A complete Etymology-based Hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: items 75-100 Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Alexander Militarev Institute of Eastern Cultures and Antiquity, RSUH (Moscow)

A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 75-100

The paper represents the fourth part of the author's etymological analysis of the Swadesh wordlist for Semitic languages (the first three parts having already appeared in Vols. 3, 5 and 7 of the same Journal). Twenty six more items are discussed and assigned Proto-Semitic reconstructions, with strong additional emphasis on suggested Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic) cognates.

Keywords: Semitic, Afrasian, etymology, glottochronology, lexicostatistics.

This study, the fourth portion of an etymologized 100-wordlist of Semitic, concludes the author's second attempt to compile a complete one hundred word list ("Swadesh list") for most Semitic languages, one that would thoroughly represent all branches, groups and subgroups of this linguistic family and provide the etymological background wherever possible. It is another step toward figuring out the taxonomy and building a detailed and comprehensive genetic tree of this family and, eventually, of the Afrasian (Afroasiatic) macro-family with all its branches on a lexicostatistical / glottochronological basis.

Several similar attempts, including those by the author (Mil. 2000, Mil. 2004, Mil. 2007, Mil. 2008, Mil. 2010, Mil. 2011, Mil. 2012), have been made since M. Swadesh introduced his method of glottochronology (Swadesh 1952; Swadesh 1955). In this paper, as well as my previous studies in genetic classification, I rely on Sergei Starostin's method of glottochronology and lexicostatistics (see Starostin 2000), which represents a radically improved and further elaborated version of the Swadesh method.

It should be noted that my main interest in working on these four portions has been in providing new and unrevealed or understudied Semitic etymologies and Afrasian parallels to the 100-wordlist items, rather than in adducing well-known etymologies (which are also given in a feasible measure) or in a strict selection of one most appropriate lexeme for each item, reducing synonymy to a minimum. The latter task will be addressed in the fifth portion which, besides addenda and corrigenda, is going to contain a final scoring of cognates to build up an updated and, hopefully, more refined lexicostatistical classification and chronology of the branching of Semitic. As for Afrasian parallels, my aim, again, was not to adduce the most detailed and complete data for all the items, but to demonstrate the Afrasian origin of as many Semitic words as possible, inter alia to eliminate the possibility of the latter to have been borrowed from non-Afrasian languages.

This study was carried out within the frame of two projects: "Bounds of the Afrasian linguistic macrofamily: chronology of branching to be checked against historical dates obtained by natural-science methods; genealogical tree; contacts with Non-Afrasian African languages" (project No. 12-06-00214, supported by the Russian Foundation for Sciences) and "Elaboration of a complete system of regular inter-Afrasian consonantal correspondences and a pilot reconstruction on its base of common Afrasian terms featuring the inner world of the Early Neolithic Man" (project No.12-04-00293, supported by the Russian Foundation for the Humani-

Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 11 (2014) • Pp. 159 — 185 • Militarev A., 2014

ties). Besides these foundations, my gratitude also goes to my colleagues and collaborators in different projects: Prof. O. Stolbova (with whom we work on the Afrasian Database within the "Evolution of Human Languages" project, wherefrom I draw most of the data) and Drs. L. Kogan and G. Starostin for consultations and discussions. I am also indebted to Dr. M. Bulakh for obtaining for me a 100-word list from a Tigre speaker and to L. Kogan for sharing with me the Soqotri list (namely, of the dialect spoken by a Bedouin tribe of Darho in the central part of Socotra) compiled by him during his expedition to Socotra in November 2010, which allowed me to rectify a few items and cancel several synonyms that, for lack of more precise data, I previously had to treat on par with the corresponding main term in my previous list. Additionally, this portion of the 100-wordlist includes terms from one more MSA language — Ho-byot, thanks to Prof. Robert Ratcliffe, who in 2013 edited the last work of late Prof. Aki'o Na-kano (see Nak. 2013) and kindly sent it to me; I am planning to adduce items 1-74 of the Ho-byot list in the fifth portion as well as include the Hobyot data into the final scoring of cognates.

The list below is based on the following main sources (not referred to in the text except for special cases): Akk. — CAD and AHw; Ugr. — DUL; Hbr. and Bib. — HALOT; Pho. — Tomb.; Pal. — Sok. JP; Syr. — Brock. and Sok. Syr.; Mnd. — DM; Urm. — Tser. and Sarg.; Qur. — Pen. and BK; Leb., Mlt. — native speakers, Mec. — Sat.; Sab. — SD and Stein; Gez. — LGz; Tna. — native speakers and Kane T; Tgr. — a native speaker and LH; Amh. — native speakers, Baet. and Kane A; Arg. — LArg; Gaf. — LGaf; Sod. and Cha. — native speakers and LGur; Har. — a native speaker and LHar; Wol. — LGur; Hob. — Nak. 2013; Hrs. — a native speaker and JH; Mhr. — native speakers, JM and Nak.; Jib. — native speakers, JJ and Nak.; Soq. — data collected by L. Kogan and LS.

The Data.

The data consist of items 75-100 of Swadesh's 100-word list of 28 Semitic languages representing all groups within the family. Each item unites all synonyms differing by their origin, i.e. forming within the same item different entries preceded by an entry number in round brackets. Each entry, in its turn, consists of one or several cognate lexemes divided by a semicolon; the etymological comments including a Sem. protoform follow after a double slash; non-Semitic Afrasian parallels and a suggested Afrasian proto-form follow after the symbol □. Note that for cases when a choice of only one representative lexeme in the same language is random or unbased, Starostin's procedure provides for scoring several synonyms in this language; in this case, synonyms from the same language are present in two (and, in a couple of instances, even three) entries. Within each item there may occur two kinds of cases which are not scored at all (i.e. scored zero): borrowing and lack of a corresponding term in the available sources. Such cases form a separate section within the item preceded by the symbol 0; in each item this section is completed with a Semitic proto-form(s) on the deepest level of reconstruction available (Proto-Semitic, Common West and South Semitic, etc.) in accordance with my genealogical classification of Semitic.

The following dates (some of them average or conventional, chosen after much hesitation and discussions with specialists in individual languages, and still liable to changes before a final scoring) have been attributed to the individual languages: Akkadian, 1450 все; Ugaritic, 1350 все; Hebrew, 650 все; Phoenician 850 все; Biblical Aramaic, 200 все; Palestinian Judaic, 200 се; Syrian Aramaic, 200 се; Mandaic, 750 се; Urmian Aramaic, 1900 се; Qur'anic Arabic, 600 се; Lebanese Arabic, 2000 се; Meccan Arabic, 2000 се; Maltese Arabic, 2000 се; Sabaic, 200 все; GeTez, 500 се; Tigrai, 2000 се; Tigre, 2000 се; Amharic, 2000 се; Argobba, 2000 се; Ga-fat, 1900 се; Soddo, 2000 се; Harari, 2000 се; Wolane, 2000 се; Chaha, 2000 се; Hobyot, 2000 се; Harsusi, 2000 се; Mehri, 2000 се; Jibbali, 2000 се; Soqotri, 2000 се.

Abbreviations of languages, language periods and ancient sources.

A — Assyrian; Afras. — Afrasian (Afroasiatic, Semito-Hamitic); Akk. — Akkadian; Amh. — Amharic; Arb. — Arabic; Arg. — Argobba; Arm. — Aramaic; Ass. — Assyrian, B — Babylonian, BD — Book of the Dead; Brb. — Berber; Bib. — Biblical Aramaic; C. — Central; Cha. — Chaha; Chad. — Chadic; Clas. — Classical; CT — Coffin Texts; Cush. — Cushitic; Dat — Datina Arabic; Dem. — Demotic; Dof. — Dofar Arabic; Dyn. — Dynasty; E. — East; Egyp. — Egyptian; ESA — Epigraphic South Arabian; Eth. — Ethiopian; Frah. — the Frahang-i-Pahlavik (Aramaic); Gaf. — Gafat; Gez. — GeTez; Gur. — Gurage; Har. — Harari; Hdr — Hadramawt Arabic; HEC — Highland East Cushitic; Hbr. — Hebrew; Hob. — Hobyot; Hrs. — Harsusi; Jib. — Jibbali; Jud. — Judaic Aramaic; LL = lexical lists; Leb. — Lebanese Arabic; LEC

— Lowland East Cushitic; Mlt. — Maltese Arabic; Mec. — Meccan Arabic; Med. — Medical Texts; met. — metathesis; Mhr. — Mehri; MK — Middle Kingdom; Min. — Minean; Mnd. — Mandaic Aramaic; Mod. — Modern; MSA — Modern South Arabian; N — New, N. — North; NK — New Kingdom; O — Old; OK — Old Kingdom; Omot. — Omotic; Pal. — Palestinian Aramaic; pB. — post-Biblical; Pho. — Phoenician; Pyr. — Pyramid Texts; Qat. — Qatabanian; Qur. — Qur'anic Arabic; RT — Royal Tombs texts, S — Standard, S. — South; Sab. — Sabaic; Sem. — Semitic; Sod. — Soddo; Soq. — Soqotri; syn. — synonym; Syr. — Syrian Aramaic; Tna.

— Tigrinna (= Tigray); Tgr. — Tigre; Ugr. — Ugaritic; Urm. — Urmian Neo-Aramaic; W. — West.; Wol. — Wolane, Y — Young.

Transcription and transliteration.

p — bilabial emphatic voiceless stop; b — bilabial emphatic voiced stop; b — bilabial voiced fricative; t — dental emphatic voiceless stop; d — dental emphatic voiced stop; t — voiceless interdental fricative (in Egyp., a conventional symbol most likely conveying c); d — voiced interdental fricative (in Egyp., a conventional symbol most likely conveying 3); c — alveolar voiceless affricate [ts]; 3 — alveolar voiced affricate [dz]; c — palato-alveolar voiceless affricate [ts]; 3 — palato-alveolar voiced affricate [dz]; s — hissing emphatic voiceless fricative; c — emphatic voiceless affricate; z — conventionally stands for what was likely d, emphatic voiced interdental fricative, or t, emphatic voiceless interdental fricative; c — palato-alveolar emphatic affricate; s — lateral voiceless fricative (denoted by Sx in Sem. reconstructed proto-forms); c — lateral voiceless affricate; s — lateral voiceless emphatic fricative; c — lateral voiceless emphatic affricate; z — lateral voiced emphatic sibilant (or perhaps affricate); z — lateral voiced sibilant; g — voiced velar fricative (in Brb.), k or q — emphatic velar stop; q — hypothetic velar affricate [kh] (only in reconstructed Afrasian proto-forms); y — uvular voiced fricative (Arabic "ghain"); h — uvular voiceless fricative; h — presumably velar voiceless fricative (only in Egyptian); h — pharyngeal voiceless fricative; f — pharyngeal stop ("ayin"), h — laryngeal voiceless fricative; ? — glottal stop ("aleph", "hamza"), y — palatal resonant; ? and i — conventional transcription symbols accepted in Egyptology.

Conventions for reconstructed protoforms.

V renders a non-specified vowel, e.g. *bVr- should be read "either *bar-, or *bir-, or *bur-". H renders a non-specified laryngeal or pharyngeal; S, Z render a non-specified sibilant. / when separates two symbols means "or", e.g. *?i/abar- should be read "either *?ibar- or *?abar-".

( ) a symbol in round brackets means "with or without this symbol", e.g. *ba(w)r- should

be read "*bawr- or *bar-". ~ means "and" pointing to two or more co-existing proto-forms.

75. skin

(1) Akk. mask-; Pal. msk; Syr. mesk-; Mnd. mzsk // < Sem. *mask- 'skin': Hbr. masak 'leather pouch', Arb. mask- 'peau ôtée récemment d'un agneau ou d'un chevreau' (SED 1 #190), Har. mzskai 'buttocks', Sel., Wol., Zway maskai 'back of body; clitoris, female genital organs' (compared ibid. with a question mark).

□ < Afras. *mask- (ADB): Egyp. (Pyr.) msk? 'skin, hide' (? is not quite clear: probably conveys the a vowel by means of graphic metathesis). The comparison can be tentatively extended, on the one hand, to Brb.: Zenaga a-mask (-k < *-k) 'haut de la cuisse, cul'; C.Chad.: Logone maska, Kuseri msaka 'leg'; Cush.1 E.: Somali mzsz'g, pl. mzsko 'meat of the hip' (< *mzsk-), S.: Burunge mzcoko 'calf of leg' (if -c- here continues Afras. *-s-); N.Omot.: Gamu, Dorze mzskaia 'buttocks'2 and, on the other, to Brb. (met.) *kasum- 'meat': Ghadames a-ksam, Audjila ksûm, Qabyle a-ksum, etc. (likely also Canarian: Gran Canaria ia-quasem 'pig')3. In Proto-Afrasian, the probability of simple homonymy of triconsonantal roots with the same consonantal composition and compatible meanings being extremely low, all the quoted lexemes are likely to go back to a single Afrasian noun meaning something like '(meat and hide/skin of) hip, calf of leg (of an animal)'; borrowings within the Eth.-Sem., Cush. and N.Omot. area are, of course, possible.

(2) Ugr. fr; Hbr. For; Pho. Fr // < Sem. *ya/ur-/*yar^ar- '(loose) skin, dewlap' (SED I #105): Arb. fazyarai-, fuzyurai- 'gésier d'oiseau', etc.

□ < Afras. *yur- (highly tentative): Egyp. (OK) (if — ? renders *-r, and h- corresponds to Sem. before *r) 'skin'; Chad. C.*yar-: Dghwede hara 'to skin', Gisiga gar-ak 'skin', E. *gVr-: Somrai gàré, Ndam garé 'skin', Mokilko gw^gwrw 'egg-shell, bark'; E. Cush. *kaVr-/*kur- (hypothetical, since reflexes of *y in Cush. are still obscure) 'skin': LEC: Elmolo wrai (*k- > Elmolo 0 is regular), Dullay: Tsamay kwuro (ADB).

(3) Syr. geld- (syn.), Urm. gz'ld-; Qur. jz'ld-; Leb. zz'ld; Mec. jz'ld; Mlt. jz'lda // < Sem. *gz/a1d- (SED I #78; Hob. jood, pl. jzzleéd, Hrs. god, Mhr. ged, Jib. gid, Soq. gad are probably Arabisms).

(4) Gez. mâ?/is // < Sem. *maFas- or *maFas-: Tna. ma?sz, Tgr. ma?as, Amh. mas 'skin, leather', Arb. mFs 'rub (leather) vigorously' (LGz 324; E.Cush.: Saho maFas 'tan hide', quoted ibid. is an Arabism).

