No Sem. parallels that I know of. Related to Afras.: Brb. *HVrk 'to burn': Ghadames äry, Ghat dry, Rif ary 'brûler', Ahaggar dray 'ê. enflammé', etc. (Kossm. 213), Egyp. Pyr. rkh (met.; also rkh — a variant root with k vs. k?) 'Feuer anfachen, verbrennen' (EG II 457-8).

(6) Mlt. tabbat // No straight parallels. To be tentatively compared either to Arb. tbb 'exercer la médecine' (BK 2 51; < Sem. *tbb 'to know, be wise, treat medically', v. LGz 585) implying the semantic shift 'to cure' > 'to cure by cautery, cauterize' > 'to burn'; or to Arb. tüb- 'brique cuite' (BK 2 116; related to or borrowed into Eth., v. LGz 585).45

(7) Sab. wft; Gez. wafata (syn. 1) // Cf. also derived nouns: Gez. mafat, maft, moft 'oven, furnace, pit for firing pottery', Tna. moft-i 'firing of pottery' (borrowed from Gez.?). Seems to be an Eth.-Sab. root with no parallels in other Sem. (v. LGz 607).46

42 Cf. Arb. sidär- 'chemise court, qui ne couvre que la poitrine, le thorax', sadriyyat- 'veste, gilet; chemisette' (BK 1 1319) apparently derived from sadr- 'poitrine' (ibid.) and Jud. sadär-, saräd- (met.) 'coarse web (of hemp), rough cloth' (Ja. 1264; 1299), cautiously compared in LS 346 with Soq. misdéreh 'tapis, vêtement en poil, sac'. Cf. also Mhr. sëdar 'stem, bow, prow (of a ship)' (JM 358), sadër- 'Vorderseite' (ibid. after Jahn), Jib. sédér 'prow of a boat' (JJ 235), which are obviously borrowed from Arb. sadr- 'proue (d'un vasseau)'. Finally, cf. Syr. südär- 'crapula, nausea' (Brock. 622); the sensation caused by crapulence, hangover, or nausea may, in principle, be associated with 'breast'.

43 Leslau quotes the Arb. and Hbr. forms yet considers neither of them satisfactory, obviously, for phonetic reasons; I, however, see no problem at all if we assume a prefixal ?V-; as for the Auslaut, cf. Gez. sanbusambuï 'lung' vs. Akk. sinib/ptu 'part of sheep's lung' (SED I No. 235) and similar examples (v. Mil. RE).

44 One of the few exclusively Akk.-Ugr. isoglosses on the 100-word list, a remarkable fact discussed in Kog. Ug. 464., which, however, in no way implies any particular genetic closeness.

45 Cf. also Eth. *tbs 'to roast' ibid. 586, perhaps representing a relict causative with -s suffixed from *tb 'to burn' with the meaning shift 'to bake/burn bricks' > 'to burn'.

46 The comparison with Egyp. wbd 'brûler', mentioned in DRS 584 and strangely referred to in EDE I 285 as "not excluded", is excluded, since Egyp. b does not correspond to Sem. *p. There are, however, two other possi-

(8) Gez. ?andada (syn. 2); Tna. ?anäddädä (syn. 1); Sod. änäddädä // Likely metathetically related to Arb. nd? 'faire un petit creux dans les cendres chaudes pour y mettre le pain, etc., qu'on veut faire cuire' (BK 2 1224); cf. also Hbr. nad (Is. 17:11) translated by Driver as 'to burn up' (quoted in LGz 385; not in HALOT).

(9) Gez. 7awfaya (syn. 3) // < Eth. *wfy 'to burn, be hot' (LGz 603: perhaps Arb. wfy 'to stir up a riot'; semantically vague).

(10) Tna. 7akkasälä (syn. 2); Amh. akattälä; Arg. akkattäla; Gaf. (tä)kattälä // No parallels that I could find in or outside Sem.47

(11) Cha. mäkärä // < Gur. *mäggärä, derived with m- prefixed from Gur. *girgir balä 'to blaze, flicker, burn in a bright and wavy way, burn easily (dry wood)' (ibid. 310). Related to Sem.: Amh. gärrärä 'spark (fire)' (ibid.), Akk. girru 'fire' OB on (CAD g 93). Perhaps to be further compared to Akk. agurru 'kiln-fired brick', according to Kauf. 33, a term of unknown etymology borrowed into Syr. ?gwr?, whence into Arb. (?ajur- 'brique cuite au feu' BK 1 13), but, anyway, rather related than not to the present root.48

(12) Har. magäda; Wol. magäda // only Eth.; the comparison in LGur. 393-4 with Sem. *w/ykd is phonetically untenable.

(13) Mhr. ha-nhü; Jib. e-nhé; Soq. a-nhi // Comparable as forms containing the fossilized prefix n- to Gez. haw (haw) and Tna. hawwi 'fire' (v. fire No. 3). Another parallel, semantically questionable, is Arb. nawaha 'souffler du côté opposé à l'autre (se dit d'un vent)' (BK 2 1363) with the common underlying meaning 'to blow up fire'.

0 Hrs. hrök is very likely a lw. from Arb.; no term in Pho. ^ Common North and West Semitic: *srp (#1); no Afras. parallels found. Common West Semitic: *hrr.

13 claw (nail):

(1) Akk. supru; Hbr. sippörän; Bib. tapar; Pal. tpr; Syr. tepr-; Mnd. tupr-; Urm. tarp- (met.); Qur. zufr-; Leb. zafir; Mec. zafr; Mlt. dufrëy; Gez. safar; Tna. çafri; Tgr. çafar; Amh. Sod. Cha. Wol. tafar; Arg. çafar; Gaf. safrä; Har. tifir; Mhr. dfër; Soq. tifer // < Sem. *tip(V)r- (SED I No. 285).

(2) Hrs. kef; Mhr. kaf (syn.); Jib. kéf (also 'palm of the hand, paw') // < Sem. *kapp- 'palm, flat of hand or foot' (SED I No. 148).

0 No terms in Ugr., Pho. and Sab.

^ Proto-Semitic: *tip(V)r- (#1) < Afras. *çipar- ~ *çarap- 'fingernail' (not quite reliable): C. Cush.: Qwara jarfa, Khamta zafér 'finger' (App. CDA 67)49, E. Cush.: HEC: Burgi

bilities: (1) Egyp. (Med.) wft 'durchbohren' (EG I 307), which fits in well phonetically (Egyp. -t reflects Afras. *t in quite a number of cases, cf. EDE I 231-4) and is semantically tenable (for the "isosemantic string (or series or row)" 'to burn' ^ 'to drill' see Maizel 206-7), referring to a special technique of drilling (may eventually be akin to possibility #2); (2) Egyp. (NK) fty 'von der Bearbeitung von Metallwaffen', commented upon in EDE II 593 "The OEg. root, however, might have certainly been *fd" (d being the most regular reflex of Afras. *t) and compared with Chad.: C. Chad. *vVd- (< *fVd-: Gisiga (Dogba) vüd 'to forge', Mada vad 'to forge', avàd 'to heat, forge, pierce', Mafa vid- 'to forge, fabricate', E. Chad.: E. Dangla padé 'to hammer the brand iron, to forge hot' (the Egyp. and Chad. forms are compared in EDE II 593). The resulting N. Afrasian root would be *JVt- ~ *wVfVt- 'fabricate, process by heating', perhaps (if Egyp. wft 'to drill' belongs here, and considering the meaning 'pierce' in Mada avàd) 'and drilling'.

47 Cf. C. Cush. Khamir katals, Kunfäl kansäls 'to burn', considered an Amharism in App. CDA 39; could it be the other way round, i. e. an Agaw loan in Eth.?

48 Note, however, a related root in E. Cush. (e. g. Sidamo Hadiya giir- 'to burn' Huds.) which, in principle, could be a source for the Gurage forms, if they are borrowed. For broad Afras. connections, see EDE III 678-680.

49 While Bilin çdfar and Qwara teffer 'claw' (App. CDA 45) look like normal Ethiopisms, z in Xamtanga and j with metathesis in Qwara ("the somewhat anomalous initial j- of the Qu. form" App. CDA 67), if these forms are related, rather speak against borrowing from Eth.

zurup-mata 'fingers' (pl.),50 S. Cush: Alagwa, Burunge çarafu 'fingernail' (this metathetic form can hardly be a loan from Amh.).

14 cloud:

(1) Akk. erpetu; Ugr. îrp-t // < Sem. *ÎVrp-: Hbr. îrp 'to drip', Arb. îarf-at- 'wind' (cf. HALOT 887; EDE I 296).

(2) Bib. ïânân; Pal. ïânan; Syr. îanân-; Mnd. anan-; Urm. (î)nân- // < Sem.: Arb. yayn- 'nuage qui couvre et assombrit le ciel' (BK 2 527; îannat- and Ianân- 'nuage' ibid. 377 may be borrowed from Syr.)51.

(3) Hbr. iâb; Urm. îayb- // < Sem.*yayb- (HAL 773).

(4) Qur. sahâb-; Mec. sihâb; Mlt. shap // Apparenly < Arb. shb 'traîner par terre' (BK 1 1957, cf. sahab- 'nuage (surtout quand poussé par le vent il est en mouvement)' ibid.) < Sem. *shb 'to drag, pull' (LGz 492-3; HAL 749; LS 284).

(5) Leb. yeym // < Arb.-Arm.: Arb. yaym-, Syr. laym- 'nebula' (Brock. 522).

(6) Gez. dammanâ; Tna. däbäna, dämmäna; Amh. Gaf. dämmäna; Arg. dammäna, dona; Sod. dämmäna, dabäna; Cha. dabära; Har. dana; Wol. däbäna // < Eth. *daman- (with a variant root *daban- in Mod. Eth. accounted for by *-m- dissimilated from -n- into -b-) < Sem. *da/im(m)-: Syr. dïmatâ da-tallâ 'nebula tenuis' (lit. 'fog of dew'), Arb. damm- 'nuage qui ne donne pas de pluie', dimâm- 'nuage sans eau' (BK 1 728). The obvious connection with C. Cush. (Bilin demna, Khamir damana, Kemant Qwara dämäna, Aungi dammini 'cloud' App. CDA 46) and E. Cush. (LEC: Oromo düman-sa, Bayso dumbo, HEC: Burji dumman-ci, Darasa duuman-ca, Hadiya duuba id.) forms would suggest a Cush. borrowing into Eth., if not for the Syr. and Arb. cognates; Ethiopisms in Cush. are hardly likely either (v. the Hadiya form), though certain influence in both directions is possible.52 I am inclined to regard the Sem. and Cush. forms, with some irrelevant exceptions, perhaps, as continuing Afras. *da/im(-an)-, also including W. Chad. Tangale hadam 'rain', Hausa damunâ, Ngizim damân 'rainy season', Bade demanu 'rain', dàmànan 'rainy season' and C. Chad. Logone deman id. (ADB).53

(7) Tgr. gimät // < Eth. *gim-: Gez. gime 'fog, cloud, dampness, mist, vapor', etc. (contra LGz 193, not related to Arb. yaym-, Syr. îaym-). No reliable Sem. parallels. One wonders whether it could be related to or borrowed from (or to?) Cush.: N. Cush: Beja gïm, gem, E. Cush.: HEC: Sidamo goma 'cloud', gomi-cco 'fog', S. Cush.: Dahalo r/gümine (also N. Omot.: Wolayta guma id., admittedly borrowed from Cush. or Amh.) (ADB).

(8) Hrs. 7afor; Mhr. 7afur; Jib. lafor // Perhaps a meaning shift from 'dust cloud' (cf. Hrs. 7afor 'cloud, dust wind' JH 6) < Sem. *îapar- 'dust' (DLU 85; HALOT 861-2); less likely, meta-thetically related to (or influenced by) Sem. *îrp (v. #1). The most tenable comparanda, however, are in ESA: Sab. îpr 'sowing (land) before rain' (SD 13-14) and forms adduced in EDE II 389, under the discussion of possible various parallels to Egyp. (Pyr.) p?î.t 'irrigable land', all of them fitting into Afras. *îapur- '(rainy) cloud, rain, rain-watered or irrigated

50 Though the initial consonants in both Qwara/Xamtanga and Burji are irregular and hard to explain, they are hardly unrelated to the present root.

