A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: items 55-74 Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Alexander Militarev Institute of Eastern Cultures and Antiquity, RSUH (Moscow)

A complete etymology-based hundred wordlist of Semitic updated: Items 55-74

The paper represents the third part of the author's etymological analysis of the Swadesh wordlist for Semitic languages (the first two parts having already appeared in Vols. 3 (2010) and 5 (2011) of the same Journal). Twenty more items are discussed and assigned Proto-Semitic reconstructions, with strong additional emphasis on suggested Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic) cognates.

Keywords: Semitic, Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic), etymology, glottochronology, lexicostatistics.

The present study contains the analysis of the third portion of a 100-wordlist of Semitic. It is a follow-up to the author's second attempt at compiling a complete Swadesh wordlist for most Semitic languages that would fully represent all the branches, groups and subgroups of this linguistic family and provide etymological background for every item wherever available. It is another step toward figuring out the taxonomy and building a detailed and comprehensive genetic tree of said family and, eventually, of the Afrasian (Afroasiatic) macro-family with all its branches on a lexicostatistical/glottochronological basis.

Several similar attempts, including those by the author (Mil. 2000, Mil. 2004, Mil. 2007, Mil. 2008, Mil. 2010, and Mil. 2011), have been undertaken since M. Swadesh introduced his method of glottochronology (Sw. 1952 and Sw. 1955). In this paper, as well as in my previous studies in genetic classification, I have relied on Sergei Starostin's glottochronological method (v. Star.) which is a radically improved and further elaborated version of Swadesh's method.

The present portion includes twenty more items out of the 100-wordlist. I hope to fill all the Afrasian gaps in the first two portions as a supplement to the last (forthcoming) portion. It should be stressed once more that my aim is not to give complete data from all the non-Semitic Afrasian languages for all the items (i.e. not the complete etymological entries), but only to present available data demonstrating the Afrasian origin of all Semitic words involved, inter alia, to eliminate or reduce the possibility of the latter items to have been borrowed. Compared with the same 12 items (Nos. 55-66) of the list included in my previous paper (Mil. 2008), these ones are updated, corrected in some points, and some more reliable etymologies are suggested.

This study was carried out within the frames of the project No. 09-06-00153 Featuring early Neolithic man and society in the Near East by the reconstructed common Afrasian lexicon after the Afrasian database, supported by the Russian Foundation for Sciences. My gratitudes also go to my colleagues and collaborators in different projects: Prof. O. Stolbova (with whom we collaborate on the Afrasian Database within the "Evolution of Human Languages" project, from where I draw most of the data) and Drs. L. Kogan and G. Starostin for consultations and discussions. I am also indebted to Drs. A. Nemirovskaya for a commented 100-word list of Palestinian Judaic Aramaic; M.Bulakh for obtaining for me a 100-word list from a Tigre speaker; and to L. Kogan for sharing with me the Soqotri list (namely, of the Bedouin dialect of Darho in the central part

Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 7 (2012) • Pp. 71-104 • © Militarev A., 2011

of Socotra) compiled during his recent expedition to Socotra in November 2010, which made it possible for me to check a few items and cancel several synonyms that, for lack of more precise data, I had to treat on par with the corresponding main term in my previous list.

The list below is based on the following main sources (not referred to in the text except for special cases): Akk. - CAD and AHw; Ugr. - DUL; Hbr. and Bib. - HALOT; Pho. - Tomb.; Pal. — Sok. JP; Syr. — Brock. and Sok. Syr.; Mnd. — DM; Urm. — Tser. and Sarg.; Qur. — Pen. and BK; Leb., Mlt. — native speakers, Mec. — Sat.; Sab. — SD; Gez. — LGz; Tna. — native speakers and Kane T; Tgr. — a native speaker and LH; Amh. — native speakers, Baet. and Kane A; Arg. — LArg; Gaf. — LGaf; Sod. and Cha. — native speakers and LGur; Har. — a native speaker and LHar; Wol. — LGur; Hrs. — a native speaker and JH; Mhr. — native speakers, JM and Nak.; Jib. — native speakers, JJ and Nak.; Soq. — data collected by L. Kogan and LS.