(5) Tna. k^arbfli; Tgr. karbai; Amh. k^à'rbàï // < Sem. ^k^zrb-ai-: Gez. k^arbflbzi 'leather bag' (LGz 440: "probably reconstructed from Amh k^arbabzcca"), Arb. kzrbai- 'grande outre à lait ou à eau faite d'une seule peau cousue au milieu' (BK 2 704)

□ < Afras. ^k^z'rab- 'bark, skin': Cush. N.: Beja kurbe 'skin' (or < Eth.?), C.: Qwara, Kemant k^fl'rbà'y 'skin', Khamta qà'rvoz, Khamtanga qà'rbz/qà'brz 'bark'; N. Omot.: Male kurubz 'bark' (ADB).

(6) Amh. koda (syn.) // Arg. koda, oda, Gaf. koda, Eza, Muher k^ada 'skin of body', Arb. kadd-'lamb skin', kzdd- 'strip of skin; skin of body'.

□ < Afras. *kOad-: W. Chad. *kad-: Tangale kada, Pero kfldà, Kirfi kàdfl 'skin', Jimi kflda 'leather loin cloth' (St. 2011 #315)4.

(7) Mhr. basarëi; Jib. basarei // < Sem. *bz'/asar- 'flesh, (human) body' (SED I #41).

1 N. Cush.: Beja mesik 'skin, hide' is an Arabism.

2 Data quoted after EDE III 599, where a comparison is hypothetically, but still inconclusively, made with Egyp. msd.t 'haunch' (not with msk?).

3 Cf. an identical semantic link between 'skin' and 'body': Sem. *bisr-/*basar- 'meat' vs. Arb. basar- '(human) skin' (SED I #41).

4 An Arabism in W.Chad. is less likely because of the vocalism -a- vs. -i- in Arb. kidd- 'skin of body', whereas Arb. kadd- 'lamb skin' does not quite fit as a source word for semantic reasons.

(8) Soq. sirhi // < Sem. *si?r- 'flesh' (SED I #238).

0 Gaf. gwagä, Sod. goga, Har. goga, Wol. gogä and Cha. goga are most likely < Oromo googa. No term registered in Bib. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic *mask- (#1).

76. sleep

(1) Akk. salalu // also 'to fall asleep, be at rest; remain inactive; sleep with a woman'. Most likely < Sem. *sll 'to lie or go down, be in a horizontal position': Gez. sll 'float upon, come to the surface, swim', Tna. sälälä 'to float', Amh. cällälä 'spread (intr.) over a surface (butter or oil)', Gur. cäläll 'float, soar' (the Akk. and Eth. forms compared in LGz 555), Hbr. sll (hapax) 'to sink' (HALOT 1027), Syr. sll 'se inclinavit, inclinatus est; flexit, disposuit; in-sidiatus est' (Brock. 628)5. See also No. 47 'lie' (1) in Mil. 2011.

(2) Akk. (syn.) itül- (< *nyl : nalu, nialu, i/utülu 'to lie (down)' // likely met. < Sem. *lyn: Ugr. ln 'spend the night', Hbr. lyn 'spend the night, stay overnight', etc. (HALOT 529), Arb. laynat- 'coussinet' (BK 2 1051; unless from the homonymous lyn 'e. tendre, mou'). Same as No. 47 'lie' (2) in Mil. 2011.

(3) Ugr. ysn; Hbr. ysn // < Sem. *sin(-at)- 'sleep, dream' (cf. SED I Verb #182).

□ < Afras. *wisan- ~ *sawin- 'sleep, dream': Chad. W.: Bole ?i-sunnä, Karekare suuna, Kirfi sunna, Guruntum suni 'to dream', Warji ussanna 'to sleep', Ngizim säunu 'to dream', C.: Musgu wesey, Kotoko wisan 'to sleep', suwäne 'to dream', E.: Kabalai suwdn, Kera soone, Jegu suun- 'to dream', etc.; E.Cush.: Saho, Afar sonoo 'dream' (n.), Dullay: Dolpena sann-, Dihina senn- 'to lie, repose' (ADB).

(4) Pal. dmk; Syr. dmk; Urm. dmk // No visible etymology unless somehow linked to Soq. deme < Sem. *dVm-/*dVwVm- (v. below 13) with an unexplainable -k.

(5) Pal. (syn.) nwm; Qur. nwm; Leb. nem; Mec. nam; Gez. nwm // < Sem. *nwm 'to sleep, slumber' (SED I Verb #52).

□ With parallels in Afras. (ADB): Egyp. (Pyr.) mnm.t (< mV-nVm-t) 'bed', (Amarna) nmf 'to sleep' (-F, since it is not clear, is to be treated as a root extension); E.Chad.: Mokilko moone 'to sleep' (met.?).

(6) Syr. skb (syn.), Mnd. skb; Tgr. säkäb hälla // < Sem. *skb 'lie (down), sleep'. See No. 47 'lie' (3) in Mil. 2011.

(7) Urm. (syn.) № // Syr. tüM- 'somnus altus'. Cf. Arb. fly 'e. faible ou fatigue' (BK 2 99).

(8) Mlt. ra?at // < Arb. rkd 'to sleep'. No visible Sem. parallels.

(9) Tna. däkkäsä // Gez. dakkasa 'be sleepy, fall asleep, slumber' (LGz 140); acc. to Leslau, related to Arb. dukas- 'sleepiness' (I prefer to qualify such cases as "variant roots"). No Sem. parallels.

(10) Amh. tännä; Arg. tenna, enä; Sod. annäm; Har. ne?a; Wol. anne; Cha. nayäm // < Sem.: Eth. *nhy: Gez. nahya 'to repose, recover; be quiet' (LGz 394), Ugr. nhmmt (nhm + mt) 'drowsiness, fainting fit' or 'deep sleep (of death)' (DUL 626); cf. with metathesis Arb. hwn 'se reposer, se calmer, s'endormir' (BK 2 1460). Same as No. 47 'lie' (13) in Mil. 2011

□ < Afras. *nhy ~ *hwn: Chad. W: Sha, Kulere nya, Daffo-Butura nyah 'to sleep', C. *hwVn- ~ *hany-: Gabin ?yene, Kilba hany, Margi yanyi, Gudu wiyenu 'sleep (n.)', etc., E. *waHVn-: Kwang wey 'to sleep', Migama wäano 'to dream' (ADB).

(11) Gaf. (tä)gäddälä; Cha. (tä)gätäräm // Related to Arb. 3dl 'jeter, renverser par terre' (BK 1 265), same as No. 47 'lie' (14) in Mil. 2011.

5 There are two less plausible etymologies for Akk. salalu: < *tall- 'shadow' (> 'to lie in the shadow'), cf. Gez. salalot 'shadow, shade', ?aslala 'to seek shade, lie down in the shade, take a rest, etc.' (LGz 555); and < *sll, cf. Sab. dll 'to fall sick (of an epidemic)' (SD 41).

(12) Hob. sw-ukóo/; Hrs. se-wko/; Mhr. s-wkw/; Jib. sef // < Sem. *wkp ~ *kwp 'to lie, sit', see No. 74 'sit' (5) in Mil. 2012.

(13) Soq. déme // < Sem. *d(w)m 'to dwell, last, stay a long time in one place': Ugr. dm 'to remain still' (DUL 272), Hbr. d«m« 'to be silent, still' (HALOT 225), Arb. dwm 'durer, continuer d'exister' (BK 1 752), Mhr. adyzm, Hrs. adzm 'stay a long time in one place' (JM 75). Cf. DRS 236 #1, where several apparently unrelated roots are united under one entry.

□ < Afras. *dam- 'to dwell, stay, rest': Eg. dm? 'lie' (if < *dVm?-, with -? metathetically conveying -a-, cf. msk?? in No. 75 'skin' #1); Chad. W. *dz/am- 'live, sit': Geji dam-iz 'live, sit', Boghom iam 'sit', iam-w^ 'live', Zakshi dzm, Guus dám 'sit', E.: Somrai dáma 'sit', Sibine dàm 'dwell'; S. Cush.: Iraqw dam- 'wait' (ADB).

(14) Soq. (syn.) henod // < Sem *hnd 'to be languid, slack, drowsy': Mhr. honad 'to feel drowsy' (JM 158), Jib. ohúnd id. (JJ 97), Arb. hnd II 'n'avoir pas de force à faire quelque chose, être très lent à faire quelque chose' (BK 2 1452), Tgr. hanad gä?a, ißhannäd« 'träge, schlaff, betäubt sein' (LH 19; not quite adequately rendered into English as 'to be lazy, amazed', rather to be translated as 'to be languid, slack; be in stupor, stupefied'; gä?a is a truncated form of gäb?a 'to be, become' ibid. 585).

◊ No terms registered in Pho., Bib. and Sab.

^ Common West Semitic *nwm (#5).

77. small

(1) Akk. sebru; Pho. sir ; Qur. sapzr-; Leb. zpzr (< *spr); Mec. sapzyr; Mlt. z«(gh)zr; Sab. spr // < Sem. *sapzr- (Kog. DD): Ugr. spr- 'young', Hbr. s«izr 'the smaller one, little' (HALOT 1041), Syr. saizr- 'contemptus, turpis' (Brock. 634).

(2) Akk. (syn.) dakk-; Gez. dakzk // < Sem. *da/zkk- ~ *dakzk- 'small, tiny, fine': Ugr. dk 'tiny, fine; weak' (DUL 276-7), Arb. dzkk- 'menu, fin, etc.' (BK 1 715), Amh. d№pt 'be fine, minute' (LGz 140), Soq. dkk 'devenir mince' (LS 133)6.

□ Cf. Afras.: W. Chad.: Boghom ko-dók, Dwot ndak 'short'; E.Cush. *d/íz/wfok-: LEC: Somali dzq-'to become faint, tenuous', Oromo dzqqa 'small', HEC: Hadiya íukka, Burji czkkó 'narrow' (ADB).

(3) Hbr. kflißn; Mnd. koi«n-; Sab. kin 'small' // < Sem. *kaian- (Kog. DD): Akk. kainu 'thin, fine, narrow' (CAD q 173), Syr. kin 'grow thin', Arb. kaizn- 'thin iron of a spear', Gez. kin 'be thin, fine, lean, etc.' (LGz 453), Mhr. káyíen, Jib. kéían 'become thin', Soq. kaihon 'thin' (JM 245).

□ with extension -n (see Mil. RE) < Afras. *k(a)Vi- 'small, thin: Chad *k/kaVi/f-: W.: Ngas kwzzi 'small, narrow', Tangale kai£ 'diminish, decrease, reduce, abate', C.: Tera kaià 'decrease', Mafa kwziee 'small', Zime-Batna kwéiéié 'étroit' (St. 2011 #110; compared with Agaw); Cush.C. *?aq"ï- 'be small, few': Bilin Fak^i-aw 'few' (in App CD A 66 compared with E.Cush. with metathesis — see #2, but not with Sem. *kaian-), E.: Dullay: Harso izzkk-assa (rather metathesis from *kzi- than related to E.Cush. *d/fz/wkk- in #2, with i- hard to explain) 'small' (ADB).

(4) Bib. zaíer; Pal. zíwr, zeíé(y)r; Syr. zaíor-; Urm. zaior- // < Sem. *zír 'be small, thin': Hbr. z«izr 'a little' (< Aram? HALOT 276), Arb. zir 'ê. clairsemé (se dit des plumes, du poil)' (BK 1 990).

6 More than likely related to Sem. *dkk 'crush, pound' (LGz. 140) and further to Afras *dVk- 'to pound, crush': Brb.: Qabyle duqq 'strike, pound'; Chad. W.: Hausa dan-daka 'pound, beat', Polchi dok, Ngizim daku 'pound', E.: Mawa duku-q 'hit (a person), thrash millet'; S. Cush.: Dahalo duk-ud- 'destroy' (ADB). In this case, the Proto-Afrasian term must have at one point become bisemantic, meaning both 'to pound, crush' and 'small, tiny, fine', eventually evolving from 'to pound, crush finely'.

□ < Afras.: Chad. *zVr- 'to be narrow' (St. 2009 #563; I would add 'thin, lean'): W.: Hausa ziiriirii 'narrowness', Duwai zàràwo 'reduce', C.: Gude zâr 'long and thin', Podoko zaraka 'lose weight', Mafa n-^araîa 'thin', E.: Migama zirâw 'lose flesh', East Dangla zèr-zirë 'reduce'.

(5) Mnd. zut- // < Aram. *zFt (DRS 769). No parallels.

(6) Gez nd?us; Tna nu?us; Tgr. na?us; Arg. mans, mass; Gaf. ansa; Sod. malas; Wol. (y)anasa; Cha. (syn.) ars // < Sem. *?VnVs- 'be weak, sick, small': Akk. enësu 'be(come) weak' (CDA 73), Soq. ?enes 'ê. petit' (DRS 26).

(7) Amh. tannas // Gur. *tanasa 'to shrink because of a disease or lack of food, lose strength, be extinguished (glowing wood)' (LGur 625); not compared with the Amh. term in spite of an obvious phonetic and semantic similarity and commented upon as "represents tallasa (with the same meaning) with l:n", compared, in its turn with Amh. tallasa 'die out (fire)' with the comment "related to Tgr. tarsa 'emaciate, become weak'" (rather variant roots with -n-/-l-/r)7.

(8) Har. tït; Wol. (syn.) tit // According to LGur 635, < *ta?it < *takit < S. Eth.: Amh. takit 'few, a little'8.

(9) Cha. kasi // Acc. to LGur 504, < S.Eth. kassan id., related to Arb. ksm 'divide' (ibid. 505).

(10) Hob. kanuun; Hrs. kennon // Mhr. kannët 'child, little, young' (JM 232), Soq. kéyhen 'petit' (LS 478), Arb. kunkuF 'petit' (BK 2 825; an uncommon form: partial reduplication with the extension -F?).

□ < Afras. *kayn-: Chad. W.: Hausa kànkânè 'small, little', Mburku kiyin, C.: Mwulien kîér/, Lame kwâniyâù, E.: Kwang koncé, Jegu kôyân 'small' (compared with the MSA terms in ND 1088).

(11) Jib. nisan // No etymology that I could find.

^ Common North and West Semitic. *sayïr- (#1) and *da/ikk- ~ *dakik- (#2).

78. smoke

(1) Akk. kutr-; Ugr. ktr; Mnd. gutr- // < Sem. *kutar-: Ebl. /kutturu/, Hbr. katorat 'incense' (> Eg NK kdr.t), ktr (pi) 'make a sacrifice, go up in smoke' (HALOT 1094), Sab. m-ktr 'incense-altar' (SD 109), Gez. kattar(e) 'incense, fumigation', ktr 'fumigate, give off an odor', Tgr. katare 'fragrance, spice', Amh. kàttarâ 'burn incense in church', kattara 'bathe in steam or in incense smoke' (LGz 452).