51 Cf. HALOT 857-8, comparing Hbr. Tanan 'clouds' and the Arm. forms with just one word which is not quite clearly quoted as "Arb. Tanna, or a primary noun".

52 Also N. Omot.: Koyra duma 'cloud'.

53 EDE III 603 quotes the Agaw and Koyra examples meaning 'cloud', comparing them directly with various Afras. forms meaning 'darkness', 'black' and 'night'. While the eventual kinship between the latter forms and the quoted group of terms meaning 'cloud' is not to be ruled out (the connection with 'rain' seems to me a stronger possibility), it would be methodically more correct to juxtapose the two groups taken separately, instead of mixing some of the terms from one group with the whole set of terms from the other.

area' (the MSA words meaning 'cloud' are unusually overlooked by a generally Argus-eyed Takacs): Brb.: Ahaggar a-fara, pl. i-ferw-ân 'lieu couvert de végétation persistante'; W. Chad.: Dera àpare 'to shed, pour out', C. Chad.: Zime-Dari pùwôr 'pluie', E. Chad.: Kera paarü 'Regenzeit'; N. Cush.: Beja afra 'Wolke'.

(9) Soq. heyhor // < hohar 'black' (v. black No. 7).

(10) Soq. îaliloh (syn.) // < MSA *yVlVl-: Mhr. fallet, Jib. yizot 'mist' (JM 136). Compared in LS 310-11 with Arb. taüül- 'masse de nuages formée par l'amoncellement des uns sur les autres' (BK 2 336), which, however, may go back to the verb îll 'tenir lieu d'une autre chose' (ibid. 334), thus having nothing to do with the present term; cf. also Arb. yalal- 'eau stagnante qui couvre pendant quelque temps la surface du sol et disparaît ensuite' (ibid. 488).

0 No terms in Pho. and Sab.

^ Common Semitic: *ÎVrp- (#1)54 with isolated parallels in E. Chad.: Jegu nyurapè 'cloud' (with prefixed n-), Mogum (Jegu) yurupe 'cloud' (ADB).

15 cold:

(1) Akk. kasû; Mlt. kiesah // The two forms, if indeed related, may be traced to the phonetically immaculate Proto-Semitic form *kVsah-.

(2) Hbr. kar; Pal. kryr; Syr. karïr-; Mnd. karir-; Urm. kayr; Gez. kwärir; Tna. kwärri; Tgr. karur // < Sem. *kwrr 'to be cold' (v. in LGz 443; cf. *kurr- 'freddo (s.)' Fron. 147).

(3) Pal. senin (syn.) // < Hbr.-Arm. *sinn-: Jud. sinnat- 'cold', Hbr. *sinna id. (v. in HALOT 1037; no reliable parallels in other Sem.).

(4) Mnd. karus- (syn.) // < Sem. *krs 'to be frozen': Syr. krs 'refrigeratus est' (Brock. 701), Pho. krs 'to become frozen' (Tomb. 294), Arb. krs 'ê. très-rigoureux (se ditdu froid); geler (se dit del'eau)' (BK 2 710).

(5) Qur. barid-; Leb. berid; Mec. barid; Gez. barud (syn. 1), Tgr. barud (syn. 1); Tna. bärid (syn. 1); Amh. bärid, bärrad; Sod. Wol. bard; Har. bäräd // < Sem. *barad- 'hail; cold', *brd 'to be cold' (LGz 103).55

(6) Tna. zahul (syn. 2) // < Eth.: Gez. zahla 'to cool down' (LGz 634), Wol. zul, Selti zül 'wind with cold'. No parallels outside Eth.56

(7) Amh. käzkazza (syn.); Arg. käzkazza // < Eth.: Gez. kzz 'to cool (off)', etc. (v. in LGz 457) with parallels in C. Cush. (Khamta qazqaz-äw, Aungi kezkazz- considered loans from Amh. in App. CDA 46-47), N. Omot. (Dizi kez- 'wet, cold' Bnd Om. 220) and S. Omot. (Ari qâz-i, Dime kêz-in, Hamar kaz- 'cold' Bnd Om. 47) — loans of Amh. kaz-, according to Bnd Om. 207. Cf. also W. Chad. Gwandara àkûsûka, E. Chad. Ubi keckeci, Munjile kosük 'cold', Mubi kùsûk 'cold wind' (ADB).

(8) Hrs. hebür, Mhr. habür; Jib. hör; Soq. hebhor // < MSA *hVbür; the only parallels I can suggest is metathetic Arb. barih- 'hot wind' and Chad.: W.: Kirfi bùrâ 'harmattan', C.: Mbara bàràwây, Munjuk baray 'tornado', Musgu berber 'cold (of wind)' (sic!), E.: Bidiya 7àbar 'to blow (wind)', Kwang kâ-bar 'wind'. If all these forms are related, Afras. *hVbür- ~ *barih-'(cold or hot) wind' can be reconstructed.

(9) Hrs. kasm (syn.); Mhr. kasam (syn. 1); JIb. késm (syn. 1) // < MSA *kasm-. No straight parallels in Sem. For possible Afras. matches cf. C. Cush.: Bilin kaskas, Khamir häsäs 'cool',57

54 This case is very similar to 11 breast #1, representing an exclusive Akk.-Ugr. isogloss (with some — if little — evidence from other Sem.); see note 44.

55 EDE II 269 quotes a certain EEWC (I was unable to find this reference in any list of abbreviations in all three volumes of EDE) wherein this Sem. root is compared with Egyp. (nk) brd 'to be stark, stiff'; this is quite tenable.

56 Leslau's suggestion (in LGur 707) "probably from Cushitic: Darasa didallo 'wind'" does not look tenable.

57 According to App. CDA 47, Bilin kaskas, Khamta qazqaz-äw, Khamir häsäs, Aungi kezkazz- "are all clearly cognate though the variation in the sibilants especially prevents reduction to a common proto-form. The root oc-

E. Cush. Oromo qacac- ' to drizzle for many hours', S. Cush. Alagwa qanca 'rainy season' (Ehr PCR No. 147) and N. Omot. Dizi kec-, Sheko ketns (Bnd Om 207), Janjero kocu (ibid. 161) 'cold', supposedly < Afras. *kVc/s- (then -m in the MSA forms is to be regarded as a fossilized prefix).

(10) Mhr. cabil; Jib. call (both syn. 2) // No parallels found.

(11) Soq. sekak (syn.) // Obviously to be connected with Har. sikak 'a cold' (compared in LHar 146) with no other visible parallels in Sem.; cf., however, Brb. Siwa sqi 'froid' (Lao. 242) < Afras. *sVk(Vk)-?

◊ No terms in Ugr., Bib., Pho., Sab. Cha. ziza (only in Gur. LGur 724) is likely a borrowing

from Omot., cf. Sheko zaazzd 'cold' (Bnd Om 207), Ari za(a)z- id. (Bnd Ar 147). ^ Common Semitic (if the comparison in #1 is valid): *kVsah-.

Common West Semitic 1: *kwrr 'to be cold' (#2) with parallels in E. Cush, if the latter are not loanwords from Amh.: LEC: Oromo qorra 'intense cold', HEC: Sidamo qorre 'cold'. Possibly related to Afras. *kVr- 'dry': Sem.: Akk. karüru 'drying', Urmian Arm.: kayr-'dry'; Brb. *kwar- 'be dry'; C. Chad.: Mbara kiwiri 'dry season', E. Chad.: Bidiya karay 'make dry (cereals, land)'; C. Cush.: Khamir xird 'dry' (<*kir-), E. Cush.: LEC: Oromo qörä 'dry'.

Common West Semitic 2: *barad- 'hail; cold', *brd 'to be cold' (#5). 16 come:

(1) Akk. alaku // < Sem. *hlk (v. in DLU 165).

(2) Ugr. myy (DLU 265; Kog. Ug.); Gez. ms7; Tna. mäs7e; Tgr. mäs7a; Amh. Arg. mätta; Sod. mätta; Wol mätä; // < Sem. *mf 'to reach, arrive' (v. in LGz 369-70; DLU 311; EDE III 877).

(3) Pho. 7f7; Bib. 7fy/7; Pal. Syr. Urm. 7ty; Mnd. ata; Qur. 7ty; Sab. 7tw, Gez. 7atawa // < Sem. *7ty/w (v. in LGz 46-7).

(4) Hbr. bw7 // < Sem. *bw7 (v. in HALOT 108; LGz 114-5; DLU 98).58

(5) Qur. jy7 (syn.); Leb. 7gza (met.); Mec. jfl7; Mlt. aja (met.) // < *gy7, likely related to Sem. *gWVy(7) : Gez. gWayya 'to run, flee', Soq. ge 'to flee, hurry', etc. (in LGz 209 the Arb. verb is not compared; cf. also DRS 107) and its reduplicated variant *gW~VgWV7-: Gez. gWagWg7a 'to hurry, rush, flee', etc., compared with Arb. (ta)3aja7a 'to flee' in LGz 184. Arb. *gy7 'to come' has solid Afras. parallels in W. Chad. Kanakuru gai, C. Chad. Kilba gwa-, Margi gwa, Masa goio 'to enter', Glavda gwiya 'to return', E. Chad. Kabalai giyd 'to come' (ADB); E. Cush. Afar gay- 'kommen' (RAf 853), Oromo gaya (Gr. 171), Darasa ge- (Huds. 21) 'to arrive'.

curs in Amh. kazakkazza, etc., and there has evidently been some cross interference; only Aungi and Khamta are obviously directly from Amh." I am somewhat confused about this assertion: if all the above Agaw forms are "clearly cognate", how come two of them are "directly from Amh." and the other two are not (and cannot be, judging by their form)?

58 With numerous Afras. parallels (ADB), some of them adduced in EDE II 81. Proposing Proto-Cush. *bah-'to go out', based on E. Cush. *bah- 'to go out', Takacs also quotes Agaw *ba-t- 'to leave' and further extends the comparison to N. Omot. forms (like Wolamo ba-, Yemsa be7-) and W. and C. Chad. forms (like Miya bo-, Margi ba). Since all the quoted C. Cush. (Agaw), N. Omot. and Chad. forms do not preserve either *h nor *?, or are expected to preserve some traces of *h (but not *?) which are obviously not there, I marvel at the author's knowledge inaccessible to me when he asserts: "The common LECu. -NWOmt. root (*bah-; I wonder how it is known that the Omot. root is < *bah- with h ? — AM) is often mistakenly (sic! — AM) equated with Bed. bay "to go", Agaw *fi- "to go out" [GT]...and Sem. *bw? "to enter"." [GT] stands for Gabor Takacs, and it is hard to understand whether "mistakenly" refers to the author as well (which would be correct in the case of Agaw *fi- that has nothing to do with the Afras. root in *b-), or only to his unnamed opponents. Anyway, except for E. Cush. *bah-, I cannot find any criteria to discern between the two roots, which, I am afraid, seriously endangers my professional reputation.

(6) Gaf. sällä // S. Eth. only (LGur 542).

(7) Har. dija // According to LHar 55 and LGur 315, borrowed, together with other S.-E. Eth. (Wol. jeje, Selti jeje, Zway jïjï 'to arrive, reach') from HEC Darasa dâge, Sidamo dayi. More likely, however, <*dida, with *d > j (v. LHar 7 and 9; LGur XLIV) < Sem. *dydy 'to arrive, come, walk' (v. in HALOT 214 and DRS 223).

(8) Cha. cänä-m // Only Gur., according to LGur 174; likely represents *tan- (on c < *t in Gur. v. ibid. LXII), comparable with Arb. tn? 's'arrêter et séjourner dans un endroit' (BK 1 208).

(9) Hrs. nöka; Mhr. nükaS; Jib. nikaî; Soq. nkî // < Sem. (Arb.-MSA; the difference in meaning rather rules out Arb. borrowing into MSA): Arb. nkî 'partir, s'en aller, s'eloigner' (BK 2 1343); unconvincingly compared in LS 267 with Arb. nkh 'cohabiter avec une femme'. Cf. a possible, if isolated, parallel in C. Chad. Mofu -nakwâ- 'aller, marcher' etc. (Stolb. 2005 230).