□ If < *kut-r, with the root extension -r, cf. either 1) Chad. *kut- (-t may convey Afras. *-t): W.: Sura kwut 'wind', Chip kut, Tangale kudo, 'harmattan', Burma kut-kùt, Mangas ku-kut 'dust' (note also Jimi kwatir id., with -r!), Zul kwutu-kwùtù 'fog', C.: Gabin kutkut 'dust', Zime kut 'fog', Lame kwâtû, Masa, Banana kut-na 'harmattan; fog', Mesme kud 'fog' (St. 2001 #103) or 2) Chad. *k/kut/t-: W.: Karekare kuto, Ngamo kùto 'ashes', E.: Mawa koto 'cold ash' (from St. 2011 #113a, with a different interpretation). Unrelated if the Chad. forms are akin to E.Cush. *kut- 'smoke' (see footnote 14).

(2) Hbr. Fasan, Soq. Feto (with a loss of -n?) // < Sem. *Wtan-9: Arb. îatan- 'fumée', îutan- 'fumée; poussière' BK 2 172.

7 Cf. also E.Cush: LEC: Oromo tinna 'small', however, without any signs of -s/s.

8 LGur 635 also compares Gez. tdk(k), translating its main meaning as 'minuteness'. However, the meanings quoted for takka in LGz 596 do not confirm this. Better comparable with S.Eth. *tak-it 'little' is Gez. takawa 'beat, pound' (LGz 596); for the meaning shift see footnote 6. As a whole, Eth. *tk(w) looks like a late variant root of Sem. *dkk 'crush, pound'.

9 Soq. ?eto can be alternately compared with Arb. yayt- 'pluie abondante et qui s'étend aux environs' (BK 2 522), phonetically immaculate, though semantically less so.

□ Compared in Tak. 256 with various Afras. forms meaning 'smell' and 'nose' going back to Afras. *sVn- 'smell' and *sa/zn- 'nose'.

(3) Pal. ienan; Syr. tan-; Urm. izn-; Gez. iann; Tgr. ianan; Arg. tan, Gaf. ianna; Sod. tan; Har. tan; Wol. tan; Cha. tan // < Sem. (Arm.-Eth.) *ian-10.

□ Cf. isolated W.Chad.: Pero iuu^a 'smoke' (ADB).

(4) Qur. duhan-; Leb. dhan; Mec. duhhan; Mlt. duhhan; Hob. ndooh; Hrs. nedëh; Mhr. nzdzh; Jib. mandoh (met. in all MSA) // A controversial case: acc. to HALOT 218, Sem. terms for 'millet' (Hbr. dôhan, Syr. duhn-, Arb. duhn-, Akk. duhn- < Sem. *duhn-) actually mean 'smoke-colored'11, in which case color may be a primary meaning, cf. Arb. duhnai- 'couleur foncée', dahnan- 'sombre, couvert, nuageux' and Hrs. edhan 'couleur foncée, pourpre' (DRS 250), likely an Arabism. However, in view of the triconsonantal roots obviously related in Arb. and MSA (while metathesis speaks against borrowing into MSA from Arb.), the primary meaning 'smoke' seems more likely12.

(5) Gez. (syn.) izs; Amh. cas; Arg. czs (syn.) // Only Eth. *izs according to LGz. 601, where Brockelmann's opinion of a loan from C.Cush. (Aungi izsa, Bilin izda, Kemant iahsa') is quoted; however, the case is much more intricate13. In view of Arb. iassân- 'poussière soulevée et qui voltige et tourbillonne dans l'air' (BK 2 81), likely related with the Eth. forms (for the meaning shift see Chad. above in #1), the Aungi and Kunfal (izsz) terms are Ethiopisms.

(6) Tna. iakk-z // Tigre iaka 'put on fire'. No Semitic parallels14.

□ < Afras. *iVk- 'burn, put on fire': Egyp. (RT) ik? 'burn' (< *iak-, ? conveying -a- with graphic metathesis? Or < *iVkVr/1- with a root extension?); Chad. W.: Hausa iokfl 'cold ash', Pero iokko 'put on fire', C.: Matakam iflkwfl-r 'burn', E.: Dangla iukz-nà, Bidiya iokzZ-nà 'stove'; Cush. C.: Bilin iMd- 'burn' (< ^iak^-ad-?)

◊ No term registered in Pho., Bib. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic *kuir- (#1).

^ Common South and West Semitic (Arabic) *duhan- ~ *nzdVh- (#4).

79. stand

(1) Akk. u/zzuzz- // Probably cognate with Arb. wzy/yzy 'ê. rassemblé, aggloméré sur un seul point', III 'ê. placé dû côte opposé, vis-à-vis d'un autre', IV 'appuyer, p. ex. le dos contre quelque chose', musiawz- 'dressé, qui est débout (homme, object)' (BK 2 1532)15.

10 In LGz 577, the Eth. root is compared with the Arm. one, though Brockelmann's suggestion of the Arm. forms coming from *?tn (see 7 below) is regarded as an alternative, while in Tak. *h 256, the latter, much weaker, if not completely wrong, etymology is quoted as the only one, the Eth. forms left without mention.

11 In DRS 250, 'millet' and 'smoke' are quoted in different entries, though with the comment: "Le nom de la plante s'expliquerait par sa couleur".

12 It is somewhat dubious whether 'smoke' could have transferred its color to 'millet' without leaving any traces of the original meaning (or at least of a similar color) in those languages where *duhn- 'millet' is attested.

13 Bilin tada, Khamir tiya < North Agaw *tiz-, Aungi tisi, Kunfal tisi < South Agaw *tis-. The forms reconstructed for North and South Agaw do not correspond to each other regularly (it is -s rather than -s that corresponds to NAgaw *z according to correspondences in App. CDA 13), which would rather point to a borrowing into Agaw. As for Kemant tahza and Falasha taksa, those forms seem to belong to a different root (according to Appleyard, -h- remains unexplained if the forms are indeed related).

14 Coincides with Saho tika 'smoke' with no direct cognates either, unless the latter is related through metathesis with E.Cush. *kut- (in which case it should be considered a loan in Tna.). LEC: Mashile kutayt (according to Black, also tutayt), Dullay: Gawwada, Gollango, Gobeze, Harso kuute (ADB).

15 In Kog. Ug. 2 #17, Akk. u/izuzz- is compared (after Poebel and others) with Ugr. n-dd 'to stand', pB Hbr. zwz 'to move, go away, depart' (acc. to Kog. ibid., "well compatible semantically", which to me does not look so), im-

(2) Ugr. km ('stand up'); Bib. kwm; Pal. kwm; Syr. kwm; Mnd. kwm; Qur. kwm; Sab. kwm; Gez. kwm; Tna. komä (the other term, däw in däw bälä, is a loanword from Bilin däw y- or Saho dau id.); Amh. komä; Arg. koma, oma; Gaf. komä; Sod. komäm; Cha. kwämäm // < Sem. *kwm 'stand (up), rise': Hbr. kwm 'to rise, get up, stand up' (HALOT 1086).

□ < Afras. *kaw/ym- 'stand up, rise': Berb. *kaym 'to sit' (with a meaning shift, perhaps primarily 'to sit up, rise to a sitting position'): Ghadames, Siwa, Rif qim, Ahaggar, Taneslemt yaym, Zenaga imi (< *i?mi < *iymi), etc.; W.Chad: Geji kàmi, Buli kdmu 'lift' (ADB).

(3) Hbr. ?md // < Sem. *?md: Akk. emëd- 'lean against, impose', Arb. ?md 'to support; intend'.

□ Cf. W.Chad. *Hind/d- (with assimilation of -n- to the dental?) 'stand up': Karekare, Ngamo hind-, Bele hindû-ko, etc. (ADB).

(4) Urm. kl? // No etymology, suspicious as a borrowing.

(5) Qur. wkf (syn.); Lbn. wd?df; Mec. wagaf; Mlt. wi?f // < Sem.: Sab. wkf 'attach, fix', mwkf 'base' (SD 161), Mhr. awökdf (JM 427), Jib. ökuf 'to stop doing st.' (JJ 291)16.

(6) Tgr. bätra // Looks like a singular semantic development from 'to be arrogant, haughty': Amh. tänbätärrärä 's'avancer avec une démarche orgueilleuse', Arb. btr 'être arrogant' (DRS 61).

(7) Har. känäna; Wol. kanänä // Arb. knn VIII 'se reposer', X 'faire halte avec ses troupeaux pour en traire les femelle et boire le lait' BK 2 817 (In LGur 488, Arb. kanna, ?iknanna 'stand up' are quoted).

(8) Hob. sôor; Hrs. sör; Mhr. sör; Jib. sor // < Sem. *sw/yr-: Sab. srr 'to stay, stand' (SD 147), Arb. syr II 'arrêter (p.ex., l'eau) dans son cours' (BK 2 1390). Perhaps related, with a meaning shift, are Soq. swr 'carry', Gez. swr 'to bear, carry, support (old parents), bear up' (LGz 567), Tgr. sora 'carry, support', Tna. sorä 'carry', Amh. torä, Gur. torä 'carry, support'.

□ If the primary meaning is 'to stand' rather than 'carry, support', related to Chad. W. *çVr-'to stand': Hausa çâyà, Pa'a ciràà 'to stand', Warji çarw-, Miya, Kariya, Mburku, Cagu sar-, Siri couru 'stand, stop, wait', Tangale seri 'stand (up), stop', Geruma sora, Daffa-Butura soor 'stand' (St. 2009 #772).

(9) Soq. kesaî // Cf. Arb. k?? II 'ne pas quitter la maison' (BK 2 753).

◊ No term registered in Pho.

^ Common West Semilic *kwm (#2).

80. star

(1) Akk. kakkab-; Ugr. kbkb; Hbr. kökab; Pho. kkb; Pal. kebkïb; Syr. kawkdb-; Mnd. kukb-; Urm. käwkdb-; Qur. kawkab-; Sab. kwkb; Gez. kokäb; Tna. kwakob; Tgr. kokäb; Amh. kokäb; Arg. kokäb; Gaf. kokobä; Sod. kokäb; Cha. kwäkwab; Hob. kdbkiib; Hrs. kebkïb; Mhr. kebkib; Jib. kdbkëb; Soq. kibsib // < Sem. *kabkib-, perhaps derived with the original meaning 'a round object' < Sem. *kVbb-, kVbkVb- '(to be) round': Hbr. kirkeb 'encircle', Arb. kbb 'form into a ball', kubbat-'ball, ball of thread, lump', kabkab- 'ball of thread', Gez. kdbb, kdbub 'round', etc. (ADB).

(2) Qur. (syn.) na^m-; Lbn. nizmi; Mec. najma // No etymology that I could find.

(3) Har. tüy // No etymology.

◊ Mlt. stilla < Italian; Wol. kälbäzo (see LGur for a source of borrowing). No term registered in Bib.

^ Common Semitic *kabkib- (#1).

plying Sem. *(ylw)dd as an underlying root. At the same time, Ugr. ndd 'to go, move; disappear, be extinguish; prepare, hurry, rush, launch oneself' (DUL 620) is by far better compatible both semantically and phonetically with Hbr. ndd 'to flee, escape', Jud. Arm. ndd, Arb. ndd 'to flee', etc. (HALOT 672), going back to Sem. *ndd.

16 Modern Arm. wakkef 'se tenir debout' (compared in DRS 609), absent in other Arm., must be a loan from Arb.

81. stone

(1) Akk. abn-; Ugr. ?bn; Hbr. ?äbän; Pho. ?bn; Bib. ?äbän; Pal. ?ßben; Sab. ?bn; Gez. ?aban; Tna. ?amn-z; Tgr. ?aman; Sod. ammayyä; Har. wn; Wol. un; Cha. amar; Soq. ?oben // < Sem. *?abn-.

□ < Afras. *(?a)bwn- 'stone, millstone': Egyp. (ME) bnw.i 'stone, millstone'; Chad. W. *?abwn-'millstone': Bolewa, Dera, Ngamo bùni, Kariya vun, Mburku avana, Zaar vuun (v points to *?ab-), C: Dghwede vwra, Mandara wvra 'millstone', Zime-Batna vanà 'stone', Gidar bwwna na ara 'stone for grinding' (ADB)17.

(2) Syr. kap-; Urm. kz?p- // only Arm. (see HALOT 493).

(3) Mnd. glal- // Arm. (Off. gll, Palm. gll?) HJ 224 < Sem. *ga/u1- ~ *gz7aJ- 'stone': Hbr. gal 'heap, heap of stones' (HALOT 190), Arb. jwl-, pl. jz'lfll- 'rocher dans l'eau' (BK 1 358). Perhaps < Sem.*g11 'be round' (see DRS 125-6). If so,

□ < Afras. *ga'aM- 'be round': Brb. *ge1e11-ei 'be round'; Chad. W.: Hausa gùlwlù 'ball', C.: Gulfei ^gold 'round', Mofu -^gß-^gßl- 'make a ball'. Cf. also isolated E. Chad.: Somrai gala, Mubi za^-gala 'stone' (ADB).

(4) Qur. hajar-; Lbn. hazar; Mec. hajar // No direct cognates. Cf. Tgr. hagrai 'a sort of red stone or red earth' (LGz 228), which may be an Arabism, and Gez. hag^ar 'grape seeds' (ibid.: "probably from Ar. hajar 'stone'").

□ Probably related (with metathesis) to Brb. *Hzrg- 'stone': Ghadames zrag, Zenaga i-z'?rg-ai 'stone'.

(5) Mlt. jebla // < Sem. *gVbVZ- 'mountain; boundary, border', see No. 55 'mountain' (4) in Mil. 2012.

(6) Amh. dangay; Arg. dangay, ganjela (< *gVndVZ-, met. < *dVngV1-); Gaf. dänga // Tgr., Tna. däng^älla 'rocher' (DRS 279). No cognates in Sem.; looks like a loan.

□ Hardly a loan from Oromo dagaa 'stone' < E.Cush.: LEC *dagah- id. Obviously connected with C.Cush. ^da/zng^Vr- 'stone' (Bilin däng^ara, Khamtanga dagwra, dengwr, Khamir dzgwra, Waag dzgura), but why -l?

(7) Hob. soor; Hrs. sewwer; Mhr. sowwer // < Sem. *sVwwVr- ~ *szr(a)r-: Hbr. sardr 'stone or pebble', Jud. Arm. sarar- 'pebble, flint' (HALOT 1055; not related to sor < Sem. *iw/zr- 'flint, rock'), perhaps also Syr. swr- 'pulvis' (Brock. 536), Arb. szrrai- 'poussière' (BK 1 1326).

(8) Jib. /wdun (also 'rock') // Soq. /e'/zdehon 'montagne' (LS 333) < Sem. *pad(d)an- 'path in the mountains', see No. 55 'mountain' (10) in Mil. 2012.

^ Common Semitic *?abn- (#1).

82. sun

(1) Akk. sams-; Hbr. sämäs; Pho. sms; Bib. samas; Pal. sms; Syr. sems-; Mnd. sam(z)s-; Urm. szms-; Qur. sams-; Lbn. samas; Mec. sams; Mlt. semes; Sab. s2msi; Soq. sam // < Sem. * Sxam(Sxam)-

□ < Afras. *sam- 'burning heat': Brb. *?z-sam 'lightning': Ndir, Figig z-sszm, Ahaggar e-ssam, etc.; Egyp. (OK) sm, smm 'be hot, be burning'; (?) W.Chad.: Angas lem 'sun' (questionable as Angas l- can reflect *1-, *s-, *c-); S. Cush: Alagwa cehemw (with a secondary extension -h-, see Mil. RE) 'sun, daylight', Burunge cema 'sun'18 (perhaps also Asa demo-k 'morning'). ADB.