(10) Jib. zahâm (syn.) // Likely a meaning shift from 'to push one's way in the crowd', cf. zahmét 'crowd', sa-zéham 'to jostle in a crowd', zahmün 'arrival; one who pushes' (JJ 318) < Sem. (Arb.-MSA; unless an Arabism in MSA): Arb. zhm 'serrer, reserrer (dans un espace droit)', zahm- 'foule qui se presse dans un espace étroit' (BK 1 979).

(11) Soq. ?érah (syn.) // < Sem. *?urh- 'way, road' (v. road No. 1; HALOT 86).

^ Proto-West Semitic: *7ty/w (#3) < Afras. *7a/it- 'walk, come and go': W. Chad.: Bokkos 7at 'travel', E. Chad.: Mokilko 7étté 'to go, leave, come', Dangla ote 'to arrive'; N. Cush.: Beja 7at 'tread, march', C. Cush. *7ant-(ät-) 'to come' (CDA), E. Cush.: LEC: Arbore 7i7it-, Elmolo iit 'to walk, go'; S. Omot.: Ari aata 'to come' (ADB). Common West Semitic: *mt7 (#2).

17 die:

(1) Akkadian muatu; Ugr. Pho. mt; Hbr. Pal. Qur. Sab. Gez. mwt; Syr. Urm. myt; Mnd. mit; Leb. mat; Mec. mat; Mlt. mït; Tna. motä; Tgr. Amh. Wol. motä; Arg. moda; Sod. motäm; Cha. mwätäm; Har. möta; Hrs. Mhr. möt // < Sem. *mwt (v. in LGz 375-6).

(2) Gaf. fättärä // < S. Eth.: Amh. a-fättärä 'faire mourir subitement' (LGaf 199 after Guidi), Endegen (a)fettärä 'to hit someone so as to nearly kill him'.59 Cf. also Arb. ftr 'tomber dans la longueur, faiblir après un effort' (BK 2 534). One wonders whether these forms could be related, assuming a fossilized suffixal -r, to MSA nouns (Hrs. fyet, Mhr. fötet, Jib. fétét 'carcass of an unslaughtered animal') and verbs: Mhr. föt, ftöt '(animal) to die unslaughtered' (JM109), Jib. fet 'to die without being slaughtered' (JJ 67), related, in turn, to Arb. fwt 'mourir', unless the latter is a secondary semantic shift from the other meaning of fwt, 'passer' (see BK 2 642), in which case the MSA forms should rather be treated as Ara-bisms. The only isolated form can be found in E. Chad.: Mokilko pûutè 'cadavre' (compared with the MSA forms, but not with the Arabic one, in EDE II 540).

(3) Hrs. yab (syn.) // Meaning shift from 'to faint' (yeyöb JH 48), cf. Mhr. yayöb, E. Jib. yâb ' to faint, be absent' (JM 146). Related to Arb. yyb 'ê. absent, caché, disparaître' rather than borrowed from it (cf. the expression in Arb. yuyyabatu yuyyabutan 'il est mort') BK 2 521. Note an isolated parallel in E. Chad.: Mokilko go'obè 'dead, corps' (ADB).

(4) Mhr. yazöl (syn.) // An unusual meaning shift (rather than an homonym) from the other meaning of this verb — 'to spin' (JM 148); cf. Jib. yozol 'to spin; to fall down in a swoon, to be on the point of dying' (JJ 92), Soq. 7^zol 'to spin' (JM 148) < Arb.-MSA (perhaps an Arabism in MSA): Arb. yzl 'filer (le lin, etc.)' (BK 464).

59 In LGur 248 compared with hesitation to Cha. (a)fatara and the like 'to finish (up)', but, strangely, not compared with the Gaf. and Amh. forms.

(5) Jib. hârog // < MSA: Mhr. hrüg 'to take out, draw out, pull out' (JM 447), Soq. hrg 'cesser, ê. defendu' (LS 188) < Sem. (Arb.-MSA):60 Arb. hrj 'sortir, quitter un endroit; paraître au dehors' (BK 2 554).

(6) Jib. enüsum, antsim (syn.) // Also 'to breathe one's last' < 'to breathe': Hrs. ansöm 'to breathe', senésem 'to sigh' (JH 97), Mhr. hansöm 'to breathe' (JM 300) < Sem. *nsm 'to breathe' (SED I Verb No. 50).

◊ Soq. same is likely a loan of Arb smy 'tomber roide mort, ê. tué sur place' (BK 2 1373).

^ Proto-Semitic: *mwt (#1) < Afras. *mawVt- 'die': Brb. *immut; W. Chad. *mawut-, C. Chad. *mVtV-, E. Chad. *mawut-; E. Cush.: LEC: Somali möd/t 'death', Oromo a-mutaa 'mourning', Rendille -mut- 'to die', Gidole muut- 'become very weak and close to death' (ADB; EDE III 683-690).

18 dog:

(1) Akk. kalbu; Ugr. Pho. Pal. klb; Hbr. käläb; Syr. Mnd. Urm. Qur. kalb-; Leb. kalab; Mec. kalb; Mlt. kelp; Gez. Tgr. kälab; Tna. kälbi; Jib. kob; Soq. kalb (viewed by some authors as an Ara-bism, their argument being that there originally were no dogs in the island of Soqotra) // < Sem. *kalb- (v. in DLU 214; LGz 282).

(2) Hrs. Mhr. mabayl // lit. 'owned', cf. Jib. baîâl 'to own' (JJ 22) < Sem. *bîl 'to own' (v. in HA-LOT 142-3).

◊ Amh. wussa, wassa, Arg. wassa, Gaf. wassä, Sod. wassa are < HEC (Sidamo wosi-cco, etc. LGz 667); Cha. Wol. buco, Har. buci are < Oromo buci (LGz 130). No terms in Bib. and Sab.

^ Proto-Semitic: *kalb- (#1), perhaps continues, with *-b suffixed (see Mil. RE) Afras. *kwVl-'dog, wolf': (?) Sem.: Gez. kwähila 'fox-like animal'; Brb.: Ahaggar a-kûlen 'loup, loup peint (lycaon)' (non us. dans l'Ah.) F. 799; (?) C. Chad.: Logone kale, Buduma kelï 'dog' (otherwise <*kVr-); C. Cush.: Waag kuli 'dog' (ADB).

19 drink:

(1) Akk. Ugr. Hbr. Pal. Syr. Urm. sty; Bib. st7; Mnd. sta; Gez. satya, Tna. sätäyä; Tgr. säta; Arg. säcca; Har. säca; Wol. säce (-c-<*t) // < Sem. *sty (v. in DLU 458; LGz 516).

(2) Qur. srb; Leb. sarab; Mec. sirib; Mlt. sörop; Gez. s/saraba // < Sem. *srp:61 'to drink, swallow, suck': Akk. sarapu 'to sip (?)' (CAD s 172), Hbr. pB. srp 'to absorb, quaff, sip, suck' (Ja. 1632), Jud. id. (ibid.), Syr. srp 'suxit; sorpsit' (Brock. 500), Gez. sarapa 'to celebrate Mass, bless an object, sip (the sipping of the blessed wine being a part of the Mass)' (LGz 513), Tna. s/säräbä 'to approach (rain), condense (gas to liquid), etc. (Kane T 674), etc. (v. in LGz 533).

(3) Sod. säccäm; Cha. säcäm (-ç < *k); Hrs. tek (hekö caus.; h- < *s-); Mhr. hutki <s-t-ky; Jib. sus~i // < Sem. *sky 'to give to drink; to water, irrigate' (v. in LGz 511).

(4) Soq. re // < Sem. *rwy 'to drink one's fill': Hbr. rwy 'to quench thirst, drink to saturation', etc. (v. in LGz 478).

◊ Amh. tätta and Gaf. tittä, to which no parallels in Sem. seem to exist, are considered with hesitation in LGaf 242 to be loanwords from Oromo dudan, although the similarity is not overwhelming. No terms in Pho. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *sty (#1) with a C. Chad. parallel: Bura sata 'to drink', Matakam sawat- 'to be, make thirsty'.

60 Because of the difference in meaning, borrowing from Arb. is less likely.

61 On Sem. *p v. SED I cv-cxvi and SED II lx-lxi.

20 dry:

(1) Akk. sabulu // < abalu 'to dry up, dry out' (CAD a1 29) < Sem. *7bl; Hbr. 7bl 'to dry up', Arb. 7ubullat- 'dried figs' (v. in HALOT 7).

(2) Hbr. yabes; Pal. ybys; Syr. yabbïs-; Mnd. yabus-; Qur. yabis-; Sab. ybsi; Gez. Tgr. yabus // < Sem. *ybs 'to be dry' (v. in LGz 626).

(3) Leb. nesif; Mec. nassaf; Mlt. nïsef // I have not been able to find any parallels.

(4) Tna. nakus // Eth.: Gez. naksa 'to dry up, be exhausted, be split, etc.', Tgr. näksa 'to become weak', reasonably compared in LGz 400 with Arb. nks 'to diminish, wane', Sab. h-nks 'to diminish' (after Biella; in SD 98, hnksn and hksn 'to cede, concede', mks-m 'loss, damage'), Mnd. nks 'to decrease'.

(5) Amh. Arg. Sod. Har. Wol. däräk; Cha. täräk // Eth.: Tna. däräk (rare, according to my informants, unless an Amharism). Compared in DRS 318 with Arb. dark- 'dur'. Cf. C. Cush.: Kemant dark and Aungi dark 'draught', considered by Appleyard loans from Amh.

(6) Hrs. kösa; Mhr. kaysaî; Jib. kasaîun; Soq. kesaî // < Sem. *kasVî-? (Arb.-MSA or an Arabism in MSA): Arb. kasiî- 'sec, desséché' (BK 2 743); compared in LS 389. Cf. W. Chad.: Hausa këkasà 'to dry (soil, clothes)', possibly <*kVckac-, perhaps implying Afras. *kac(î)-'dry'.

0 Urm. barüz- has no parallels outside Neo-Aramaic and has to be treated as a loan-word. No terms in Ugr. Pho. Bib. and Gaf.

^ Proto-West Semitic: *ybs (#2), perhaps < Afras. *bVs-: (?) Egyp. (Coptic): "Subahmimic" bösit, Sahidic bosît, bast (derived verbal forms);62 W. Chad.: Hausa busè 'to be dry, dry up', (?) Dera bâsà 'harvest season' (from 'dry season, season with no rain'?).

21 ear:

(1) Akk. uznu; Ugr. 7udn; Hbr. 7özän; Pal. 7dn; Syr. 7edn-; Mnd. îudn-; Qur. 7udn-; Leb. 7adan; Mec. 7idin; Mlt. widna; Gez. Tgr. ^azan; Tna. 7azni; Arg. izin, azan; Gaf. aznä; Sod. anzan; Cha. anzar; Har. uzun; Wol. azan; Hrs heyden; Mhr. haydin; Jib. 7iden; Soq. idihan // < Sem. *7u/idn-(SED I No. 4).

(2) Urm. nat- // L. Kogan (oral communication) thinks that it can hardly be separated from *7u/idn-, but I cannot imagine such a phonetic development. The only suggestion, though semantically rather weak, that occurs to me is to compare it (as a jargonism? borrowed from an Arb. dialect?) with Arb. natin 'enflé (membre du corps); saillant, protuberant' (BK 2 1195), nati7- 'qui est en sallie' (ibid. 1191) or nyt 'ê. très-faible au point de ne pas pouvoir se tenir solidement et au point de pencher d'un côté ou de l'autre' (ibid. 1375). Otherwise, to be treated as a loan from an unidentified source.

(3) Hrs. mësmë7 (syn.) // < Sem. *smî 'to hear' (v. in LGz 501-2).

0 Amh. joro is borrowed from Oromo gurra (Gr. 188); on Amh. j < *g v. SED I lxix; lxxxii-lxxxv. No terms in Pho., Bib. and Sab.