17 The status of *?a- is not quite clear. Presumably, it is a prefixal root extension, not preserved in Egyp. On the other hand, cf. Cush. *?ab- (suggesting a segmentation *?ab-n-?): Cush. N.: Beja ?awi 'stone, rock' (< *?ab-?), C.: Bilin amba, Khamta abaa, Khamir, Qwara abaa 'mountain', E.: LEC: Baiso e?ebo 'stone' (ADB).

18 According to Tak. 2011 131, S.Cush. *c (= tl; rendered ibid. as *c1 vs. S.Cush. *c2 continuing Afras. *c) points to Afras. *c[a]m-, not *sam- as suggested here. However, the situation with S. Cush. laterals is not so straightforward and requires further investigation. According to O. Stolbova, "S.Cush. *s corresponds to both Chadic non-

(2) Ugr. sps // (cf. Ebl. si-pis, cf. also Hbr. pl. sabiis-iim 'small sun disc used as jewellery or amulet' HALOT 1392-93; strangely with -b-).

□ < Afras. *sip- 'sunlight, brightness': Egyp. (Pyr.) ssp 'to be light' (ss- reflects *s-?), Brb. *a-sif 'day': Ghat a-sef, Ahaggar essef, etc.; Chad. W.: Hausa zäaf 'heat', zuffa 'hot weather', Mu-pun mi-lep 'shining thing', Angas mu-lep 'shine; star', Ankwe miye-lap 'lightning', Tangale ki-lip, rji-lip 'shining, brilliant; lightning' (the former four words can be < *zyap- or *-lyap-), C.: Kapsiki zavu (< *sap-) 'white' (ADB; cf. otherwise St. 2007 #437).

(3) Gez. dähay; Tna. sähay; Tgr. sähay; Amh. tay; Arg. cähed // < Sem. *sVhy-: Arb. duha, dihh-'sun'.

□ < Afras. *cVhay/w- 'burning sun': C.Chad. *caw- 'red': Zime slew, Masa cäw, Mesme seo, Banana sawi (St. 2007 #304); S.Cush.: Dahalo sah- 'to burn' (ADB).

(4) Gaf. äymarä, Sod. yimar, imar // < Eth.: Gogot imir 'sun', Gez. ?amir 'sun, day, time' (according to LGur 51, the Gurage and Gafat terms are probably from the Gez. root ?amärä 'indicate, show', which seems far-fetched), Tgr. ?ammära 'be bright'.

□ < Afras. *?amir- 'daylight': Egyp. (18 Dyn.) m?w.t (if ? < *-r-) 'rays, beams, brightness'; Brb.: Iznasen ta-miri 'moonlight', Ahaggar e-mmar 'chaleur rayonnee', a-sa-mmer, Ayr i-sassa-mmar 'rayon de soleil', etc.; C.Cush.: Bilin amär 'klar, licht sein', *?ämär- 'tomorrow' (in App. CDA 138, called "a borrowing in EthSem, Gz. ?amir 'day'", which is as semantically impossible as, vice versa, a borrowing from Gez.: Agaw 'tomorrow' is a normal meaning shift from 'morning'). See also EDE III, 68-9.

(5) Har. ir; Wol. ayr, Cha. eyat // < Eth.: Gez. (Sawasew) ?er, Selti ayar, Zway arlt, Muher, Masqan, Gogot aret 'sun'. Unless from E.Cush.19 < Sem. *?Vr- 'daylight' 2, 'sun' 3: Akk. urru 'daytime' (CDA 426), Ugr. a/ir 'light' (DUL 94), Hbr. ?or 'daylight' (HALOT 24).

□ < Afras. *?ay/wr- 'sunlight': Chad. C. *wur- /*yirVw-: Gudu wür 'morning', Gude wura 'go to do something or go somewhere early in the morning', Buduma yirow 'day', E. *?iray-: Dangla eriyo 'noon', Bidiya ?ira 'day'; E. Cush.: Saho, Afar ayro, LEC: Jiddu ?ariye?, Baiso ?areti, HEC: Darasa ari-sso, Sidama arri-sso, Qabenna arru, Tembaro arri-ccu 'sun' (ADB).

(6) Hob. hyuum; Hrs. heyom; Mhr. heyum; Jib. yum // < Sem. *yawm- 'day': Akk. ümu, Ugr. ym, Hbr. yom, Arb. yawm- (HALOT 399).

emphatic laterals" (St. 2007 11), i.e. to *c (corresponding to Sem. *s < Afras. *c) and *s (corresponding to Sem. *sx < Afras. *s). In two sets of correspondences adduced by Takacs, the opposition *s vs. *c in Proto-Afras. is based on the same opposition in S.Cush., Chad. and Sem. (following, without mentioning it, the correlation first established by the present author in an unpublished manuscript of 1979 and later described in detail in SED I XCVIII-CV). As for Sem., the difference between the somewhat rare *sx (< Afras. *s) and the much more common *c (< Afras. *c), suggested in these studies and apparently accepted by Takacs, lies in the opposition of two sets of correspondences: (1) *sx > Hbr. s- ~ *-s, MSA *s and (2) Hbr. s, MSA s, with Arb. s in both sets. However, out of all the examples illustrating Afras. *s and *c that are adduced in Tak. 2011 128-132, I could not find a single convincing Semitic case supporting the opposition *s vs. *c in S.Cush. (I will analyze these examples in my forthcoming review of Tak. 2011).

19 According to LGur 118, forms with -r are either borrowed from Cushitic or represent the Ethiopic root ?mr with weakened m, including the possibility of Eth. ?mr "taken over as ir into Cushitic and then borrowed under this form by the various Ethiopic languages". The idea of "weakened" -m- does not hold water, if only because ?er is attested in Sawasew; the Eth. forms are hardly the source of borrowing into East Cushitic, where it is a widespread term for 'sun'. As for Cha. eyat (and similar forms in other Gurage), it is "perhaps to be identified with aret, by palatalization of r", according to LGur 118; though I am somewhat skeptical about the loss of -r- "by palatalization", I am including the Cha. term into this entry for lack of a better etymology (another possibility is a borrowing from Omotic: cf. Chara oya, Dime (?)iyy-u, etc.; cf. also E.Cush.: LEC: Arbore ?awate, Elmolo dote? < *?awajlj-, all meaning 'sun'). ADB.

□ < Afras.: Egyp. (MK) zmy 'sun (as an eye)'; W.Chad.: Hausa yàmma 'west; afternoon (when the sun is in the west)' (unless an Arabism). ADB.

^ Common Semitic *Sxam(Sxam)- (#1).

83. swim

(1) Hbr. shy; Syr. shy; Urm. shy // < West Sem. (Hbr.-Arm.) *shy or *shy: Chr-Pal. sh? 'wash oneself', Jud. shy 'swim', Mnd. saa 'wash, perform ablution' (HALOT 1314).

□ < Afras. *cah/i- 'bathe, wash oneself, swim': Chad. *sVw/y- 'to bathe, wash': W.: Sayanchi saa 'to swim', Tala sau 'wash', C.: Gidar say 'to bathe', Mafa sah- 'wash a calabash', Musgu saT 'swim' (ADB after Lukas, not included into St. 2007 #19), E.: Mokilko swuyè 'to bathe, wash oneself', Saba so?e 'wash', etc. (cf. ibid.); S.Cush.: Iraqw sawT-aas 'to rinse, clean'.

(2) Pal. swf // No etymology I could find.

(3) Qur. sbh; Lbn. sabah // Hob. soobah must be an Arabism. No etymology.

(4) Mec. Tarn; Mlt. (gh)om // No etymology.

(5) Gez. h/hammasa; Tna. hambà'sà'; Tgr. hammasa // Cf. Arb. hamz'sai- 'petit ruisseau ou cours d'eau' (BK 1 633).

□ Cf. isolated W.Chad.: Gwandara amzsz 'swimming'.

(6) Gez. wanaya; Amh. wanne; Arg. wanna; Sod. wanna'm // Only Eth. (LGz 615) with this meaning.

□ Cf. Egyp. (Gr.) zwny 'waters'; Chad. C.: Gude yznwa 'dip into', E.: Migama ?flny«w 'to bathe', Mubi ?ànyy, Kajakse ?ànyzznyà 'to swim'; N.Omot.: Mocha wana 'swim' (looks an Amharism). All < Afras. *wny/*ynw/*?nw/y ?

(7) Cha. darag'a // According to LGur 219, lit. 'hit a hitting' < Common Gurage *dà'rragà' 'hit, beat', perhaps to be identified with Amh. (a)dà'rragà' 'make, do, act'. Another possibility is a meaning shift from Sem. *drg 'to march, travel', *darag- 'way, path': Akk. (YB) daragg-'way, track' (CDA 56), Arb. drj 'aller, marcher', daraj 'chemin, sentier', etc. (DRS 308).

(8) Jib. reh (< rbh) // Soq. rabah 'se baigner' (LS 392). No etymology.

(9) Soq. geb // Likely < Sem. *gVbb-, *gab?- 'well, water-basin': Mhr., Hrs. gebyai 'pond, round cistern', Ugr. gb 'well', Hbr. geb 'pit, ditch', ga'ba'? cistern, puddle', Syr. gubb-, gwb- 'well', Arb. jubb- 'well', jab?- 'lake, pool', Gez., Tgr. gabb 'pit, ditch, hole' (LGz 176).

□ < Afras.: Egyp. (Pyr.) ??gby 'flood'; cf. also Chad. C.: Lamang oghbù 'hole', ghùvàyà 'well (n.)', Bachama gohflbi 'well (n.)', Gidar 5gbà?fl 'to pour', E.: Somrai gwbu 'hole'; N.Cush.: Beja gabdy 'to flow' (ADB; cf. EDE I, 68).

◊ Har. (ia')wflka and Wol. wace are < HECush. (see LGur 650); Hrs. sebdh and Mhr. sûbah must be Arabisms. No term registered in Akk., Ugr., Pho., Bib., Mnd., Sab. and Gaf.

^ No common Sem. term.

84. tail

(1) Akk. zzbbai-; Ugr. dnb; Hbr. zanab; Syr. dunb-; Mnd. dznabi-; Mlt. demp; Gez. za'na'b; Tna. za'na'b; Tgr. za'nnab; Hob. denuwb; Hrs. denëb; Mhr. danûb; Jib. dwnub; Soq. dzZnob // < Sem. *da/znab-(ai-) (SED I #64).

(2) Pal. Tkws // Most likely < West Sem. Tks 'curl, braid': Syr. Takuskus-, Takuskus- 'crispus' (Brock. 543), Arb. Tzksai- 'tresse, natte de cheveaux' (BK 2 318).

□ Cf. isolated, but immaculately compatible N.Omot.: Bworo kaccea 'tail'.

(3) Urm. izpr- // Perhaps a meaning shift < Sem. izp(V)r- 'claw': see No. 13 'claw' (1) in Mil. 2010.

(4) Lbn. dayl; Mec. dayl // with a metaphoric meaning shift < Sem. *dy1 'to be low, humble': Arb. dyl 'ê. peu estimé, bas; traîner par terre (vétement)', dayl- 'partie inférieure, bas, queue', Syr. dal 'ê. humble' (DRS 331).

(5) Tna. (syn.) malalas // No etymology (if < *ma-laslas-, note a distant and curious parallel in Arb. lt? 'introduire la tête dans un vase et y boire en remuant la queue (se dit d'un chien)' BK 2 965).

(6) Har. kanawa // < Sem.: Gur. *kan (in LGur 516, the notation is q'an) 'buttocks, anus, bottom of a thing', Tgr. kan 'lower/back part; vulva' (LGur 516), Akk. (NB) kinnatu 'buttocks, rump' (CDA 289), Arb. kaynat- 'derrière, le bas du dos' (BK 2 848)

□ < Afras. *kayn- ~ *kany- 'lower part of back': Chad. W.: Hausa kaniyâ 'perineum, female pudenda, anus', Sura kanok, Montol k^r 'back', C.: Glavda kûnya, Tera ganà 'back' (g- < *k or g); Cush. E.: LEC: Oromo kinti, kinti 'spine (esp. at the waste line)' (ADB, cf. ND 1078b).

(7) Sod. wadinna // No etymology.

◊ Amh., Arg. and Gaf. çara are probably loans from E.Cush. (Oromo çara, Sidamo cira, etc. LGur 187); Wol. gonna, also meaning 'penis', is a Cushitism: HEC: Hadiya gonna?a 'penis' (LGur 286); Cha. jawa is, according to LGur 319, from E.Cush.: Oromo dubo, etc., with d > j and b > b > w. No term registered in Pho., Bib., Qur. and Sab.

^ Common Semitic *da/inab-(at-)- (#1).

85. that 20

(1) Akk. ulliw; Qur. dalika // The elements -ll- and -l- supposedly denote distal deixis as opposed to the proximal one, marked with -nn- in Akk. and what seems to be a zero marker in Qur. (ADB).

(2) Ugr. hnk; Bib. dëk; Qur. dalika; Lbn. hadak; Mec. dak, hadak; Mlt. dak; Gez. zakku; Hob. déek; Hrs. dek; Mhr. dik; Jib. dokun // Related by the element -k, apparently denoting distal deixis as opposed to the proximal one (seemingly expressed by -d in Ugr., -n in Gez. and MSA, 0 in Lbn. and Mec., etc.) (ADB).

(3) Hbr. hahu(?); Pho. h?; Pal. hahu(?); Syr. haw, huw; Urm. ho; Sab. h?; Tgr. loha // Related by the element h, apparently denoting distal deixis as opposed to the proximal one, expressed by the elements -nd/-dn in Hbr., Pal., Mnd., etc., by the element -n in Syr., by the element ?- in Urm. and Tgr., etc. (ADB).

(4) Mnd. hanata; Tna. ?ati, ?atuy // Related by the element -t-, apparently denoting distal deixis as opposed to the proximal one, expressed by the element -z- (< *d) both in Mnd. and Tna. (ADB).

(5) Amh. zzaya, ya, Gaf. anna; Har. ya?; Wol. anna; Sod. za; Cha. za // United by the vocalism -a-, apparently denoting distal deixis, as opposed to the proximal one, expressed by the vocalism -i- in most S.Eth. (in Amh. also by the element -h < *-k). ADB.

(6) Arg. hod, wod // Very likely to be qualified with other S.Eth. (#5) by the vocalism -o- (< *a) as opposed to the proximal deixis, expressed by the vocalism -u- (ADB).