^ Proto-Semitic: *7u/idn- < Afras. *7i/uj-n- ~ 7i/udn- 'ear': Egyp. ïdn, phonetic value of the 'ear' hieroglyph determinative;63 E. Chad.: *7udu/in- 'ear':64 Dangla dér/gei, Jegu 7üdür/i,

62 According to Takács, who, in EDE II 318-19, compares the Coptic forms with W. Chad. and Sem. ones (and adduces some more fairly tenable Sem. examples, besides those <*ybs, proposed by A. Zaborski and A. Belova), "the Egyp. root is undoubtedly related to AA (Afras. — AM) *b-s 'dry'" (ibid. 318). Except for the adverb "undoubtedly", I am inclined to accept this comparison as plausible.

63 Egyp. d < Afras. j is rare but confirmed by a few irrefutable examples, idn being one of them, cf. EDE I 317-18.

64 It is hard to imagine that the E.Chad. forms are not related to Egyp. idn and, hence, to the entire Afras. root, though d- < *j- looks somewhat strange; perhaps, d- < *j- in both Egyp. and E. Chad. reflects some unexplained

Birgit 7uduyî; C. Cush. *waj- 'to hear': Bilin was, Khamir waz/j, Khamta was (App. CDA 82); N. Omot. *waj-: Male wayz 'to hear', woyzi, Chara wââza 'ear', etc. (ADB; cf. also EDE I 83).

22 earth:

(1) Akk. ersetu; Ugr. 7ars, 7arsu; Hbr. 7äräs; Pho. 7rs; Bib. 7araî; Pal. 7rî; Syr. Urm. 7ar?-; Mnd. ark-; Qur. 7ard-; Leb. 7arad; Mec. 7ard; Mlt. art; Sab. 7rd; Jib. 7erc // < Sem. *7ars- (v. in. DLU 51).

(2) Gez. madr; Tna. madri; Tgr. Amh. Arg. Sod. madar // < Sem. *midr- (v. in. LGz 330; Kog. Eth. 378; EDE III 786).65

(3) Gez. maret, Tna. Amh. Arg. märet (syn.) // < Eth. *mar-(V)t-, probably also Sab. mrt-n 'limestone?' (SD 86; compared in LGz 361 where the Sab. form is quoted as mrt-m)66; with reliable Afras. parallels: Brb. Ghadames ta-mmur-t 'terre, sol' (Lan. 215), Rif ta-mur-t 'pays, contrée, territoire', Shawiya ta-mur-t 'terrains propres à la culture' (MCB 258), etc.; Egyp. OK mr 'Viehweide' (EG II 97); E. Chad. Sokoro maro 'feuchte Erde' (LZS 42).

(4) Gaf. afärä; Cha. Har. Wol. afär // Either < Sem. *7apar- 'dust, soil; ashes' (Hbr. 7^pär 'loose soil crumbling into dust; ashes' HALOT 80, Gez. 7afar 'dust, soil'67) or < Sem. *1apar- 'dust, soil' (HALOT 861-2 erroneously includes "Eth. 7afer"; should add Tgr. iafär 'dust; desert' LH 492).

(5) Jib. gadrét (syn.) // Compared in JJ 71 with Soq. gadhar 'reddish-brown' (not in LS). Probably to be compared (as a form with fossilized suffixal -r) to Arb. jadad- 'terrain uni et dur' (BK 1 260), having Afras. parallels in C. Chad. Masa nàgàdà 'earth' (CLR II 117), E. Chad. Sokoro gédë 'fruchtbar Erde' (LZS 43) and S. Cush. Dahalo gudde 'land' (EEN 32).

(6) Hrs. höhi; Soq. hohi (hoihe) // < Sem. *hasaw/y-: Jib. hâsi 'soil', ahsé 'to play with dust' (JJ 118), Tna. hasäwa, Amh. assäwa, Arg. hasawa, Wol. asawa 'sand' (LGur 102).

(7) Mhr. kûî // Same as Hrs. ka 'land, ground' connected with Arb. kûî- (<kwî) 'plaine, terrain plat; terraine bas où l'eau demeure stagnante' (BK 2 835);68 perhaps further related to Egyp. (MK) kh69 'Erdreich; Nilerde' (EG V 12) and C. Chad. Musgu kâikai, Mulwi kàykày, Munjuk kaykay 'sand' (ADB).

◊ Wol. däcce (syn.) is borrowed from E. Cush.: Oromo dacci, Hadiya däcce7e (LGur 198).

^ Proto-Semitic: *7ars- (#1) < Afras. *7ariç- 'earth': Egyp. (MK) 'bewässertes land' (EG I 168);70 W. Chad.: Pa?a risa, Siri rasu, etc. 'earth', E. Chad.: Bidiya 7iradyà 'valley' (ADB).

secondary phonetic process, common of Egyp. and Chadic (making, together with Berber, the African North Afrasian subbranch of Afrasian, in my classification).

65 Cf. Egyp. (Med.) m?d 'ein mineralischer Stoff', compared in EDE III 127, among other things, with ESA-Ethiopian root for 'earth, soil, clay (or limestone)' (*mVr-t-, see #3). Though phonetically unacceptable (with a meaningless comment: "perhaps an irregular (Eg. d- vs. Sem *-t)" ibid. 128), this comparison leaves open the possibility of comparing the meaning of the Egyp. word with 'earth', in which case it is a potential match with Sem. *midr- (through metathesis). See the discussion on some other possible connections of the Sem. term in EDE III 786-7.

66 See a more detailed discussion in EDE III 128-9.

67 In LGz 10, related to the S. Eth. forms and provided with the following comment: "Dillmann 808 considers G. an Amharic loanword, unless it is to be identified with Heb. ?epiir".

68 Borrowing from Arb. into MSA cannot be ruled out.

69 With a peculiar phonetic development, due to the vicinity of ? (< *?) and f in one root?

70 In EDE I 258 the unexpected f- (< *?) is tentatively explained as "interchange of j (which I prefer to render as y- so as not to confound it with j, often inconsistently rendering [3] in Afrasian studies — A.M.) ~ f in the proximity of d in Eg.". I tend to explain it out of *?Vrd (<*?Vrc), with the guttural or uvular or "burring" [R] (rendered in Egyp. in this case, like in many others, by ? ), which assimilated the glottal stop in the Anlaut. Cf. a similar process

23 eat:

(1) Akk. akalu; Hbr. Pho. Bib. Pal. Syr. Urm. Qur. ?kl; Mnd. akal; Leb. ?akdl; Mec. ?akal; Mlt. kiel // < Sem. *?kl (v. in DLU 21; LGz 15).

(2) Ugr. lhm // < Sem. *lahm- 'food (bread or meat)' (v. in DLU 243; HALOT 500; Kog. DD).

(3) Pal. t?m (syn.) // < Sem. *t?m 'to taste' (v. in LGz 583).

(4) Gez. bl?; Tna. balle; Tgr. bälla; Amh. bälla; Arg. bälla, dPa; Gaf. bällä; Sod. bällam; Cha. bänam; Har. bäla>a; Wol. bälä // < Sem. *bl? 'to swallow, eat' (LGz 94-5).

(5) Hrs. tewö; Mhr. tu; Jib. te; Soq. te // < Sem. *t7w/y: Akk. ta7ü 'essen, weiden' (AHw 1341; no MSA parallels quoted) < Afras. *tPw-71: Brb.: Ayr attyu, Ahaggar tdtt, Ghadames tdtt, etc. (habitative) 'to eat'; W. Chad.: Hausa ci, Dera twi/a, Siri tuu, Daffo-Budura cuh, etc. 'to eat (soft things)', C. Chad.: Lame -ti-, etc. 'to eat', E. Chad.: Migama tiyäw, Birgit tüwa 'to eat soft things'; N. Cush.: Beja tiyu 'to eat' (ADB).

◊ No term. in Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic: *?kl (#1), cf. W. Chad.: Hausa kala-ci 'food' (ADB).

24 egg:

(1) Akk. pelü // Related either to Sem. *pül- 'bean' (Hbr. pöl, Arb. fül- HALOT 918) or, more likely, to Afras. *pil(?)- ~ *pulpul-: W. Chad. Ngamo bila 'egg', C. Chad. Banana bglö?ä 'eggshell', E. Cush. Burji bulbul-e, bubul-e (treated by Sasse as N. Omot. loan), Yaaku bolboli?, N. Omot. Male büla, Wolayta pupuliya, etc., S. Omot. Hamar büla 'egg'.72

(2) Hbr. beysa; Pal. by?h; Syr. belt-; Mnd. bit-; Urm. biyy-; Qur. baydat-; Leb. Mec. bayda; Mlt. bayda // < Sem. *bays-at- (SED I No. 43).

(3) Syr. bar-t- (syn.) // Presumably < Sem. *barr- 'wheat' (v. in HALOT 153; Mil. Farm. 138) with a meaning shift 'corn' > 'egg'.

(4) Gez. ?ankokdho; Tna. 7dnkwakwdho; Tgr. ?ankokho; Gaf. ankwä; Sod. anko; Har. akuh; Wol. ankakot // Supposedly < Sem. *kwakway- 'egg' (cf. SED I No. 160) with *7an- prefixed and -h explained as the result of contamination with Mod. Eth. *?Vn-kulalih- (v. below). However, it must be somehow connected with Cush.: Beja küähi (RBed 137-8; <*kwah-), Saho unqöqaho (ibid.), Oromo hanqäqü (Gr.; < *hankak-, with metathesis?), Dasenech gongono (Tos. Das. 543), Hadiya kunka (Huds.), Ma?a ikokoha (HRSC 386; <*?i-kVkVh-?), Iraqw qanhi (ibid.; <*kanh-) 'egg', while neither Eth. nor Cush. forms look like loanwords from each other (perhaps except Saho).

(5) Amh. Arg. ankulal; Cha. dnkura; Mhr. käwhdl; Jib. kzhzin; Soq. kholhin // < Sem. *ka(w)hil- (cf. SED I No. 170). Relations with a Cush.-Omot. term (e.g. C. Cush.: Bilin kähaluna, kähala, Khamir qäluna, Khamta qululüna App. CDA 59-60; N. Omot.: Wolayta kukulliya Lmb-Sot 43073) are not quite clear; as for C. Cush. Khamta enqulal, Aungi ankwlal, Appleyard regards them as Amharisms, which is possible, but the rest of the Agaw forms require us to explain how Amh. an- could become lost in the process of borrowing. For a possibility of a common Afras. root, cf. C. Chad.: Bata kwal 'egg'.

in Egyp. (OK) f?m 'Asians', rendering, in my opinion, 7arammi 'Arameans' (very likely, the common ethnonym for speakers of Proto-Canaanite-Aramaic, or, in my classification, Proto-South Levantine) and several other cases that deserve a separate study.

71 Judging by the Afrasian comparanda, Sem. *t?w/y might have been the original verbal root for 'to eat', later substituted in North and West Sem. by *?kl.

72 Compared in EDE II 68, but with the following comment: "... Ometo *b ... is difficult to explain from AA *b", Afras. *p not admitted. Perhaps related to Egyp. py.w (pl., grain determinative), probably 'small round object' (EDE II 68-9; 413), if < *pVl-; Afras. *p yields Egyp. p.

73 With many fantastic comparisons.

(6) Hrs. bekelët // < Sem. *bakwal- 'plant, vegetation' (v. in LGz 100).

(7) Hrs. bëdeh, Mhr. bëdâyt, JIb. béd (all syn.) // < Sem. (Arb.-MSA; because of the serious difference in meaning cannot be suspected to represent an Arabism in MSA) *bayt-at-: Arb. bayzat- 'oeufs des fourmi' (v. SED I No. 43 note). A variant root of *bays-at-, to be scored differently.

◊ No terms in Ugr., Pho., Bib. and Sab.

^ Common West Semitic: *bays-at- (#2) < Afras. *bayç-: W. Chad. *(m-)bwiç- 'egg': Geji mbûsï, Zaar buùs, Sayanchi mbus, Zul mbuse, etc. (ADB); cf. also discussion in EDE II 363-4).