(7) Soq. degen // With the element -n, probably denoting distal deixis as opposed to the proximal one expressed by a zero marker, and the element -g- of an obscure origin (ADB).

^ Common West and South Semitic *dVk-.

20 In view of the compound character of deictic pronouns in Sem. and after much hesitation and failed efforts to organize the entries in different ways, I have opted for the present method. It relies on the binary opposition between proximal and distal deixis in the same language (e.g. Akk. anniw 'this' vs. ulliw 'that') allowing to single out proximal and distal deixis markers (Akk. -nn- vs. -ll-) and then give identic scores to those of them that coincide phonetically in different languages, disregarding those other pronominal elements that apparently do not convey the notion of proximal or distal deixis. Afrasian parallels to Sem. deictic pronouns are not adduced, since this would require a separate full-scale study.

86. this

(1) Akk. annz'w; Bib. dan«; Syr. ham; Mlt.dan; Sab. dn; Gez. zantu; Hrs. den (also dah, dz); Jib. denu // Related by the element -n, apparently denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one, expressed by -ll- in Akk., -k in Bib., Gez., Hrs. Jib., etc. (ADB).

(2) Ugr. hnd (d < *d); Hbr. hazze (< *hand-); Pho. zn (and z); Pal. de(y)n, h«de(y)n; Mnd. hazzn; Hob. dflanah // Related by the element -nd/-dn, apparently denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one expressed by -k in Ugr., -h- in Hbr., Pho. Pal., -t- in Mnd. (ADB).

(3) Urm. ?«h«; Tgr. ?a11z'/a // United by the element ?-, apparently denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one, expressed by a zero marker in Urm. and -h- in Tgr. (cf. also changes in the vocalic patterns). ADB.

(4) Qur. h«d«; Lbn. hed«; Mec. h«da // Featuring the element h-, supposedly denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one, probably expressed by the elements -l- and -k (or one of them). ADB.

(5) Tna ?azz, ?azuy // With the element -z- (< *-d-), apparently denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one expressed by -t- (ADB).

(6) Amh. zzzh (< *zzk), yzh (< *yzk); Gaf. anna (a < *z); Har. yz?; Wol. anna (a < *z); Sod. zz; Cha. za(k) (a < *z) // United by the vocalism z- (also with the -k element in Amh. and Cha.), apparently denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one expressed by the vocalism -a- (ADB).

(7) Arg. hud, hudatte // Distinguished by the vocalism -u-, apparently denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one, expressed by the vocalism -o- (likely < *a-) (ADB).

(8) Mhr. dome // Distinguished by the element -m-, supposedly denoting proximal deixis, as opposed to the distal one, probably expressed by the element -k (ADB).

(9) Soq. da // Distinguished by the zero marker, apparently denoting proximal deixis as opposed to the distal one expressed by the elements -g and/or -n (ADB).

^ Common West and South Semitic *dVn-.

87. thou (m.)

(1) Akk. atta; Ugr. ?at, ?att«; Hbr.?att«; Pho. ?t; Bib. ?ant«; Pal. ?at(t); Syr. ?a(n)t; Mnd. anat; Urm. ?a(n)t; Qur. ?anta; Lbn. ?znt(a); Mec. ?znta; Mlt. znt; Sab. ?nt; Gez. ?anta; Tna. ?anta (only in addressing); Tgr. ?anta; Amh. anta; Gaf. ant, anta; Wol. ata // Sem. *?anta (ADB).

□ < Afras. *?a(n)tV: Egyp. (Pyr.) ntk(y); Cush. C. *?ant-, E. *?atz, S.: Dahalo ?«ia; N. Omot.: Dizoid *yetu/a (ADB).

(2) Tna (syn.) nassa-ka; Arg. ank(u); Har. ak«-; Cha. aka- // As a personal pronoun in Mod. Eth. only (Tna. nassa is assimilated < *nafsa 'soul'). Likely of the same origin as the Sem. possessive pronoun *-k of the 2nd person (ADB).

□ < Afras. *?a-(n)kV(k)- ~ *kVn- 'thou': Egyp. kw (m.), iw (f.); Brb. *kay ~ *kunn ~ *kVkk; Chad. W.: Hausa kay/ke, Bole kaz, Kiir gay (< *kay?), C.: Mandara (ba)-ka, Gisiga ka, Mofu-Gudur ka(h), Musgu tuku(nu), E.: Migama kztfl; kz/a, Jegu ke, Mokilko ke^/ko^; Cush. E.: LEC: Dase-nech kwunz, Arbore ke', etc., S.: Iraqw ku^/kz^, Qwadza -ku (ADB).

(3) Sod. daha // No etymology.

(4) Hob. he'et; Hrs. het; Mhr. hzt; Jib. het; Soq. het // No etymology (Proto-MSA *h- cannot be explained from *?- zn ?anta).

(5) Soq. (syn.) ?e/z // No reliable etymology proposed.

^ Common Semitic *?ant- (#1).

88. tongue

(1) Akk. 1zs«n-; Ugr. Isn; Hbr. 1«son; Bib. 1zs(s)«n; Pal. lysn, 1fl'ss«n; Syr. 1ess«n-; Mnd. Izsan-; Urm. 1zs«n-; Qur. 1zs«n-; Lbn. Isen; Mec. 1zs«n; Mlt. Iszn; Sab. Isin; Gez. lassan; Tgr. nassal

(met.); Hob. lsâan; Hrs. lesen; Mhr. ewsen; Jib. elsén; Soq. lésin // Sem. *lis(s)an- (SED I #181).

□ < Aftras. *lis- 'tongue': Egyp. (Pyr.) ns; Brb. *ilVs- (< *?V-lis); Chad. W. *ha-lis-um-, C. *?V-lyas-, E. *lyas-an- (ADB).

(2) Tna. mälhäs; Amh. malas; Arg. mälas; Gaf. mdlasä // < Sem. *lhs 'to lick': Akk. lâs- 'to taste, lick' (otherwise < *lhs, cf. Arab lhs), Arb. lhs, Gez. lahasa, Mhr. lahas 'to lick' (LGz 311, ADB).

◊ Sod. alämät; Har. arrat; Wol. arämät; Cha. anäbat are loans from E.Cush. (see LGur 89). No term registered in Pho.

^ Common Semitic *lis(s)an- (#1).

89. tooth

(1) Akk. sinn-; Ugr. sn; Hbr. sen; Bib. sen; Pal. sn; Syr. senn-; Mnd. sin-; Qur. sinn-; Lbn. san; Mec. sinn; Mlt. sinna; Gez. sann; Tna. sanni; Arg. san; Gaf. sanä; Sod. sann; Har. san; Wol. asan; Cha. san; Jib. snin // Sem. *sinn- (SED I #249).

□ < Afras. *sin- 'tooth': Brb. *sïn- 'tooth'; Chad. W. *sin-, C. *syan- (with a "secondary lateralization"), E. *syan-; S.Cush. *sihin- (with the presumptive body part marker *h inserted, see Tak. *h): Iraqw, Gorowa, Alagwa, Burunge sihino (ADB).

(2) Urm. kïk- // Sem. *kVkk- 'tooth, thorn': Syr. kakk- 'dens molaris' (Brock. 326), Akk. kakk-'weapon, tool, shaft, barb, thorn' (CAD k 50); Gez. kokawa 'to break or chip the teeth; set the teeth on edge', Tna (?a)kokwäyä 'set the teeth on edge' (LGz 281) are denominal verbs. < Afras.

□ Cf. Cush.: E.: Saho, Afar ikoô 'tooth', S.: Ma?a i?ike 'tooth' (< Afras. *?ik- ~ *kak(k)-?).

(3) Sab. in, Hob. mtanyôot (also 'incisor'; no other term for 'tooth' in Nak.Hob.); Soq. (syn.) mitnioh (quoted as 'dent' in LS 443) // Mhr. matanyet (JM 418), Jib. mutnût 'incisor tooth' (JJ 285), Arb. taniyyat- 'dent de devant (l'une de quatre, dont deux supérieures et deux inférieures)' (BK 1 239), Sab. tny 'front-teeth' (SD 151), with a very likely semantic development from Sem. *tinay- 'two' < Afras. *cin- 'two': see below No. 91 'two' (#1).

(4) Tgr. nibät, pl. ?änyab // < Sem. *nïïb-, *nab- '(canine) tooth': Akk. nayabtu 'floating rib or cartilage at the tip of the rib' (CAD nl 151; according to AHw 717, 'ein innerer Körpert. nahe der Galle'), Hbr. pB nïb sapatayim 'upper lip' (Ja 902), Syr. nïb-, nab- 'dens maxilaris' (Brock. 427), Arb. nab- (pl. nuyüb-) 'dent canine' (BK 2 1375).

(5) Amh. tars; Hrs. mezréh; Mhr. mazrah // non-etymological -h may be the body part marker *h in postposition; < Sem. *sirs- 'molar tooth': Eblaitic za-ra-sa-tum /darastum/ 'scheggia-tura dei dente' (after Conti), Syr. ?arsa, Arb. dirs-, Sab. (pl.) ?drsi, Gez. dars (SED I #275).

(6) Soq. îâle (the main term for 'tooth', according to Kogan's list) // In LS 309, quoted as îélhe 'dents' ("originairement 'dents supérieures'"), deriving it from îélhe 'haut' < Sem. *?ly 'être haut', which seems the only plausible etymology for lack of better ones.

(7) Soq. (syn.) sâîal // One more term for 'dent' adduced in LS 431 with no Sem. etymology, save for a tentative, according to Leslau (and impossible) comparison with Arb. sinn-.

□ Cf. Brb. *ta-zal-t (rather *ta-zHal-t) 'dent canine': Ahaggar ta-hal-at, Ayr ta-zal-at, etc. (compared with a question mark in Tak 2001 85 with Egyp. OK zlt (also z?r.t) 'ein Meissel') which is ideally compatible with the Soq. term both phonetically (< Afras. *caî(a)l-) and semantically.

◊ No term registered in Pho.

^ Common Semitic *sinn- (#1).

90. tree

(1) Akk. is(s)-; Ugr. îs; Hbr. îes; Gez. îad; Tgr. îaœt; Gaf. ança; Wol. ançe; Cha. äcä // < Sem. *îi/uss-: Bib. ?aîa 'wood' (HALOT 1821), Arb. îudd- 'gros chicot d'arbre; gros morceaux de bois', ?aîdad- (pl.) 'arbres ou arbrisseaux à épines' (BK 2 277)

□ < Afras. *Tz(n)ç-: Egyp. (BD) Td 'k. of wood'; Omot. *HznÇ- (< *Tznc-) 'tree': Gimirra (Bench) znc, Mao (Hozo) ?zznc, Dizi (Sheko) zzncu, Ongota hanca, hansa (ADB). Cf. also Brb.: Zenaga ie-zdud 'big stick' and N.Cush.: Beja ?ada 'pole, long stick' compared with Egyp. and Sem. in EDE I 95.

(2) Bib. ?z1an; Pal. ?z1an; Syr. ?z1an-; Mnd. alan-; Urm. ?z1an- // < Sem. *?a1yan- '(oak)tree': Akk. alzanu 'oak; acorn' (CAD ai 354), Ugr. ?a1n 'oak grove' (DUL 58), Hbr. ?a11ôn 'any big tree', pB 'oak, acorn' (HALOT 54)21.

□ < Afras.: (?) Egyp. (OK) win, wTr (conveys wTl; I suspect here a change *? > T, perhaps caused by the vicinity of *1) 'Art Nadelholz' (ADB); Chad. *1V(wV)^V: W.: Daffa-Butura lan 'Wildnis, Busch', C.: Mbara lu^ 'tree', Munjuk lu^ 'bois, arbre', Musgu luu^ 'tree', E.: W. Dangla lèlnyi 'arbuste', Bidiya lèelz^ko 'arbuste sp.' (St. 2005 #303).

(3) Qur. sajar-; Lbn. sazar; Mec. sajara; Mlt. szjra // < *sagar-. Hob. sajréei 'tree' (syn.) and Hrs. segerëi 'plant name' may be Arabisms, though s in both cases as well as -g- (instead of the expected j) and a different meaning in Hrs. leave a grain of doubt.

□ < Afras. *cagVT-: Chad. W.: Dott sakar 'Deleb-palm' (irregular -k-?), E. *cVgVT- 'palm Hy-phaene thabaica': Sokoro soger, West Dangla cargo, Bidiya cargo (met.). ADB (in view of regular correspondences in the Sem. and E.Chad. triconsonantal roots their similarity is hardly accidental).

(4) Tna. ?om // No etymology that I could find.

(5) Hob. harmzZfi; Hrs. herôm; Mhr. harmayi; Jib. heyrôm // < Sem. *harûm- ~ *harm-ay-: Soq. har^m, Akk. (MB) urwmu 'a tree in mountains' (CDA 427), Arb harmz 'bois sec' (BK 2 1415)22.

(6) Soq. szrohom // < *szrVm- or *Sxz>Vm-. No regular parallels in Sem., but it is possible to suggest two debatable ones: Jib. serm 'kind of thorn-bush' JJ 255 (with irregular correspondence of sibilants) or, with metathesis, Sem. *samz/ur- 'thorny bush or tree' (Hbr. samzr, Arb. samur HALOT 1562); the eventual connection of all of them as variant roots cannot be ruled out either.

□ Cf. Egyp. (18 Dyn.) s? 'tree' (if < *sr); C.Chad. *sarVm-: Mofu sarama 'Balanites aegyptica', Daba sàrmà 'soap-tree' (Chad. *s seems to contradict Soq. s, if < *sx). ADB.

◊ Amh., Arg. and Sod. zaf are loans from C.Cush. (LGur 703 quotes Qemant zaf and Qwara jafa; see App CDA 140 for more Agaw forms); Har. lafu without Eth. parallels looks like a loan from deverbal Arb. laff- 'arbre touffu, plante touffu' (BK 2 1008) from Iff 'ê. épais, touffu (se dit des herbes)' (ibid. 1007). No term registered in Pho. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic *Tz/uss- (#1).

91. two

(1) Akk. szna; Ugr. in; Hbr. sanayzm; Pho. snm; Qur. ?zinanz; Lbn. ineyn; Mec. ?zinayn; Mlt. ineyn; Sab. iny // Sem. *iznay-

21 In view of Chadic parallels, Sem. *?alyan- goes back to *?a-lyan- (supported by Arb. linat- 'palmier en gen.' BK 2 1051 and lunat- 'sorte de palmier' ibid. 1045, compared by Stolbova) rather than to *?aly-an- (supported by Ugr. ?lt 'support, pillar' or 'footstool, base' DUL 66, Hbr. ?el-im (pl.) 'mighty tree' HALOT 40, ?alla 'majestic tree' ibid. 52).