25 eye:

(1) Akk. ïnu; Ugr. Pho. In; Hbr. Fayin; Pal. Fyyn; Syr. Urm. Qur.Fayn-; Mnd. ayn-; Leb. Mec. Fayn; Mlt. (gh)ayn; Sab. Fyn; Gez. Fayn; Tna. Fayni; Tgr. Fan; Amh. ayn; Arg. Cha. en; Gaf. inä; Sod. Wol. in; Har. ïn; Hrs. 7ayn; Mhr. Soq. Fayn; Jib. Fihn // < Sem. *Fayn- (SED I No. 28).

^ Proto-Semitic: *Fayn- < Afras. *FayVn- 'eye; to see': Egyp. Fn, Fyn, hieroglyph determinative sign for 'eye'; Brb. *HVnVy ~ nVHVy 'to see': Ayr anay, Taneslemt anh, Adghaq anhi, Izayan anni, etc.; W. Chad. *HayVn- 'to see': Bolewa 7inn-, Polchi yeni, Paa han, Tule yani, Fyer yaâna, Daffo-Butura yen, etc., C. Chad.: Gaanda ànnî, Gerka anana 'to see, find', (?) E. Chad.: Jegu 7inn- 'to know'; S. Cush: Dahalo Feen-aad 'to see from afar'; (?) N. Omot.: Gimirra an 'eye' (ADB; Cf. EDE I 125-6, where this root is confounded with Afras. *7i(n)t- 'eye').74

26 fat (n.):

(1) Akk. lüpü (lipiu, lï/ëpu) // < Sem. *li/api7- 'fatty, fleshy tissue' (cf. SED I 180).

(2) Ugr. smt, smn // < Sem. *sam(-an)- 'fat, oil' (cf. SED I 248) < Afras. *sim-an- ~ *sin-am- 75 'oil, fat, (fat) milk': Brb.: Ghat isim 'graisse (de tout animal)', ésim 'graisse fondu', Qabyle ta-ssam-t 'graisse animal', Canarian (Ferro) achemen 'milk' (<*a- sVmVn); Egyp. (Med.) smy 'fat milk, cream'; W. Chad.: Jimi sin, Diri sinama 'oil', E. Chad.: Somrai swanï, Kera son, Mi-gama séwén, Sokoro sünu 'oil'; N. Cush.: Beja simma 'fat' (n.), C. Cush.: Bilin, Khamir, Qemant sana, Aungi sani 'butter', E. Cush.: HEC: Gollango siinan-ko 'fat', Gawwada (Dal-pena) siinân-ko, pl. siinam-aane 'butter', S. Cush.: Qwadza sum- 'to milk'.

(3) Hbr. hëMb; Pho. hlb // < Sem. *hilb- 'fatty tissue covering internal organ; caul' (v. SED I No. 131) or *ha/ilVb- 'milk, fat' (cf. LGz 229).

(4) Pal. trb; Syr. terb-; Mnd. tirb-; Urm. tarb- // < Sem. *tarb- (SED I No. 283).

(5) Urm. sahr- (syn.) // The only if problematic parallels I could find are either Zway sara 'sediment after butter has been melted' (in LGur 584 quoted as a loan from E. Cush.: Hadiya Oromo sara id.) or Muher särrä, Wol. sore, etc. 'to feed well a sick person', Chaha, Muher, etc. särät 'food', Har. sör 'food offered to a group of people on a special occasion' (according to LGur. 584, a loan from E. Cush.: Oromo sor, Somali sör, etc. 'food').76

(6) Qur. sahm-; Mec. saham; Mlt. saham // < Sem. *sahm- (SED I No. 263). Obviously matching E. Cush.: LEC: SAM: Rendille sihim-e 'butter', Somali sihin- 'curds' making Afras. *cahim-.77

74 Some of the above forms from languages, wherein f is not preserved or distinctly reflected, may alternatively belong to other Afras. roots, cf., for example, *na?lwly- 'to see' (attested in Egyp. and Chad., see EDE I 126).

75 Should perhaps be divided into two metathetic variant roots — *sim(-an)- and *sin(-am)-.

76 Cf. the idea of 'fat food' as 'good food' and of 'fat person' as 'healthy person' in MSA sayleh below.

77 Often included into Afras. *sim-an- (cf., e. g., EDE I 192), but better fits in with Sem. *sahm-, requiring no explanation of what -h- is doing in *sim-an-, and, if it is a hypothetic suffix (after Takacs), why it is found in the medial position; as for reflexes of Afras. *s- and *c-, they seem to have merged into s- in the SAM languages. A natural guess that the SAM word could be an Arabism (there are plenty of them in Somali) is contradicted by its

(7) Leb. dihn // < Sem. *duhn- (v. in SED I No. 48).

(8) Gez. sabh; Tna. sabhi; Tgr. sabeh; Amh. sdb; Cha. sawa; Har. sabah; Hrs. Jib. sabh; Mhr. sabah // < Sem. *sabh- (SED I No. 261).

(9) Amh. mora (syn.: 'animal fat, suet'); Sod. mora; Wol. mora // It is hard to say whether these terms are borrowed from Oromo moora (Gr. 291) or, vice versa, it is the latter that is an Amharism, borrowed by other Cush. and Omot. languages either directly or through Oromo mediation: C. Cush.: Aungi morí. E. Cush.: LEC: Arbore moora, etc., HEC: Qa-benna, Sidamo mora, etc., Dullay: Tsamay mooru, etc.; N. Omot.: Zaise, Yemsa mora, S. Omot.: Ongota mora (SLLE 6), etc. At least part of these forms may continue Afras. *marV?ly- 'fat, oil': Sem.: Akk. marû 'to fatten' (CAD ml 307), Ugr. mr? 'to fatten' (DUL 570), Hbr. mr? 'to feed on the fat of the land, graze' (HALOT 630), ESA: Sab. mr?m 'Mastvieh'; Arb. mr? 'trouver un aliment sain, bon'; W. Chad. Sura mwoor, Bolewa mor, Barawa miyir, Kulere mar, C. Chad Tera mar 'oil', Nzangi mare, Bachama maray 'fat', etc. (ADB; EDE III 431).

(10) Gaf. bussara // Most likely a metathesis from *tarb- (v. above).78 Tentatively compared in EDE II 321 with an obscure Egyp. term bs?, probably 'oil' (<*bsr?), and several Chad. forms of the *bVs- type meaning 'fat' and 'oil' (other quoted Chad. and C. Cush. terms of the *bVz- type are too distant phonetically), implying a fossilized -r in Gaf. (cf. Mil. RE).

(11) Hrs. Mhr. sáyleh (both syn.) // Cf. other meanings: Mhr. sáyleh 'to be fat' and haslëh 'to improve in health, change for the better' (JM 363) < Sem. *slh 'to be or do well, be successful' (v. in HALOT 1026).

(12) Jib. îaç (syn.) // The only phonetically acceptable parallel with the same meaning that I could find is Egyp. OK îd 'Fett' (EG I 239), possibly < Afras. *îVç-. One wonders if it is comparable semantically with the phonetically impeccable MSA-Arb. *îVsâlïs- 'bone, cartilage' (v. bone No. 3), if so, with the primary meaning 'bone with fat on it'.

(13) Soq. îinat // As suggested to me by L. Kogan, tentatively compared to Hbr. îona, probably meaning 'oil, oinment' (corresponding to Akk. pissatu, v. HALOT 855).

◊ Arg. çoma seems borrowed from Oromo id. (Gr. 85), probably via Amh. id. (C. Cush. Kemant çoma and Aungi çùmî are regarded as Amharisms by Appleyard). No terms in Bib. and Sab.

^ Common South and West Semitic: *sabh- (#8) < Afras. *cabh- 'fat, butter': W. Chad.: Diri sabu 'fat'; E. Cush.: Saho subah 'clarified butter', Afar sebaah, subah 'butter'; LEC: Somali subag (with irregular -g instead of the expected -h) 'clarified butter or animal fat', Rendille subah 'butter; clarified animal fat', Baiso suba 'butter' (ADB).79

27 feather:

(1) Akk. nasu; Hbr. nosa (both meaning 'feathers') // < Sem. *nas(y)- (SED I No. 202).

(2) Syr. mert- // < Sem. *mrt 'to pluck, pull out hair':80 Hbr. mrt 'to pull out hair, depilate' (HAL 635), Arb. mrt 'arracher le poil' (BK 2 1092; cf. marït- 'qui n'est pas encore garni de

presence in the much more culturally "virgin" Rendille and the difference in form and meaning between Somali and Arabic.

78 Less probably < Sem. *bi/asar- 'flesh, (human) body' (SED I No. 41), since we also have Gafat basara (with -s-!) 'meaf, directly continuing Sem. *bi/asar- id.

79 The E. Cush. terms may in principle have been borrowed from Gez. or Amh., but the difference in vocalism would rather testify against this. That the Eth. forms could be loans from E. Cush., as asserted by some authors, is unlikely in view of the MSA cognates.

80 The original meaning of Syr. mert- must have been something like 'hair that is easily plucked/pulled out'.

plumes (flèche)' ibid.), perhaps also Akk. maratu 'to rub, scratch' (CAD m 276) with a meaning shift.81

(3) Syr. 7ebr- (syn.) // < Sem. *7a/ibr- 'pinion, wing' (SED I No. 1).

(4) Mnd. guspart-; Urm. par-; Hrs. ferfayr // In Mnd., guspart- also means 'crest (of bird), comb (of cock)', related in DM to Syr. gespar- 'pinna (piscis)' (Brock. 127); both are likely compounds consisting of *gis- 'side'82 and *par- 'feather', preserved in the Urm. term (otherwise < Persian, according to Tser. 0167) and, in a geminated variant, in Hrs. One wonders whether it is possible to trace this back to something like Sem. *par(par)-?

(5) Leb. r-si; Mec. riysa; Mlt. r-s // No parallels that I know of.

(6) Tna. kantit; Har. kät // LH 95 does not quote the Tna. form as a parallel to Har., implying that the latter is probably from Oromo koco 'wing'. Unclear if the Tna. term83 (and the Har. one with loss of -n-, if related) is connected to Tgr. känta 'to cut off (branches), to pluck off' (LH 417).84

(7) Cha. zoyä // < Gur.: Gyeto zäwyä, etc. (LGur 718). According to Leslau (ibid.), either "to be identified with zorro with palatalization of r to y" (v. Wol. below) or to be connected with Amh. zayy 'kind of bird' (ibid. 719). The latter opportunity seems more attractive; Amh. 'kind of bird' must go back to 'goose' (cf. Gez. zay 'goose' regarded in LGz 646 as an Am-harism), very likely related, with metathesis, to Sem. *7a/iw(a)z- ~ *waz(z)- 'goose'.

(8) Mhr. sif(f); Jib. sof d-Fesfor; Soq. séf(f) // All in Nak.; the orig. meaning is 'hair' (the Jib. form lit. means 'hair of bird'), v. hair.

(9) Mhr. katfif; Jib. kataf (both syn.) // < Sem. *kVfVp- 'pluck (leaves, fruit)' (see LGz 453). On the meaning shift see #2 and 6.

(10) Soq. milyat (syn.) // According to LS 233, probably comparable with Arb. lït- 'peau'. I would rather compare it to Arb. malït- 'qui n'est pas encore garni de plumes (flèche); qui n'a pas encore de poil (foetus avorté)' (BK 2 1149).85

◊ Tgr. cagär (quoted by an informant as 'feather', but in LH 630 said to mean only 'hair, fibre') is a common Eth. loan from Cush. 'hair';86 Amh. laba, läboba, Arg. laba are from Oromo laboba (LGur 373); Sod. balle is from E. Cush.: Oromo balli, Sidamo bala, Somali bal, etc. (ibid. 138); Wol. zorro is from HEC: Qabenna zörü-ta, Alaba zör7u-ta (ibid. 714). No terms in Ugr., Pho., Bib., Pal., Qur., Sab., Gez. and Gaf.

^ Common Semitic 1: *nas(y)- (#1).

Common Semitic 2 (debatable): *par(par)- < Afras. *Parw-: Brb.: Ahaggar a-fraw 'plume' (F.

336), Ayr afrut 'aile' (Aloj. 42), etc.).

28 fire:

(1) Akk. isatu; Ugr. 7is-t, 7isï-tu; Hbr. 7ës; Pho. 7s; Pal. 7ysh, 7ässa; Gez. 7asat; Tgr. 7asat; Amh. Arg. Cha. asat; Gaf. asatä; Sod. äsat; Har. isat // < Sem. *7i^-ät- (v. in LGz 44).

(2) Pal. nür (syn.); Syr. Mnd. Urm. nür-; Qur. nar-; Leb. Mec. Mlt. nar- // < Sem. *nü/ar-(< *nawr-? Cf. *nawir- 'luminoso' Fron. 144) 'fire; light' (v. in HALOT 683; 696; 723; DLU 331).

81 The Hbr., Arb. and Akk. forms are erroneously derived in HALOT 635 from *mrz (*mrt, in our rendering).

82 In Syr. represented by gess- 'coxa, latus' ibid. 126, v. also SED I No. 97; in Mnd. *-i- > -u- with accomodation

83 Cf. N. Omot.: Mao (Diddesa) kwinte 'hair'. An accidental look-alike?

84 On the meaning shift 'to pluck' > 'feather' v. Syr. mert- above and #9.

85 For a somewhat paradoxical semantic connection between 'feather' and 'an arrow not yet furnished with feathers', cf. Arb. marit- in #2 above. Another possibility is that the two lexemes represent variant roots with l vs. r and, as such, could have influenced one another.

86 Cf. C. Cush. Bilin sagar, Qwara tagur, E. Cush. Somali dagur (LGz 550).

(3) Gez. haw, haw (syn.); Tna. hawwi // Eth. (LGz 248; for its presumed connections with Gez. ha/away 'evening, the red glow of the evening sky' and further with Arb. ?ihwawa 'to become red inclining to blackness' v. ibid. 250; cf. discussion in Bulakh Dis.) with a debatable parallel in MSA *nhy/w 'to burn' (v. burn No. 13). There are, however, clear cognates in Chad. (W.: Warji hwa- and, with metathesis, Sha hwoh 'to burn'; C.: Kilba hû7ù, Mbara hû 'fire'; E.: Mokilko 7ùwwô id., etc.). Cf. also C. Cush.: Bilin haws 'to burn', Khamir hâu-y, Khamta haws 'to heat' (all trans.), considered in App. CDA 39 borrowings in Agaw from Eth. (because of the presence of h).

(4) Hrs. zawt // MSA: Hrs. zaw, Mhr. zaw 'light' (JM 478) < Sem. *sawP- (Arb.-MSA; unless an Arabism in MSA): Arb. daw7- 'lumière, clarté', dw7 'briller, luire (se dit du feu, etc.)' (BK 2 44).87

(5) Hrs. sëwët (syn.); Mhr. sïwôt; Jib. sot; Soq. siât (seyot) // In LS 424 compared with Syr. swt 'ê. enflammé' ('to burn, consume away' CSD 364) and Arb. variant roots siwaz-88 and siwat-'flamme pure, sans fumée' (BK 1288), which may be cognate to the MSA terms (all < Sem. *siwat-), unless the latter ones are Arabisms.

◊ Wol. jira is from E. Cush.: Sidamo *jira, Saho Afar gira 'fire' (LGur. 319). No term in Sab.

^ North and West Semitic: *7is-at- (#1) < Afras. *7is- 'fire': Brb.: Ahaggar a-has 'big fire'; W. Chad. *7yas- 'fire': Montol 7ûs, Ngamo yàsi, Geruntum isi, etc., E. Chad.: Dangla oosé 'to make fire', Migama 7is 'warm', Bidiya 7os, Birgit 7lssi 'to burn' (ADB). Common West Semitic: *nu/ar- < Afras. *nur- 'fire; coal, ashes': W. Chad.: Boghom nwur-dj, Kiir jjûr-dij 'ash', C. Chad.: Gude rjira-du 'ash', Logone nur 'coal', E. Chad.: Somrai nyurïj, Ndam nùrë 'coal'.

29 fish:

(1) Akk. nunu; Pal. nun; Syr. Mnd. Urm. nun- // It is hard to decide if Sem. *nun- (including Hbr. nun and Arb. nun-at- 'un gros poisson' BK 2 1373) is reconstructible (v. in HALOT 681) or if we deal with a chain of borrowings from an unknown source > Akk. > Arm./Hbr. > Arb.89

(2) Ugr. dg; Hbr. dag // DRS 216 also quotes Hbr. dugah 'pêche', Pal. ddgôgït- 'barque de pêcheur' and, with a question mark, Amh. juj 'paquet des poissons liés ensemble'.90

(3) Qur. hut-; Mlt. huta // Only in Arb. Possibly < *haw-t-; in this case possible Afras. parallels are: Egyp. (OK) mhy-t 'fish' (<*mV-hVy-t?), W. Chad.: Tsagu hati id., *HVyw- 'to fish': Bolewa 7yuw-, Tangale oi, C. Chad.: Bura yiha 'to fish in shallow water', Mofu-Gudur âwèt 'fish', Gude (met.?) tèhwâ 'type of fish' (ADB); the Tsagu and Mofu-Gudur forms can theoretically represent Arabisms, but the rest of the quoted Chad. forms certainly cannot.

(4) Mec. samak // Only Arb., with no parallels whatsoever, except for Gez. samak, which is clearly an Arabism (LGz 502).

(5) Har. tulam // No parallels at all.91

87 Note the comparison of Hbr. mesls (<*sws, hif. 'to gaze'), Jud. sws 'to look, see' and Mnd. sus, sis 'to look or shine (of the eyes)' with the Arb. forms in HALOT 1013-14, which is vague semantically and hardly acceptable phonetically.

88 In fact, Soq. t may correspond to Arb. z < Sem. *t, but this is not the case as other MSA parallels clearly point to *-t.

89 A common opinion, shared by my coauthor L. Kogan who insisted upon not including this root into SED II; for me, it remains baseless until the source of this presumed borrowing is presented (note, however, Uralic *nowya 'salmon').

90 Note Indo-European *dhghu- 'fish'.

91 Littman's idea about the connection with Somali kallun, Afar kullun, with alternance k : t, which is regarded as possible in LH 149, does not really hold water.

(6) Hrs. sayd; Mhr. cayd; Jib. cod; Soq. sode // < Sem. *syd 'to fish, hunt'.92 ◊ Leb. nun seems more likely < Arm. than inherited < Arb. ancestor. Gez. Fasa, Tna. Tgr. Fasa; Amh. Arg. Sod. Cha. asa; Gaf. Wol. asä are, according to LGz 73, from C. Cush., while Appleyard qualifies the Eth. forms as "clearly of non-Semitic, and probably Agaw origin"93 (App. CDA 68). The term is also attested in N. Cush.: Beja asi, E. Cush. Saho Faasa, and Omot. *Has- (Kafa haasoo, Bworo aso, Anfillo haaso, Nao asa) id. (cf. Bla. Fau. 237). No term in Sab.

^ (?) Common North and West Semitic: *nün- (#1), if not borrowed.

30 fly (v.):

(1) Akk. naprusu // According to AHw 740, related to Sem. *prs 'to spread out' (v. in HALOT 975).

(2) Ugr. Fp; Hbr. Fwp // < Sem. *Fwp 'to fly' (v. in HALOT 800; LGz. 78), related to Fawp- 'bird' (SED II No. 48).

(3) Pal. Syr. Urm. prh; Mnd. phr (met.) // < Sem. *prh 'to fly' (v. in HALOT 966), related to *parh- 'chick, brood' (SED II No. 179).

(4) Pal. tws; Mnd. tus (both syn.) // < Sem. *tws ~ *tss 'to flutter, jump': Hbr. tws 'to flutter (on the ground)' (HALOT 373), Jib. tss 'to jump up' (JJ 280), etc.

(5) Qur. tyr; Leb. Mec. tar; Mlt. tar // As a verb only in Arb.;94 related to Sem. *tayr- 'bird; divination from birds, augury' (cf. SED II No. 235).

(6) Gez. s/sarara // Also 'to flee, leap up in the air, etc.' < Eth.: Tna. särärä 'to mount', Tgr. särra 'to jump, fly', särerät 'bird', Amh. särrärä 'jump, mount, climb', etc.95 Cf. Mnd. si/ara 'flock of birds, swarm' (DM 329) and Sem. *sVrsVr-: Akk. sussuru (süsuru) 'a dove', Arb. sarsür-'petit oiseau' (SED II No. 216).

(7) Gez. barra; Tgr. bärra; Amh. Sod. bärrärä; Arg. bärrära; Cha. bänärä; Harari bärära; Wol. bärärä // A root of debatable origin (cf. SED I No. 1). Contra LGz 107 and many others, not related to Sem. *prr (quoted as frr ibid.).96 Likely related to Sem. *?a/ibr- 'pinion, wing', less likely borrowed from Cush. N. (Beja bir RBed 50), C. (Khamir bir-, Kemant bärär, Aungi berer-, considered in App. CDA 70 borrowings from Amh.) or E. (Saho -ibrir, Oromo barar-, Burji burr-, Kambatta burri y-, Darasa birret-).97 Most likely, all the above Sem. and Cush. forms go back to Afras. *bi/arr- 'to fly, jump', also including N. Omot. (Male bar-an 'to fly'), C. Chad. Mulwi biri 'to fly', Musgoy mbir 'to jump', Musgu bara 'to fly, jump', E. Chad. Kwang bre, Birgit beri 'to fly' (ADB; cf. also EDE II 274).

(8) Tna. näfärä; Tgr. näfra (syn.) // Eventually, undoubtedly < *n-pr, with a fossilized n- prefix (v. Mil. RE). A debatable issue is whether the N. Eth. forms should be scored with the MSA ones (v. # 9 below). After much hesitation, I choose to follow L. Kogan's advice and score them differently.

92 See HALOT 1010, where no MSA terms are quoted, and LS 349, where the MSA terms for 'fish' are justly related to the verb 'fish, hunt' in other Sem.

93 However, upon quoting Bilin fasa and Khamir haza (together with Bilin ?asa, Kemant asa, Aungi asi), he points out to "the influence of N. Eth., as neither f nor h occur in purely Agaw roots".

94 Gez. tayyara 'to fly' and similar Eth. forms are regarded in LGz. 601 as Arabisms.

95 Some of the Sem. parallels quoted in LGz 514 look questionable.

96 Another mythetymology, extremely popular among Semitists and quite tenacious.

97 According to Appleyard, "some of these may be borrowed from or influenced by EthSem., others may represent an original Cushitic form of this AA root", which he (erroneously, after LGz 107), equals with Afras. *pVr-'to fly' (another popular mythetymology).

(9) Hrs. Soq. fer; Mhr. farr, Jib. ferr // For broader Sem. connections v. LS 342, 341 and 107. Goes back to Afras. *pi/ar- 'to fly' (clearly different from *bi/arr- 'to fly, jump' above): Egyp. p? 'fliegen' (EG I 494), W. Chad. Hausa firà 'to soar into the air', Angas piir 'to stretch the wings', C. Chad. Mafa pârr, pérr 'bird's flight', Gude par, far 'to fly away (bird)'; N. Cush.: Beja fir 'to fly', S. Cush.: Ma?a pûru id. (ADB; see also EDE I 55).

(10) Mhr. (syn.) agönah // Jib. génah 'wing' (an Arabism, according to JJ 77), Soq. ganh 'devant, milieu de la poitrine' (Noged dialect génnah 'sternum'), Arb. janäh- 'bras (chez l'homme); aisselle; aile (chez les oiseaux, les insectes, etc.)', jänih-at- 'côte, surtout cette partie qui est du côté de la poitrine' (BK 1 338).98 See SED I.

◊ No terms in Pho., Bib., Sab. and Gaf.