22 While h in Hrs., Mhr. and Soq. may continue *s, seemingly supported by Soq. sirohom (#6), h in Jib. continues only *h, confirming the protoform reconstruction with *h- (to which the Arb. and, to a lesser degree, Akk. parallel also contribute), thus proving that the two partially — and misleadingly — similar Soq. forms, harom and sirohom, are unrelated. One wonders if the meaning 'tree' in MSA could be a shift from Proto-Afras. 'wood', which could have given rise to Cush. *hVram- 'ashes': E.: Afar rama, LEC: Arbore romm, Elmolo rom, Yaaku hroon, pl. hroome (allegedly from Masai).

□ < Afras. *cin- 'two': Egyp. (Pyr.) sn; Brb. *sin; C. Chad.: Gisiga mu-cunar 'the second' (ADB).

(2) Bib. tarë(y)n; Pal. tray(y)'n, tryy; Syr. tarë(y)n-; Mnd. trin; Urm. tarï; Hob. itrôh; Hrs. tero; Mhr. teroh; Jib. troh; Soq. tiro // < Sem. *tiray/w- (ADB).

(3) Gez. kal?e; Tna. kalatta,kalta; Tgr. kal?ot m., kal?e f.; Amh. hulat; Arg. ket, ha?at; Gaf. alatta; Sod. kitt; Har. ko?ot; Wol. hoyt; Cha. kwet // < Sem. *kil?- 'both'-: Akk. kilallu, Ugr. kla-t 'both', Hbr. kil?-ayim 'of two kinds', Arb. kila, Sab. kl?y, Soq. ke?ala 'both' (ADB).

□ < Afras. *ki/alV?- 'the two equal, one and the other': Egyp. (Pyr.) ky 'other' (if < *kVl-); C.Chad.: Mada kal 'to be equal', Mofu kal kal 'pareil' (considered by some Chadicists a loan from Fulfulde); S.Cush.: Burunge kalel- 'to be similar' (ADB).

^ Common North and West Semitic *tinay- (#1)23.

^ Common West (Arm.) and South Semitic *tiray/w- (#2)24.

92. walk

(1) Akk. alak-; Ugr. hlk; Hbr. hlk; Pho. hlk; Bib. hlk; Pal. hlk // < Sem. *hlk-: Arb. hlk 'périr', Tgr. halka 's'efforcer de, mourir', Tna. halaka 'se fatiguer; aller et venir d'un endroit à l'autre sans raison', etc. (DRS 413)

□ Most likely, with the root extension *h- (see Mil. RE) < Afras. *lkw ~ *lwk 'to walk': C.Chad. *lakw-: Buduma lokûi 'Wohnsitz verandern', Bura laku, Kilba lakù, Ngwahyi lakù, Banana lakù 'road'; N.Omot.: Basketo lukk-, Dokka luk(k)- 'to walk' (ADB)25.

(2) Pal. ?zl (syn.); Syr. ?zl; Urm. ?zl // < Sem.: Hbr. ?zl 'go away, disappear' (HALOT 27), Arb. zll 'glisser sur un sol glissant; passer rapidement, passer, se terminer (vie)' (BK 1 1002).

□ < Afras. *(?a)jVl-: (?) Eg. (ME) zny 'come' (if < *zly) or > z? 'betake oneself to' (if < *zl) or both; Brb. *HazVl 'run': Qabyle azzal-, Ahaggar ahal, Ayr azal, etc.; C. Chad. *jVl-: Higi zulu-to, Higi-Nkafa zulu, Kapsiki zul-tè 'follow', Logone zalân 'road' (ADB; cf. St. 2009 #468).

(3) Mnd. sga // < Sem. *Sxgy: Syr. ?asga 'ivit' (Brock. 458), Hbr. sgy 'to stray, stagger; do wrong' (HALOT 1413), Pho. sgy 'to roam, stray' (HJ 1109), Arb. sgy 's'en aller, s'eloigner de quelqu'un' (BK 1 1195), Mhr. hegg (h < *s) 'to stray, wander aimlessly' (JM 96).

□ < Afras. *sVg- 'to roam, stray, err': Chad. W.: Hausa zâagà 'go around', Ngizim zàg-dû 'move off road, go round', C.: Mofu zag 'to err, go without aim', Mafa zdgàm-zdgàmma?a 'to be lost', E.: Mawa sugur 'to move (bouger)' (distributed in different ways among the entries in St. 2007 #481, 486, 488).

(4) Qur. msy; Lbn. masa; Mec. misiy; Mlt. mesa // No Sem. etymology that I could find.

□ Cf. Egyp. (NK) msî 'to march, journey, travel', compared in EDE III 619-20 and Tak. 2011 55 with its exact match Arb. msî 'marcher doucement' (root extension -Î both in Egyp. and

23 This root also occurs with derived meanings in those languages where the numeral "2" is conveyed by the forms continuing *tiraylw-: Off. Arm. tnyn 'second' (HJ 1223), Syr. tenyan- 'secundus' (Brock. 828), MSA *mi-tnay '(incisor) tooth' (see No. 89 'tooth' #3 above) and Jib. matdnyeh 'ring twisted like the strands of a rope' (JJ 285) as well as in Eth. where "2" is conveyed by *kil?- (Gez. sanuy 'the second day of the week or month, two days', etc. LGz 509).

24 One wonders if *tiraylw- (reflecting Afras. *ciray-) could continue Afras. *cir(ay)- with *c- > *c by contamination with *tinay-, cf. Chad. *cVr- 'two' (so St. 2009 #632 where some forms seem to point to *cir-): W.: Paa ciru, Jimbin sir, Ngizim sirin, etc., C.: Podoko sard, etc., E.: Somray sir, Mokilko sire, etc.

25 Plausibly related to Afras. *likw- ~ *luk- 'leg, foot, hip, thigh': Sem.: Akk. (YB) ilku 'hip area' (CDA 127); C.Chad.: Muyang ko-loko 'hip' (with a body-part prefix); Cush. C. *likw- 'leg, foot': Bilin, Khamir, Qwara, Dembea likw, Khamta lukw, Kemant lakw3, Aungi lakw, E.: Saho, Afar lak 'hip, thigh, leg', LEC *lukk- 'leg, hip': Somali lug, Oromo luka, Baiso lukka, Arbore lukk, Gidole lukke-to, HEC: Sidamo lekkee, Burji lukka, etc., Dullay *luk- 'leg, foot': Gawwada luhte, Dobase luh-, etc., S.: Dahalo luka 'thigh' (ADB).

Arb.?) and W.Chad.: Tangale mese 'journey, travel, walking'; although s in Tangale may continue Chad. *s (< Afras. *c), the term may be an Arabism. Could Afras. *mcy/S be reconstructed on this basis?

(5) Sab. md? (< *mz?) // < Sem. *mí?: Ugr. mz? 'meet, run into' (DUL 608), Hbr. ms? 'reach; meet accidentally' (HALOT 619), Mnd. miß 'arrive, reach', Gez. mßs?ß 'come, happen to, etc.', Tgr. mäs?ß 'come' (LGz 370), Jib. mzdz 'reach' (JJ 169), Soq. mfy 'venir, arriver, atteindre' (LS 241), etc. - see also No. 16 'come' (#2) in Mil. 2010.

(6) Gez. hwr; Gaf. (ß)horä; Har. hßrß; Cha. warwar, wärä // < Sem. *hwr: Arb. hwr 'revenir, retourner' (BK 1 509).

□ < Afras.: Egyp. (Pyr.) hry 'be far from; go far from, move away', hr.t 'road'; E. Chad. *HVr-'go': Nanchere áre, Gabri ore, Kabalai ßrra, Dormo erauá; E.Cush.: HEC: Sidamo hß'r 'go' (ADB).

(7) Tna. kßdß, kedä; Tgr. kedä; Amh. heddä; Arg. hedß; Wol. hedß // < *kyd ~ *kdkd: Arb. kdkd 'marcher lentement et lourdement' (BK 2 875), cf. also kßwdß?ß (a somewhat odd form) 'se mettre à courir' (ibid. 941)

□ Cf. Afras.: Cush. E.: Saho ku(u)d-, Afar kuud- 'run (away)'; N. Omot.: Dizi kudu 'road' (ADB).

(8) Sod. ßZZß/ß'm // <Sem. *Wp 'to pass': Arg. hßZZß/ß, Tgr. hßl/ß, Gez. Wßlß/ß, Hbr. hlp 'pass', Arb. W/ 'follow, succeed', etc. (LGz 260).

(9) Jib. ßfßd // Arb. wfd 'marcher d'un pas régulier' (BK 2 1571). Borrowing into Jib. is also possible.

(10) Soq. Sod // < Sem. *Sdw/y: Hbr. Sdy 'walk along', Jud. Arm. Sdy (pe.) 'pass by', Arb. Sdw 'walk, pass by', etc. (HALOT 789).

□ < Afras. *Sßd- 'walk, come and go': Brb.: Zenaga eddß, Senhadja ßddu, Semlal addu 'go', Izayan addu (d) 'come', etc.; Chad. W.: (?) Sha du- 'come', C. *wuHßd-: Hwona wùdà 'go out', Bachama wudi, Bata wßdo 'go', E. *Hßd-: Dangla ßßde 'follow', Migama ?ád-, Bidiya ?àd 'go', Mokilko ?àddè '(make) go away', zzdó 'come'; Cush. E.: Saho -ßd-/-ed-, HEC: Somali ßßd- 'go' (questionable since the expected S is missing), S.: Asa ßdz id., Dahalo dßßi- (met.?) 'leave in a hurry'; Omot. N.: Male ßd- 'come' (Bla. Om. #16.4. after Fleming), S.: Ari ßd-, Ubamer ßßd- 'come' (ADB).

(11) Soq. ißher (syn.) // Quoted as 'to walk' by native speakers (Kog. MS) alongside Sod, while in LS translated as 'aller, s'en aller' and compared with Jib. dhr 'sortir' and Arb. dhr 'paraître, sortir contre quelqu'un'; an alternate comparison, also plausible both phonetically and semantically, is with Arb. irr 'faire marcher d'un pas accéléré (les chameaux)' (BK 2 264).

◊ Hob. syóor, Hrs. seyor; Mhr. sayür are most likely from Arab. syr 'aller, se rendre vers...' (BK 1 1390)

^ Common North and West Semitic *hlk (#1).

93. warm

(1) Akk. emm-; Hbr. hßm; Pal. hmym, hmyn; Syr. hßmzm- // < Sem. *hßmm- 'heat': Arb. hßmm-, Ugr. hm, etc. (HALOT 325).

(2) Akk. (syn.) sßhßn- (v.); Ugr. shn (v.); Syr. shew, Urm. sßhzn-; Lbn. saWnz; Mlt. shun; Jib. sWßft // < Sem.*sWn 'become warm, warm oneself': Arb. sWn, Gez. saWnß, sßWßnß (LGz 495) etc., Hbr. sahzn 'ulcer, inflamed spot' (HALOT 1462, 1460).

□ Cf. S.Omot.: Ongota sonz 'warm' (ADB).

(3) Mec. hßrr // < Sem. *hrr 'be hot': Hbr. hrr, hry, Arb. hrr, Gez. hßrrß, Jib. hßr 'heat', etc. (LGz. 243), see also No. 12 'burn' (2) in Mil. 2010.

(4) Gez. mawuk; Tna. mawuk; Tgr. moka; Amh. muk; Arg. ?amo; Gaf. moka; Sod. mukanna; Cha. mwak; Har. muk; Wol. mukamuk // Seems to be Eth. only; cf. Gez. makaka 'burn, sting (e.g. medicine), burn the throat, cauterize', Tna makmak bala 'burn (pepper)' (LGz 355); cf. also with metathesis Akk. kamû 'burn (up)' (CDA 283).

□ Cf. Egyp. (18 Dyn.) mîk 'roasts on a spit' (secondary -Î-?); N.Omot. *muk- 'ashes': Dache, Gidicho, Haruru muko, Gidiche muka, etc. (compared in EDE III 186-7).

(5) Tgr. hafun (syn.) // No etymology that I could find.

□ Cf. Afras. *fah- ~ *HafVw- 'fire; burn': Egyp. (late) wfh 'burn'; Brb. *HafVw 'fire': Ghadames ufa, Adghaq efiw, Izayan afa, Nefusa ta-faw-t; Chad. W. *fwa/yaH-: Diri fâyâ 'fry', Zaar vwa 'burn', Kulere fyef 'roast', C. *?afwaH-: Kapsiki nu-fu 'boil', Gisiga ?avo (< *?af-), Munjuk afu, Logone fùù, Musgu àfû 'fire', E.: Kwang èpë 'burn' (ADB).

(6) Hob. huûb; Hrs. hwob // < Sem. *hawb-: Mhr. hïwab, Jib. saheb 'se rechauffer', Tgr. hawhaw bela 'flamber' (perhaps an Arabism), Arb. hawb- 'intensité, ardeur du feu' (DRS 383).

□ Cf. Afras.: Cush. N.: (?) Beja néb?a 'warm' (adj.), tib?a 'burn' (< *n/tV-Hib?-?), E.: HEC *Hibb- ~ *Hayb- 'warm' (adj.): Sidamo iibb-ado, Hadiya iibba(lla), Burji dayb-ad- (vb.) < da-ib-ad- (ADB).

(7) Mhr. gona // < Sem. *gawn-, var. *gVn?- 'heat': Jib. egni? 'to protect from cold', gûne? 'sheltered, warm place' (JJ 77), Arb. jawn- 'jour; rouge foncé', jawnat- 'rouge; soleil, disque du soleil, rouge à l'heure où il se couche' (BK 1 359).

□ < Afras. *gawn- 'heat; fire': Chad. *gawn-: C.: Gude gûna 'fire; heat', Fali-Bwagira, Bata gun 'fire', Makeri ganun 'mobile metal fireplace', E.: Sokoro gaun 'to cook' (ADB, St. 2011 #659), cf. also *gVn- 'smoke' (ibid.). Comparison (ibid.) with Egyp. (Sarc.) dndn.t 'fire' is valid if the latter is < *gngn.

(8) Soq. di-yenâha // < MSA: Mhr. ha-nhu, Jib. e-nhé, Soq. a-nhi, see No. 12 'burn' (#13) in Mil. 2010.

◊ Hrs. hrok is an Arabism. No term registered in Pho., Bib., Mnd., Qur. (in classical Arabic outside the Qur'an it's suhn-) and Sab.

^ Common Semitic *shn 'become warm, warm oneself' (2).

94. water

(1) Akk. mu; Ugr. my (mym, mh); Hbr. mayim; Pal. may(y)% myy; Syr. mayyë; Mnd. mi-; Urm. may-; Qur. ma?-; Lbn. may; Mec. mayya; Mlt. ilma (il-ma, with the article); Sab. mw, mwy; Gez. may; Tna. may; Tgr. may; Har. mïy; Wol. may; Hob. hmôh; Hrs. hemyoh; Mhr. hemuh; Jib. mih // Sem. *ma?- with *may- and *mah- variants

□ < Afras. *ma?-: Egyp. (OK) mw 'water'; Chad. W.: Guruntum ma 'water' (with various meaning shifts: Dera màyé 'to bathe', Angas mwee 'sap, juice', Ankwe mua 'a liquid substance', etc.), C.: Gude ma?ina, Bachama mà?yin 'water', etc.; Cush. N.: Beja mu?- 'liquid', C.: Khamir maw 'fliessig werden', E.: LEC: Somali may-ad 'tidal waters' (cf. mah- 'eau courante'), S.: Iraqw, Alagwa, Burunge ma?ay, Asa ma?a, Qwadza ma?aya, Ma?a ma?i, Dahalo ma?a 'water' (ADB; cf. EDE I, 120)26.

(2) Arg. ?ofa // No etymology that I could find.

□ Cf. Afras. *pi(?a)î- 'rain': Egyp. (Pyr.) p?î.t 'sky waters'; Chad. C.: Musgu pïâî, Higi-Hye ga-flyà 'rainy season' (cf. also Tera viya, Bura viyà, Hildi vwiyà, etc. id.; according to Stolbova, irregular reflexation of the labial is due to a prefix), E.: Kera pépé 'God, rain' (ADB).

(3) Soq. riho // < Sem. *rVwVy- 'abundant water; watering, irrigating': Soq. re 'drink', Hbr. rwy 'to drink one's fill', (pi.) 'to give to drink abundantly, water thoroughly (e.g. the furrows)',

26 Brb *Ham-an (pl.) 'water' belongs to a different Afras. root *ham-, cognate with Arb. hmw, hmy 'to pour'; Chad. W. *ham- 'water', E. *?am-'water, rain' (ADB).

raW 'well watered, irrigated', Syr. rawzz 'be satisfied with drink, be drunk, wet, flooded', Arb. rwy 'to drink one's fill, be watered', rz'/ayy- 'irrigation, network', rzyy- 'quenching of one's thirst' (HALOT 1194-5), Sab. ryh-twy 'provide a water-supply', rwym 'tank, cistern', mrw, mryt 'irrigation system' (SD 119-20), Gez. rawaya 'to drink one's fill, be watered, irrigated'.

□ < Afras. *nway/?— *?Vraw/y- 'abundant water; watering; rain; river': Egyp. (MK) zwy to water (field), pour out (liquid)' (if < *rwy); Chad. W.: Hausa rwwfl 'water, rain', Galambu rwfl, Geruma ara, C.: Mbara re, Musgu ere, ree 'river', Munjuk aray 'canal', E.: Mokilko ?fl'ro 'to drink'; Cush. C.: Aungi an 'rain' (according to App CDA, < Omot.), E.: LEC: Arbore ?zny, Dasenech ?zr, Dullay: Gawwada zrrawo, Harso zrrawo, etc. 'rain', S.: Alagwa, Burunge ra?w 'dew', Ma?a re 'rain' (according to Fleming), 'mare' (according to Ehret); N.Omot.: Wolaita ?zra, Yemsa zro, Chara zra, Dizi z'rw 'rain' (ADB).

0 Amh. waha, Gaf. flgfl, Sod. yzga, Cha. aka are considered as Cushitisms: cf., on one hand, Cush. E.: HEC (a source of borrowing for Amh.?): Sidamo waa, Hadiya wo?o, on the other, C. (a source of borrowing for Gaf., Sod. and Cha.?): Bilin aqw, Khamta aqw, Aungi a^hw. No term registered in Pho. and Bib.

^ Common Semitic *ma?- (1).

95. we

(1) Akk. nznw; Ugr. nhn; Hbr. anahnw; Pho. ?nhn; Bib. ?flnahnfl?; Pal. ?flnan; Syr. hanan; Mnd. anzn; Urm. ?ahanan; Qur. nahnw; Lbn. nahn(z); Mec. ?zhna; Mlt. ahna; Gez. nahnfl; Tna. nahna; Tgr. hana; Amh. ?anna; Arg. anna; Gaf. annz; Sod. anna; Har. anna; Wol. znna; Cha. yana; Hob. nhflh; Hrs. neha; Mhr. nhah; Jib. nhan; Soq. hanhen // Sem. *(?a)nahnw ~ *(?a)han(an) 'we'.

□ < Afras.: Egyp. (Pyr.) n (dependent), (NE) znn (independent, Coptic anon); Brb. *nwknz: Ghadames nekkenzn, Ayr nakkanz, Zenaga naknz, Ntifa nwknz, Qabyle nak^nz, etc.; Cush. N.: Beja hanzn (< *hanzn), C.: Bilin yzn, Khamir znaa, Khamta yzn (according to Fleming), znfl (according to Conti Rossini), Qemant annzw, Qwara anan, Aungi anno-jz (according to Hetzron), Kunfal n^a, E.: Saho, Afar nanw, LEC: Somali a/znna-ga, Oromo nw, nwy, Baiso no, Arbore ?ono-(Zo), Elmolo zZno, Dasenech ^zznz (excl.), Konso zZno, HEC: Sidamo nznke (note suffixal -k as in Brb., though in a different position), Kambatta no?o, Hadiya nees, Burji naanw, Dullay: Gawwata, Tsamai zne, Yaaku nznz?, S.: Ma?a nzne, Dahalo nyanyz; N.Omot.: Male, Gofa, Oyda, etc. nwnz, Zala nw, Zaise nwzZz, Chara nwnz, Gimirra (Bench) nw(-na), Yemsa znno, Bworo noo, Kafa no, Dizi (Sheko) znw, Dizi (Nao) natoknw (note infixal -k as in Brb. in the same position), Mao (Hozo) nwnga (ADB)27.

0 No term registered in Sab.

^ Common Semitic *(?a)nahnw ~ *(?a)han(an) (1).

96. what?

(1) Ugr. mh; Hbr. ma; Pho. m; Bib. ma; Pal. mh; Syr. ma; Mnd. mahw; Urm. mw(-dz); Qur. ma; Sab. m; Tgr. mz'/a // Sem. *ma(-h), variant *mz (Tgr.)

27 Of interest is a peculiar phenomenon with a more or less similar pattern, obviously distributed across and independently from the genetic grouping: 1) to Sem. *(?a)nahnu (Akk., Ugr., Hbr., Pho., Bib., Qur., Lbn., Gez., Tna., Hrs., Mhr., Jib.): Afar nanu, Dasenech i]iini, Burji naanu, Yaaku nini?, Ma?a nine, Dahalo nyanyi, Male, etc. nuni, Zaise nuii, Chara nuni, Mao (Hozo) nunga; 2) to Sem. *(?a)han(an) (Syr., Mnd., Urm., Mec., Mlt. Tgr., Soq.): Beja hanin, Qemant anniw, Qwara anan (< *Han(a)n where H may represent either *?- or *h-), the other Agaw forms may be from *hin- or *?in(n)- like in Egyp. (NE); 3) to Brb. *nukni: Sidamo ninke, Dizi (Nao) natoknu. Does this distribution reflect any system or at least its remnants or is it merely accidental?

□ < Afras. *ma/z or *may 'what?': Egyp. (OK) m; Brb. *may(t) 'what?' (sometimes 'who?'): Fodjaha metta, Ghadames mz, Ahaggar, Adghaq, Zenaga, Baamrani, Izayan, Senhadja, Mzab, Nefusa, etc. ma, Izdeg may, Rif mz, Shenwa, Snus matte, etc.; Chad. *may: W.: Hausa me, Angas maz, Karekare, Ngamo mzyà, Kirfi màamz', Geruma màama, Miya mà, Fyer mz, etc., C.: Tera na-ma, Boka, Bura mz, Wamdiu mzya, Mbara ?flmfl, Mandara, Mofu me, Munjuk ma, Sukun ma....wa, Gude mya, Bata muno, Bachama muna, Buduma menz, Zime ma, etc., E.: Lele me, West Dangla man, East Dangla ma, Migama ?z'nz-méè, Bidiya ma, Birgit mzntu, Mokilko moo-me; Cush. E.: Afar ma-ha, LEC.: Somali ma-h, Oromo ma-al; Dasenech metè, Arbore me, meh (< *mV-h), Elmolo maa, Baiso me, HEC: Hadiya maha (< *ma-h-); Sidamo ma(a), maz, Burji mzya, etc. Dullay: Gawwata mo?o, Tsamai mô, etc., S.: Iraqw mz-Zfl, Qwadza homz (< *ho-mz), Dahalo mâ'-ka; N.Omot.: Zayse ?flal-ma (cf. ?flala id. in closely related Gan-jule), Mocha amo (ADB). For a more detailed review, see EDE III 9-13.

(2) Akk. mznu; Gez. mant; Tna. mantay; Amh. man; Arg. man; Gaf. man, manz; Sod. man; Har. mzn; Wol. man; Cha. mar // < Sem. *mzn-.

□ Though probably accounted for by a secondary parallel development, the following forms in the *ma/z entry (#1) deserve mention here: Chad. C.: Bata muno, Buduma menz, Bachama muna, E.: West Dangla man, Birgit mzntu; E.Cush.: LEC: Konso maana (see more examples of *m-n in EDE III 9-13).

(3) Lbn. sû; Mec. ?ays; Mlt. se; Hrs. hasen; Mhr. hesan28 // < Sem. *say?- 'thing'29: Hrs. sz, say, Mhr. sz, Jib. sé, Soq. sz, sz? 'thing' (JM 150), Arb. say?- 'thing; what?'

□ < Afras. *cay?- ~ *?zc- 'thing': Egyp. (Old) z7s.t 'thing (Sache, Habe, Besitz)', z7ss.t (Pyr.-MK; -ss probably conveys the affricate c) 'what?'; C. Chad.: Masa sé 'thing' (can reflect both *c and *s: see St. 2005 #32); cf. S. Omot.: Ongota saay 'who?' (ADB).

(4) Hob. znz'h; Jib. ?zne; Soq. znzm (*?znz-ma?) // < MSA *?zn- < Sem. *?ay(y)-Vn-: Arb. ?ayn- 'ou?' (BK 1 75), Hbr. ?ayzn (always with mzn) 'whence?' (HALOT 42), Syr. ?aynâ 'what?', Gez. ?aynu 'what? which?', Tna ?ayyÀ'n 'which?' (LGz 49).

□ Cf. Afras. 'what?': Egyp.: Coptic (Fayumic) ?un; Chad. W.: Kiir wun, C. *?awVn-: Dghwede awe/wznz, Glavda ?àwnznà, Zulgo wana, Logone ^wanz; Cush. N: Beja nân (redupl.), E.: Yaaku (dz)ny^h (< *-nVy-Vh); Omot. N.: Basketo ^n^, Anfillo aanto (unless < *am-t- with assimilation), S.: Ongota neenz (redupl.)30.

^ Common North and West Semitic *mzn- (2).

97. white

(1) Akk. pes« // < Sem. *pVsVh- 'be bright': Hbr. psh 'be cheerful, happy' (HALOT 953), Syr. paszh- 'splendens; laetus, hilaris' (Brock. 587), Mnd. pszh- 'bright, clear; cheerful' (DM 376), Arb. fsh 'apparaître à quelqu'un dans tout son éclat' (BK 2 599)31.

□ Most likely related through metathesis with Chad. W. *puHac- 'sun': Sura, Angas pûs, Montol paps, C. *pac- 'sun': Mandara vacza, Glavda /flczy, Guduf /àczyfl, Mofu pas, Gisiga pas, Matakam pâac (ADB). Both < Afras. *pVçVh- ~ *puhac- 'bright sun'?

28 With ?ay (< ?ayyu say?- 'which/what thing?') in Mec. and the preposition h- 'to, for' and (a)n "an obsolete marker of oblique case" (JM 150) in Hrs. and Mhr.

29 While the idea of rendering 'what?' in Mhr./Hrs. by means of the noun 'thing' is likely to be accounted for by the influence of Arabic, the MSA noun itself does not seem to be an Arabism (even an early one, in view of s and attestation in all MSA languages).

30 Cf. also Omot. *?ay/w-ni 'who?': Cancha ?ooni, Gimirra (She) ona-, Yemsa oon, Banna ayne, etc. alongside *Hay/w- id.: Basketo ?o, Mao (Hozo) haya, Ari (Bako) ayi, Galila hayi, etc.

31 A different and erroneous etymology suggested in SED I #43 had to be corrected for this traditional one after a convincing argumentation had been published by M.Bulakh in Bul. 2003 4.

(2) Ugr. lbn, labanu; Hbr. laban; Pho. Ibn; Mnd. Ibina; Hob. Iboôn; Hrs. elbon; Mhr. dwbon (pl. lëban); Jib. lün; Soq. libehon // < Sem. *lbn 'be white': Mnd. lbyn? 'white', Arb. laban- 'milk' (HALOT 517).

□ < Afras. *li/ab(-an)-: Egyp. (Pyr.) nb 'gold' (if < *lb); Chad. W.: Hausa liibaa 'light-colored earth used for glazing', C.: Affade elboh 'chalk', (?) Mada élbésè 'mil blanc sp.'; E.: West Dangla lambany 'variety of white sorgho', Bidiya lambàny, Migama làmbàny 'sorgho blanc sp.' (St. 2005 #77; perhabs also *lVbV 'cloud' ibid. #78 and *lVbV 'cotton' ibid. #79). ADB.

(3) Bib. hiwar; Pal. hwwr, hywr; Syr. hewwar-; Mnd. (syn.) hiuar-; Urm. hdwar- // < Sem. *hwr 'be black and white': Hbr. hwr 'to grow pale', Arb. îahwariyy- 'blanc, qui a la peau blanc', îahwar- 'qui a les yeux grands, d'un beau noir, que le blanc qui les entoure...', Mhr. höwar 'black', Soq. hohar 'black', heyhor 'cloud', etc. (ADB; cf. also Bulakh 2004 273-4).

(4) Mnd. suhar 'white' (syn.) // < Sem. shr 'be light, bright, yellowish, reddish': Hbr. sahor 'white, yellowish-red, reddish grey (exact shade uncertain)', Syr. sdhar 'to blush', Arb. ?ashar- 'yellowish-red', etc. (HALOT 1019). A secondary formation with the root extension -r (see Mil. RE) < Sem. *sVh- (see 7 below) can be presumed.

(5) Qur. ?abyad-; Lbn. ?abyad; Mec. ?abyad; Mlt. abyat // < Sem. *bays- 'egg': Hbr. bësa, Syr. bïît-, Arb. baydat-, etc. (cf. SED I #43)

□ < Afras. *bayç-: W.Chad. *(m-)bwiç- 'egg': Polchi mbwds, Geji mbusi, Mangas mbôs, Zaar buùs, Sayanchi mbus, Buli mbis, Tule mboosd, Wangday mbos, Tala mbes, Zul mbuse (ADB); N.Omot. *bawç- 'white'.

(6) Gez. saîda, saîada, daîada; Tna. saîda; Tgr. saîda // No etymology.