^ Common West Semitic: *iwp (#2) < Afras. *SVp- 'bird; to fly': (?) Egyp. (late) ipy 'to fly' (perhaps a Semitism); S. Omot. *HVp/f-t- 'bird': Dime ipt, ift, Ari apti, (?)aft-i, Hamer apt-i, aft-i (SED II; ADB).

31 foot:

(1) Akk. sëpu; Soq. sab, saf // < Sem. *sayp- 'foot, sole of foot; shoe' (SED I No. 269).

(2) Ugr. pin; Pho. pim; Mhr. fem; Jib. faim // < Sem. *paim/n- (SED I No. 207).

(3) Hbr. Bib. rägäl; Plm. rgl; Syr. regl-; Mnd. ligr- (met.); Qur. rijl-; Sab. rgl // < Sem. *rigl- (SED I No. 228), with semantically diverse but undoubted Afras. parallels (see below).

(4) Mnd. kraia (syn.) // < Sem. *kwiräi- 'knee and shin-bone; lower leg' (SED I No. 157).

(5) Urm. ?akl- // < Arm.: Syr. ?aklän- 'armilla, brachiale' (Brock. 44), probably related to Arb. wkl 'lever un pied en l'air en posant l'autre sur le sol' (BK 2 1591).

(6) Leb. ?azar; Gez. Tgr. ?agar; Tna. ?agri; Amh. agar; Arg. ingir, ägar; Gaf. agwrä; Sod. Cha. ägar; Har. ingir; Wol. angar // < Sem. (Arb.-Eth.) *7i(n)gi/ur- (SED I No. 7). Continues, with a fossilized prefixed ?V-, Afras. *gVr- (see below).99

(7) Mec. gadam // More likely <*kadam: Arb. kadam- 'le premier pas; pas; pied' (BK 2 691; the original meaning must be 'front leg of an animal') < Sem. *kdm 'to precede, be in front' (v. in LGz 421; cf. *kudm- 'parte anteriore' Fron. 265). Less likely, though not impossible, < *gad-am-, with a fossilized suffix -m, < Sem. *gVd-at- '(part or bone of the) leg of animal': Akk. gudgudätu 'part of the lower leg of a quadruped', Gez. ?agadä 'thighbone, shinbone, leg, large bone of the leg, shoulder of animal', etc. (v. SED I No. 71).

(8) Mlt. sP // <*sik: Arb. säk- 'jambe, tibia' < Sem. *säk- 'thigh, leg' (SED I No. 241).

(9) Tgr. iakab (syn.) // < Sem. *iakib-, *iikb- 'heel' (SED I No. 14).

(10) Hrs. gedel; Mhr. gëdel (syn.); Jib. gédal (syn.) // < Sem. *gVd(V)l- 'limb' (SED I No. 73).

(11) Soq. sukal (syn.) // < Sem. *s/sukl- 'leg, thigh; elbow' (SED I No. 242); derivation, with a fossilized prefixed -l, from Sem. *säk- 'thigh, leg' (No. 8, above) is possible.

^ Common Semitic 1: *sayp- (#1) < Afras. *cayp- 'foot, sole of foot; shoe': Egyp. (Gr) sp 'hoof'; N. Cush.: Beja sib 'to shoe', sab 'to be shod, put on one's footgear'; C. Cush.: *sanp/b-'foot, heel': Bilin saanfi, Qwara saanpaa, Dembea sanfa, Qemant saambaa, S. Cush.: Asa isiba 'sandal' (ADB).

Common Semitic 2: *paim/n- (#2) < Afras. *Paiun/m- 'leg, foot': W. Chad.: Fyer fuy (< *funH-), C. Chad.: Fali Kiria pùnu7 'thigh', Zime-Batna fun 'buttocks', E. Chad.: Soko-

98 This root is attested only in MSA and Arabic, which always causes suspicions of an Arabism in MSA; this is hardly the case, however, since the root has reliable Afras. cognates and the primary meaning seems to have been 'wing': Egyp. (Pyr.) dnh (<*gnh) 'wing'; (?) C. Chad.: Mbara gày-lày 'wing' (the second element is not clear); E. Cush.: HEC: Kambatta gonna-ta id.; N. Omot.: Dizi (Maji) gaqg 'to fly'.

99 Its widely accepted and much-discussed cognation with *rigl- is yet another mythetymology among Semitists.

ro offen, opàn (<*7Vfyan-) 'foot, leg'; E. Cush.: Oromo fana 'trace' (n.), S. Cush.: Qwadza pa7am-uko 'foot' (ADB). Common West Semitic 1: *rigl- (#3) < Afras. *riga/ul- 'limb, leg': Brb. Zenaga ta-rgal, Ghadames ta-rza/el-t 'plume', tü-ragl-a 'gros pédoncule du régime de dattes', Ayr a-rgul 'penis', Ahaggar â-rgal 'queue'; W. Chad. Tangale argil 'inner side of upper thigh' (Stolb 2005 233), etc. Cf. also Egyp. (Pyr.) Fïg.t 'hoof (of cow and ass)', (NK) Fglt 'claw (of lion and bird)' (dissimilation <*?g? <*rgl?) (ADB). Common West Semitic 2: *7i(n)gi/ur- (#6) < Afras. *(7i-n)gur- 'leg, knee': W. Chad. Warji fjgarâi, Miya âgâr 'leg', Mbara mù-gùri, E. Chad. Kera gègèr 'knee', Sokoro gorun-gorun-du 'foot'; S. Cush. *gurun-guda 'knee': Iraqw, Gorowa gurüngura, etc. (cf. K-M 122), N. Omot.: Mocha gurato, Gimirra (She) gurät 'knee' (LMc 33; comparison with Amh. gulbät, etc. is wrong) (ADB).100

32 full:

(1) Akk. malû; Ugr. ml7; Hbr. malä7; Pal. mly; Syr. malë; Mnd. Urm. mily-; Qur. maPän-; Leb. malïn; Mec. maPän; Mlt. memli; Gez. malu7; Tna. mulu7; Tgr. malu7; Amh. malu; Arg. muli; Sod. mulä; Cha. mura; Har. mullu7; Wol. mulli; Mhr. mïla7; Jib. mizP; Soq. mili // < Sem. *mP 'to fill, be full' (v. in LGz 342).

◊ No terms in Pho., Bib., Sab., Gaf. and Hrs.

^ Proto-Semitic: *mP < Afras. *mP ' be full, filled': Brb.: Ahaggar amâli 'tout, entier', Ayr mällu 'ê. rempli entièrement, pleinement', malumal 'ê. complètement rempli'; W. Chad.: Hausa màlalà 'to flow out, into; pervade entirely', màlàlà 'abundantly', (?) C. Chad.: Mada mala-kiya 'full moon' (kiya 'moon'); S. Cush.: Iraqw milalaF 'to fill to the brim' (with an F of unclear origin); (?) N. Omot.: Wolamo müliya 'totality, wholeness (?)' (cf. kamma müliya 'the whole night') (EDE III 413; ADB).

33 give:

(1) Akk. nadanu (other verbal forms include tadanu and idinu) // The comparison, as an n-prefixed verb, with Arb. dyn 'prêter; rétribuer' (BK 1 757),101 corroborated by Egyp. (Pyr.) wdn 'opfern' (EG I 391) and W. Chad.: Angas tün (t- can reflect *d-) 'tuwo as an offering'102 seems more tenable than the widely quoted equation with Sem. *n/ytn (so in AHw 701; HALOT 733; DLU 543; EDE I 241; cf. a detailed discussion in EDE III 764),103 where Akk. d vs. Sem. *t is impossible to explain other than by some kind of contamination of the two roots.

(2) Ugr. ytn; Hbr. Bib. Pal. ntn; Pho. ytn (n-tn) // < Sem. *ytn ~ *ntn (v. in HALOT 733).

(3) Bib. Pal. yhb (both syn.); Syr. y(h)b; Mnd. ahb (syn.); Urm. yhb; Sab. Gez. whb; Tna. habä; Tgr. haba; Arg. hawa; Gaf. wabä; Sod. abä; Wol. wabä // < Sem. *whb (LGz 609).

100 Very likely related to North African Afras. *(nV-)gwar- 'hand; holding, catching': Egyp. (Pyr.) d?.t, dr.t 'hand' (cf. ndry 'to catch', ndr 'to seize'; W. Chad.: Bolewa goru 'to snatch', ngaru 'to pinch and hold tighf, Tangale koore 'to hold tightly', C. Chad.: Musgoy ygar 'hand', Gude ngara 'to pick up, lift' , Musgu qgraqge 'arm' (ADB; cf. EDE I, 321). The eventual kinship of the two roots, one meaning 'leg, knee', the other meaning 'hand', can be accounted for by assuming a common Pre-Proto-Afrasian ancestor lexeme meaning 'limb, leg (of animal)', with an eventual bifurcation.

101 Cf. also MSA: Mhr. adyen 'to lend (money, supplies), to give credit' JM 78, Jib. edyin id. JJ 44, Soq. *sedyen caus.-refl. 's'emprunter' LS 127 (unless all from Arb.)

102 Most likely continuing N. Afras. *dVw/yVn- 'offering' (note 'to offer a sacrifice' as one of the meanings of Akk. nadanu CAD n 42).

103 Apparently another mythetymology, though more subtle in this case.

(4) Qur. Fty IV; Leb. 7aFta; Mec. 7aFta; Mlt. ta // Only Arb.

(5) Amh. sättä; Har. säta // < Sem. *(y/w)stw 'to hold out, give/take' (v. in LGz 520).

(6) Hrs. wezöm; Mhr. wazöm; Jib. azöm; Soq. 7ézom // Also 'to lend'; related to Arb. wzm 'payer, acquitter (la dette)', wazima 'éprouver quelques pertes dans son avoir' (BK 2 1529). Likely cognates are: W. Chad. Hausa zama 'to defraud a person of his proper share', C. Chad. Logone zum 'plündern', Buduma ham id., Gude zama 'to cheat, neglect to pay debt; extract payment from so.' (ADB).

(7) Soq. mnh (syn.) // < Sem. *mnh: Ugr. mnh 'entregar', Hbr. minha 'gift, offering', Arb. mnh 'donner, offrir; donner à quelqu'un l'usufruit des bestiaux' (BK 2 1156), Gez. (metathetic) mahana 'to pay hommage, make a gift', etc. (v. in LS 246; DLU 282-283; HALOT 601; see also EDE III 306-7 for possible Cush. and Chad. parallels)104.

^ Common West Semitic 1: *whb (#3) < Afras. *wahab- ~ *hVwab- 'to bring, give, take': Brb. *Hubay-: Ghadames abbi, Siwa abba 'to drive, bring', Ahaggar, Taneslemt hub-at 'to drag'; W. Chad.: Sura hwop, Ankwe waap 'to borrow', Pero wâbà 'offering'; E. Cush.: Saho-Afar ab-it- 'to take for oneself', HEC: Sidamo ab-, Hadiya ëb-, Alaba ib- 'to bring', S. Cush.: Alagwa hub- 'to bring' (ADB; EDE I 72-3)105. Common West Semitic 2: *ytn ~ *ntn (#2).

34 good:

(1) Akk. tabu; Pal. tb; Hbr. töb; Bib. tab; Syr. Mnd. tab-; Qur. tayyib-; Mec. tayyib; Mlt. tayyip // < Sem. *tayVb- (v. in DLU 479; HALOT 370).

(2) Akk. damk- (syn.) // < Sem. *dmk 'to be pleasing, good, beautiful' (v. in DRS 276; LGz 135).

(3) Ugr. Pho. nFm // < Sem. *nFm 'to be pleasant' (v. in HALOT 705) < Afras. *nFm 'to be sweet (of honey)': W. Chad.: Dera namnam (redupl.) 'sweet', C. Chad. *nVm- 'sweet, honey' (CLR II 549); S. Cush.: Qwadza na7am-uko 'honey-comb', Ma?a na7â 'honey'.106

(4) Syr. sappïr- (syn.); Urm. sapïr- // < Sem. *spr 'to be beautiful, clean; to shine' (v. in HALOT 1635).