(7) Amh. nâçç; Gaf. mswä; Sod. näccä; Har. nâçïh; Cha. näcä // < Sem. *nsh 'be pure, clean, brilliant': Gez. nasha 'be pure, clean, etc.', Arb. nsh 'be pure, sincere', Syr. msah 'be brilliant, shine', etc. (LGz 405), with the prefixed root extension n- < *sVh- 'clear, bright (day, weather)': Hbr. shh 'be white', sah 'clear, bright', Syr. sahïh- 'clear, bright', Arab. shw/y 'become clear, serene (day)', Gz. sdhwa 'be serene, bright (sky)', Tgr. säha 'become clear, bright', Tna. sähe 'clear up (weather)', Soq. shy 'be clear (weather)' (LGz 553).

□ < Afras. *çah- 'be clear, bright, white': (?) Egyp. (Pyr.) M(y) 'white' (< *hs and metathetic?); Chad. W.: Pa?a càà/cii/câu 'get light (of town when light comes)', C.: Fali-Kiria cdhu 'clear', Mafa câyaîa, céye?e 'brilliant, shining'; S.Omot.: Ari çaa-mi 'white' (ADB).

(8) Arg. zah, zahi // < Sem. *zhy 'be brilliant'32: Jud. zïha 'reflected light, reflexion' (Ja. 391), Syr. zdhe, zahya 'splendidus' (Brock. 189), Mnd. zha 'be bright, radiant, shining' (DM 162), Arb. ?azha 'brillant; fauve, rouge (se dit des dattes, quand elles mûrissent)' (BK I 1024).

(9) Arg. zelläha (syn.) // < Sem. *zlh ~ *zhl 'be bright, clear, clean': Tgr. jdhdllay 'stream with turbid water changing colour; übertr. von einem Heer; von der Haut des Elefanten' (LH 548), Jud. zdhal 'to be bright, brighten up' (Ja. 390), Mnd. zhl, zlh, zla 'to pour down, pour out, cleanse, wash, sprinkle' (DM 163).

(10) Wol. gumärä // South Eth.: Wolane gumärä, Zway gomärä id. Compared in LGur 279 with Amh. gwämärra 'become white, pale, mature (grain)'; not compared with Ennemor gämar, Gieto gdmär 'grey' (cattle)' (ibid. 278), although these terms seem quite compatible. Perhaps a meaning shift 'white' (and 'grey'?) < 'smoke colored' < 'smoulder, embers, firebrand', cf. DRS 144: Akk. (NA) gumar- 'bois carbonisé', pB Hbr. gimmër 'fumer, fumiger', Syr. gdmürt-, Mnd. gumr- 'charbon ardent', Arb. jamrat- id., jumrat- 'braise, tison', jmr II 'fumer, fumiger', Soq. migméreh 'casserole à encens', etc.

(11) Cha. gwad // Probably < Eth.: Gez. gahada, gdhda 'to be manifest, be said openly, be revealed, become visible' (LGz. 185), Tgr. gahad 'open, manifest' (LH 559), Tna. gähadä 'to be

32 Otherwise, same as zelläha (< *zVllih-, with -lli > -y/i, cf. LArg 7); see below (#9).

clear, plain, manifest, obvious' (KT 2200), Amh. gadä 'to be revealed, become visible' (K 2035), compared by M. Bulakh (in her doctoral dissertation) with Arb. ?ajhada 'paraître, se montrer' (BK I 342) < Sem. *ghd 'be clear, visible'.

◊ No term registered in Sab.

^ Common West and South Semitic *la/z'bän- (2).

98. who?

(1) Akk. mannu; Bib. man; Pal. man, m?n; Syr. man(-nu); Mnd. man; Urm. man; Qur. man; Lbn. meyn; Mec. mzyn; Mlt. mzn; Sab. mn; Gez. mannu; Tna. män; Tgr. män; Amh. man; Arg. man; Gaf. man; Sod. man; Har. man; Cha. m^an; Hob. moon; Hrs. mon; Mhr. mon; Jib. mun; Soq. mon // Sem. *man- (ADB; see also. EDE III 9-13)

□ < Afras.: Brb.: Rif man, Shawiya manz, Mzab manayn, etc. 'who?' (see also No. 96 'what?' #2).

(2) Ugr. my; Hbr. mz; Pho. mz; Arg. (syn.) ma; Sod. (syn.) ma; Wol. ma // < Sem. *mz/a (< *may-?). See also EDE III 9-13.

□ < Afras.: Cush. E.: LEC 'who?': Somali -uma, Arbore ma(h), Elmolo maa (also 'what?'), Dasenech maya, S. 'who?': Iraqw heema (he 'person'), Alagwa mzyyaa, Burunge mzya (see also No. 96 'what?' #1).

^ Common Semitic *man- (1).

99. woman

(1) Akk. sznnzst- // One of the most enygmatic Semitic words. No etymology.

(2) Ugr. ?ait; Hbr. ?zssä; Pho. ?st; Pal. ?ä(y)iiä, ?ih; Syr. ?z(n)tat-; Mnd. ant-; Sab. ?it (pl. ?ni); Gez. ?anast; Tgr. ?asszt; Arg. anasca; Gaf. ansatä // < Sem. *?a/zni-at-.

□ Probably to be related with S. Omot. *Hznc-: Dime nzc, nzth, Galila yznc, Ari yznc-z 'child', Ongota ?znta, hznta 'man' (ADB).

(3) Urm. nzkva // < Hbr.-Arm. *nakb-at- 'woman' (< Sem. *nkb 'to drill, bore through', Akk. 'to deflower, rape'): Syr. nakbat-, Hbr. nakébâ, etc. (HALOT 719).

(4) Qur. ?zmra?at-, mar?at-; Lbn. mara; Mlt. mara; Sab. (syn.) mr?-i // fem. < Sem. *mar?- 'male human' (ADB): Akk. maru 'son, boy', Arab. mar?-, mur?- 'man, husband', Qatabanian mr? 'child', Sab. mr? 'man; male child, lord; social superior', Mhr. (pl.) ha-mrô 'children' (ADB).

□ < Afras. *mar?- 'man/woman, human being': Egyp (OK) mr.w 'people'; Chad. W.: Dera murà 'woman, sister', Dwot meer 'family; woman', Wangday mar 'person', Kulere, Fyer mor 'woman' Fyer mara 'male', mor, Kulere mor 'woman', Daffo-Butura mâàr 'boy', màra 'masculine', C.: Bura mara 'co-wife', Gudu mar, Nzangi mùre, Fali-Muchella muru, Bachama mùré, Bata muré 'man', E.: Dangla ùmzrnè 'person', Kera mar 'wife', Migama maar-tù 'my uncle', Mawa mar 'clan, family'; Cush. E.: LEC: Dasenech mar-iz 'girl', HEC: Sidamo mure 'child, baby'; Omot. N: Mao (Hozo) mérz, (Sezo) men 'boy, child, son', S.: Ongota mara 'baby' (ADB; on possible broader connections see EDE III 357-358, 380382).

(5) Mec. hurma // < Arb. hurmai- 'chose sacrée; famille d'un homme, surtout sa femme ou sa fille' (BK 1 415) < Sem. *hrm 'forbid, dedicate, declare sacred' (see HALOT 353).

(6) Gez. (syn.) ba?aszt // fem. < ba?as-z 'man, male, husband, someone', Tgr. ba?as 'husband' (see No. 51 'man' (#7) in Mil. 2011)

□ < Afras. *bV?Vs- 'son, boy, coeval': Chad. W.: Siri be?sz 'son, boy', C.: Tera baso^ka (< *beso-n-k?) 'boys'; Cush. C.: Kemant baas 'beget, become father', S.: Qwadza bo?os-zko 'friend', Dahalo boso?o (met.) 'friend of same age, coeval'; N. Omot.: Dawro bzsa 'brother', Malo bzsa 'child', Yemsa bu?sa (pl.) 'boys', Kafa buso 'boy, son', Mocha bus(o) 'child', Bworo (Shinasha) busoo 'son' (ADB).

(7) Tna. sabay-ti; Amh. set // fem. < Tna. sab?ay; Amh. sab, sawu < *sab?-, see No. 51 'man' (#9) in Mil. 2011.

(8) Sod. mast; Wol. mast; Cha. mast // No Sem. cognates that I could find. For the Afras. parallels see No. 51 'man' (#11) in Mil. 2011.

(9) Har. idoc, indoc // (-oc like in aboc 'male' < *?ab- 'father'?) < Sem. *?Vd-at-: Ugr. ?dt; Pho. ?dt, Palm ?dt 'lady'33.

□ < Afras. *?a(n)d- 'elder female relative': Chad. C. *?adi ~ *dada 'grandmother': Mbara dadâ, Munjuk adi, Musgu adâ, E.: Kera âdidè 'mother-in-law, grandmother, daughter-in-law'; Cush, N.: Beja enda, C.: Bilin ade 'mother', E.: LEC: Somali eddo 'paternal aunt', Oromo adada 'aunt', HEC: Sidamo adaada, Darasa adaada, Hadiya adda, Kambatta adda 'mother', Dullay: Gawwata a-atité 'elder sister'; N.Omot. *?ind- 'mother': Malo indo, Haruro endo, Yemsa intoo, Kafa indo, Mocha ?inde (ADB).

(10) Hob. téet; Hrs. tet; Mhr. tit; Jib. t£t // No etymology, unless < *t-it < *tV-?it-, reflecting some relict form of *?a/int-at- (see above in #2) with a prefixed, not suffixed, feminine formant.

(11) Soq. îaze // fem. < îayg 'man' (with palatalization of -g), see No. 51 'man' (#12) in Mil. 2011.

◊ No term registered in Bib. Urm. bahta (syn.) is from Kurdish.

^ West Semitic *?a/int-at- (or West and South Semitic, if the hypothetical etymology in #10 holds water).

100. yellow

(1) Akk. (w)ark- (also 'green'); Ugr. yrk (greenish yellow); Pal. yrk (also 'green'); Syr. yurak-(also 'green'); Mnd. yuraq- (also 'green, pallid') // < Sem. *wark- 'yellow, green' (v. in DUL 982; Bulakh 2003 8-10).

□ < Afras. *wVrak- 'green, yellow': Egyp (MK) i?k 'onion, greenery, green stuff'; Brb. *wVrak ~ *rVwak: Ghadames aray 'be green', Siwa a-wray 'green', Zenaga yara? 'yellow', Ayr irway, Ahaggar irway, Semlal, Izdeg, Shawiya awray, Qabyle (Ait Mangellat) awray 'be yellow'.

(2) Hbr. sahob // The color is uncertain: HALOT 1007 gives 'bright red (of hair)', Ja. 1264 gives 'yellow' for pB Hbr.; in any case < Sem. *shb 'to be light, yellow, light brown': Arb. ?ashab-'alezan (cheval); roux, fauve (chameau); blond, aux cheveux blonds' (BK I 1379), Mhr. sahwëw 'cream-coloured, creamy-white, fawn' (JM 360), Jib. sahbob 'fawn, light brown' (JJ 237), Soq. sâîbab (with unexpected -î- instead of *-h-) 'blanc' (LS 354).

(3) Qur. safra?- (f.); Lbn. ?asfar; Mec. sfar; Mlt. isfar. Mhr. safar ('yellow, green; brass'), Jib. sofror // Soq. sofhor 'brass' (JMhr 359). The MSA words are likely, but not certainly, Arabisms.

(4) Gez. besa, basa; Tna. biça; Amh. bi/aça; Arg. baça; Wol. bica // < Sem. *biss- 'bright, brilliant': Tgr. bayyasa 'to be bright, brilliant', Arb. bss 'briller, luire', Soq. bisis 'blanc'34.

(5) Tgr. sagray // also 'greyish brown, light-coloured' (LH 229), Tna. (Hamasen) sagaray, sagwaray 'dull gray, dark gray (animal's coat) , cow that has a white and light brown coat' (KT 871). Either < Sem. *sag(w)Vr-: Arb. ?asjar- 'qui a des taches ou des veines rouges au blanc des yeux (homme); oeil dont le blanc est injecté d'une teinte rouge; lion; étang dont l'eau est limpide', sajar- 'teinte rouge de sang dans le blanc des yeux' (BK I 1053) or, according to Leslau 1990 178, a borrowing from Arb. skr 'être de couleur alezan' (BK 1 1254) via Sudanic Arabic, where *k > g and the corresponding form is ?asgar 'gelbbraun, goldbraun' (Reichmuth 1981 61)35.

33 Another possibility is a loan from Cushomotic *?ind- 'mother' (cf. LHar 19, LGur 18). Tna. adde 'mother' is either from Sem. *?Vd-at- or from Cushomotic *?ind-.

34 A correct etymology, published in Bulakh 2003:4, which has convinced the authors that their comparison in SED I #43 of the Eth. terms for 'yellow' with Sem. *bays- 'egg' was wrong.

35 I am indebted to Dr. M. Bulakh for this comment (see footnote 31).

(6) Sod. weia; Cha. weia // Arb. wadaha 'être manifeste, évident, clair', wâdz'fc- 'clair, évident, manifeste; brillant, éclatant de blancheur ou de lumière', wadah- 'tout ce qui paraît, brille et se laisse voir distinctement; éclat de l'aurore ou de la lune qui paraît; tache blanche au front ou aux pieds d'un cheval; marqui imprimée sur la peau d'un cheval; canitie, cheveux blancs; lait; lèpre' (BK 2 1553), mutawaddzh 'blanchâtre (chameaux)' (ibid. 1554).

(7) Hrs. hezôr; Mhr. hazawr; Jib. sazrir // Soq. sézar 'green' (Kog. MS) < MSA *sVzar-. It is tempting to relate this word to Arb. ?ahdar- (see No. 35 'green' 3), but MSA *s- (> Hrs. and Mhr. h-) does not correspond to Arb. h, and there is nothing to do about it. One of the "toughest" cases of Semitic etymology. Contamination may be suspected, but I have so far failed to find any MSA forms by analogy with which *h- could have turned into *s, or any Arabic form by analogy with which *-s- could have turned into -h-.

0 Urm. zÀ'rdÀ' is an Iranism; Soq. kzrkam (and kérkham 'safran' LS 225) is considered a borrowing from Arb. kurkum- 'safran indien, curcuma; henna' (BK II 888), the same must be true of Hob. karkmz. No term registered in Pho., Bib., Sab., Gaf. and Har.

^ Common North and West Semitic *wark- (1).

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А. Ю. Милитарев. Новый вариант подробной этимологизации стословного списка семитских языков: элементы 75 — 100.

Статья представляет собой четвертую часть этимологического анализа списка Своде-ша, составленного автором для семитских языков (предыдущие три части были опубликованы ранее в № 3, 5 и 7 настоящего журнала). В ней обсуждаются последние двадцать шесть элементов списка; для каждого элемента предлагается прасемитская реконструкция. Помимо этого, особый упор сделан на поиск внешних (афразийских) параллелей к каждому из разбираемых этимонов.

Ключевые слова: семитские языки, афразийские языки, этимология, глоттохронология, лексикостатистика.