(5) Qur. hasan- (syn.) // Translated as 'beau, joli; bon, excellent' in BK 1 428. Obviously connected with Tgr. hasna 'to talk and do good' (LH 73), Mhr. hâssan 'to improve in health' (JM 189; marked as Arabism), Jib. ahsin 'to be kind to so.', ahtsin 'to improve', shesin 'to think so. or st. good' (JJ 116); all these forms, however, may well be Arabisms. On one hand, likely related to Hbr. hâsïn 'strong' (HALOT 338), Syr. hasïn- 'firmus, robustus', hsn (etpe.) 'superatus est' (Brock. 248), all < Sem. *hsn. On the other hand, cf. Arb. hisnat-'salaire, prix du travail' (BK 1 428) cognate to Jud. hsn (Itpa.) 'to be fully compensated' (Ja. 489) and E. Jib. Mhr. hasanët 'heavenly reward' (JM 189; an Arabism?), also < *hsn. The question is whether these are two homonymous roots or just one, with polysemy.

104 Tgr. mdnndha 'to let a cow (as a loan) in usufruct' (LH 127, compared in HALOT 601 without any comments), is certainly an Arabism.

105 Contrary to the established opinion (e.g. in EDE I 72-3), Egyp. (Pyr) h?b 'to send (a letter or message inter alia), to write a letter', (MK-NK) 'letter, message' is not related, since ? renders here *-r-, i. e. the implied Egyptian form would be *hVr(V)b-. This is demonstrated by forms in languages that have borrowed the Egyp. term in the meaning 'to write', namely Chad.: Hausa rubuta, Buduma rebode, Afade oharbotu (the latter word perfectly conveys the consonant root composition of the Egyp. word) and Brb: Lybian (East Numidian) tt-rb, t-rb-thn, Ghadames urab, etc. < Brb. *Harab, a conspicuous case of *b (> b in Ghadames and Audjila) < *b with a laryngeal in the same root (for details, see Mil. Tuar. 200).

106 Cf. EDE I 261, comparing the Sem. and S. Cush. forms with Egyp. ndm 'sweet, pleasant', where d is impossible to justify, since the correspondence Egyp. d ~ Sem. f does not exist.

(6) Leb. mlah (mnah) // Arb. mlh 'ê. beau ou bon' (BK 2 1144), related to Ugr. mlh 'hermosura' (DLU 274; quoted with a question mark). The meaning 'good' is presumably derived from 'salt, salty' (< Sem. *milh- 'salt', v. in LGz 343; this semantic shift is attested in several other roots, cf. Bulakh 2005), cf. Arb. milh- 'sel; l'esprit, le piquant', mlh 'saler; ê. salé' (BK ibid.). Cf. also Gez. malh, malh, malha 'salt, taste, savor, common sense' (LGz 343) and the comments by Leslau on malha 'to do, work': "possibly 'do good work', salt being the symbol of good deeds" (ibid.).107

(7) Sab. sdk // The meaning 'good' is debatable ('right; justice; justification; truth; that which is good, proper, satisfactory' SD 141) < Sem. sdk 'to be just, true' (v. in HALOT 1003; LGz 548).

(8) Gez. sannay; Tgr. sanni // Common Eth.108 External parallels, adduced in LGz 532, are not very convincing, except for Mhr. mesnâ 'fitness, efficiency', quoted after Bittner, but having a different meaning in JM.

(9) Tna. sabbuk // To compare with Arb. sbk 'devancer, arriver le premier', ?asbak- 'qui devance les autres et arrive le premier; supérieur, excellent' (BK 1 1046); perhaps an Arabism.

(10) Amh. taru // Several etymological hypotheses may be proposed in the absence of direct parallels. Either we should derive it from tarra 'to be pure, clear' < Eth. *sry id. (v. in LGz 564), or identify it, as a metathesis-enhanced *trw, with S. Eth. *twr 'to do things well, arrange well' (v. in LGur 637), or with Sod. tiranne 'to be strong, powerful, courageous' and similar S. Eth. forms (v. in LGur 631-2). In any case, no clear parallels outside Eth.

(11) Arg. damma // Though no etymology is offered in LArg 198, likely related to Mod. Eth. *damam 'attractive, pretty', derived in LGur 209 from dam 'blood'. The meaning shift 'blood' > 'good, attractive' is not self-evident and needs more data to be convincing. An alternative semantic shift, although also debatable, is 'attractive' < 'red'109 (Amh. addama

107 Otherwise, to be compared with Brb. *-mallay 'good, beautiful' (Qabyle a-mellay'good, merciful', Ayr mol-an 'good', etc.); C. Chad.: Kotoko mala 'sweet, pleasant'; N. Cush.: Bilin milmil-i 'beautiful, graceful' (see EDE III 242), in which case we are setting up a different etymology, apparently not connected with 'salt'; the quoted Brb., N. Cush. and C. Chad. forms are not expected to reflect Sem. -h and are thus comparable with the Sem. root; if, however, they are related to Egyp. (late NK) mn.t (if <*ml-t) 'happy state of being' (ibid. 241), bearing no traces of h, the comparison with Arb. (and possibly Ugr.) mlh 'to be good' should be disregarded, which again returns us to the 'salt' version. Another much quoted parallel with Arb. mlh is Egyp. (Pyr.) mnh 'richtig, trefflich' (EG II 84), s-mnh 'gut machen' (ibid. IV 136), possibly <*mlh (cf. EDE III 313-16; note, however, Sem. variant forms with -n-: the Leb. variant root mnah, Syrian Arabic mnih 'nice' and MSA: Mhr. menah 'nice', Soq. menah 'beau'); the latter parallel is much less tenable, since Egyp. h vs. Sem. *h is not regular (cf. discussion in EDE ibid.).

108 Tna. sannay is rare, according to my informants.

109 Curiously, the two roots with the same consonantal composition and obviously associable meanings 'red' and 'blood' make up two different lexemes on the Proto-Afrasian level and thus should be qualified as homony-mous on that level. Cf. Afras. *(?a-)dVm- ~ *di7m- 'red': Sem.: Akkadian (OAkk. on) adamu (adammu, adumu) 'a red garment' (CAD a1 95) (cf. metathetic Standard Bab.) da7mu 'dark-colored, dark-red' ibid. d 74), Ugr. 7admanu 'red (earth)' (Huhn., 104), Hbr. ?adom 'reddish(-brown), of blood, grape-juice, lentils, cow, horse, skin' [HALOT 15] (cf. also its reduplicated stem variant ?adamdam 'right red, reddish' ibid.), Arb. 7udmat- 'red color' (DAF 64), dmm 'to paint red' (BK 1 728), Gez. 7adama 'be red', 7addamawi 'red' (LGz 8), Amh. addama 'to be blood-red' ibid. (otherwise < 'blood'), dama 'brown (mule, horse), reddish' (LGur 207) Gurage (all dialects) dama 'brown (mule, horse), reddish' (ibid.), Masqan damya 'red (maize)', Cha., Muher, etc. damyat 'red, reddish' (ibid. 210); Egyp. (OK) idmy 'red cloth'; Brb.: Tashelhit adammani, Tamazight adamman 'brown, bronze coloured', Qabyle ddamdam 'violet'; C. Cush.: Aungi damma, Kunfal deme (App. CDA 114), E. Cush.: Saho duma, Oromo dima, Konso tim-, Sidamo duu7mo 'red', Darasa diimma 'to become red', S. Cush.: Qwadza dimayi- 'red'; Omot.: Kafa damme 'red', Ongota dama7ta 'yellow' (ADB).

'to be blood-red', dama 'dark-red', Chaha dämyät 'red', Harari dama 'brown, dark-skinned', etc. < Sem. *7adam- ~ *dV7Vm- 'red').110

(12) Gaf. gunnä // Likely < Eth. *gnn 'to become important, abundant, numerous, strong; to exceed' (LGz 198), Tna. gänänä 'to be lucky, fortunate' (Kane T 2316), related to Arb. jnn 'grandir et se développer dans une riche végétation, être abondant et touffu (se dit des plantes, des herbes)' (BK 1 331-2); cf. DRS 147.

(13) Cha. wäke // Controversially commented upon in LGur 650 as "perhaps a phonetic variant of wäge", in its turn commented upon as "perhaps a phonetic variant of wäke... coming from *wäke" (ibid. 646). Perhaps related to Gez. wakaya 'to shine, be brilliant', etc. (LGz 612), reasonably compared ibid. with Akk. akukütu 'red glow in the sky' (also 'flame, blaze' CAD a1 285).111 Cf. interesting, though isolated, parallels in Chad.: W.: Hausa kyâu 'goodness, beauty' (Abr. Hs. 602) and C.: Gisiga kuwi 'good', kuko 'beautiful' (Sk. Hs. 164) and E. Cush.: Yaaku -eeko 'good' (Hei. Ya. 126).

(14) Har. tonnam // < töna 'to exceed, excel' < Eth. *snF 'to be strong' < Sem. *snF 'to make, act skillfully' (v. in LGz 559).

(15) Wol. bëzzä // According to LGur 168, from Kambatta bïzza 'generous'. Otherwise from Common Eth. and Sem. *bzh 'to abound, be abundant, become more', etc. (v. in LGur 168).

(16) Jib. faks-un // Placed in JJ 56 under the same root as fokos 'to tap st. until it breaks (as., e.g., an egg)'. If this similarity is not the result of homonymy, but represents a very specific meaning shift, then the forms are related to Mhr. fakâws id. (JM 92) and Arb. fks 'casser avec la main (un oeuf)' (BK 2 621; cf. ibid. variant roots fks and fks with close meanings).112

(17) Soq. diye // The only possible match that I could find is Hbr. *day 'sufficiency, what is required, enough' (HALOT 219), but there are several tenable parallels in other Afras. with the meaning 'good': E. Chad. Tumak ed; N. Cush. Beja day, E. Cush. Bayso ka-iida (<*yid-), Sidamo aada; N. Omot. Shinasha do7a, Kafa de7ö making Afras. *dVy/7- ~ *yVd- 'good' (Mil. 2004 317-18; ADB).

0 Sod. fäyya is < E. Cush.: Oromo fayya 'to be in good health', Sidamo fayyi 'to feel better', etc. (LGur 252); Wol. bëzzä is, according to LGur 168, from Kambatta bïzza 'generous'113; Hrs. ged, Mhr. gïd must be borrowed from Arb. jayyid- 'excellent, bon' (BK 1 351).

^ Common North and West Semitic: *tayVb-.

Literature

Abr. Hs. — Abraham, R., 1965. Dictionary of the Hausa Language. London. ADB — Afrasian Data Base ((http://starling.rinet.ru and http://ehl.santafe.edu). AHw — Soden, W. VON., 1965-1981. Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. Wiesbaden. Aloj. — Alojaly, Gh., 1980. Lexique touareg-français. Copenhague.

110 For the "isosemantic row" demonstrating the same meaning shift, cf. C. Cush. Kemant saray, Qwara sara, both meaning 'red' and 'beautiful' (App. CDA 30), and Russian красный 'red' and the derived form красивый 'beautiful' .

111 And unconvincingly with Soq. ?ughe 'to become reddish', since Soq. g does not correspond to Sem. *k.

112 One wonders if the MSA verb could be an Arabism. Similarity of a very specific meaning testifies in favor of borrowing; verbs, however, are not prone to borrowing in Semitic, and the MSA languages, full of nouns borrowed from Arabic, are not an exception in this matter.

113 Though an origin from Common Eth. and Sem. *bzh 'to abound, be abundant, become more', etc. (v. in LGur 168), cannot be entirely ruled out.

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Статья посвящена детальному этимологическому разбору первых 34 элементов из 100-словного списка М. Сводеша для подавляющего большинства живых и вымерших языков семитской семьи. Основная цель автора — максимально точная лексическая реконструкция соответствующих понятий на прасемитском, а также на промежуточных (западно-семитский, южно-семитский и т. п.) уровнях. Каждая этимология сопровождается подробным обсуждением альтернативных вариантов реконструкции и перечнем наиболее вероятных внешних параллелей в других языках афразийской макросемьи. В ряде случаев приводятся также общие соображения относительно методологии проведения лексикостатистических подсчетов.