The Data.

The data consist of items 55-74 of Swadesh's 100-wordlist of 28 Semitic languages, representing all groups within the family. Each item unites all the synonyms that are different in origin, i.e. form different sub-entries within the same entry, each of which is preceded by its own number (in round brackets). Each sub-entry, in its turn, consists of one or several cognate lexemes divided by a semicolon; the etymological comments including a Sem. protoform follow after a double slash; non-Semitic Afrasian parallels and a suggested Afrasian proto-form follow after the symbol □. Note that for cases when the choice of only one representative lexeme in the same language is too difficult,1 Starostin's procedure allows for several synonyms in the same language to be scored; in this case, synonyms from the same language would be present in two or more entries. Within each item there may occur two kinds of cases which are not scored at all — borrowings and lack of a corresponding term in the available sources; such cases form a separate section within the item, preceded by the symbol 0. Each item is completed (after the symbol with its Semitic proto-form(s) if any on the deepest level of reconstruction available (Proto-Semitic, Common West and South Semitic, etc.) in accordance with my classification of Semitic.

The following dates (some of them averaged, approximate or fairly conventional, some chosen after much hesitation and discussions with specialists in individual languages, and still liable to changes before a final scoring) have been attributed to individual languages: Akkadian, 1450 B.C.E.; Ugaritic, 1350 B.C.E.; Hebrew, 650 B.C.E.; Phoenician 850 B.C.E.; Biblical Aramaic, 200 B.C.E.; Palestinian Judaic, 200 C.E.; Syrian Aramaic, 200 C.E.; Mandaic, 750 C.E.; Urmian Aramaic, 1900; Qur'anic Arabic, 600 C.E.; Lebanese Arabic, 2000; Meccan Arabic, 2000; Maltese Arabic, 2000; Sabaic, 200 B.C.E.; GeTez, 500 C.E.; Tigrai, 2000; Tigre, 2000; Amharic, 2000; Argobba, 2000; Gafat, 1900; Soddo, 2000; Harari, 2000; Wolane, 2000; Chaha, 2000; Har-susi, 2000; Mehri, 2000; Jibbali, 2000; Soqotri, 2000.

Abbreviations of languages, language periods and ancient sources.

A, Ass. — Assyrian; Afras. — Afrasian (Afroasiatic, Semito-Hamitic); Akk. — Akkadian; Amh. — Amharic; Arb. — Arabic; Arg. — Argobba; Arm. — Aramaic; B — Babylonian, BD — Book of the Dead; Brb. — Berber; Bib. — Biblical Aramaic; C. — Central; Cha. — Chaha;

1 Even in cases when making such a choice was possible, I sometimes adduced more than one synonym, unable to resist the temptation of providing more terms with Semitic and/or Afrasian etymology. In the concluding phase of this study, I will do my best to make the selection procedure as strict as possible, and eliminate all superfluous synonyms from the final scoring.

Chad. — Chadic; Clas. — Classical; CT — Coffin Texts; Cush. — Cushitic; Dat — Datina Arabic; Dem. — Demotic; Dof. — Dofar Arabic; Dyn. — Dynasty; E. — East; Egyp. — Egyptian; ESA — Epigraphic South Arabian; Eth. — Ethiopian; Frah. — Frahang-i-Pahlavik (Aramaic); Gaf. — Gafat; Gez. — GeTez; Gr. — Greek; Gur. — Gurage; Har. — Harari; Hdr — Hadra-mawt Arabic; HEC — Highland East Cushitic; Hbr. — Hebrew; Hrs. — Harsusi; Jib. — Jibbali; Jud. — Judaic Aramaic; LL — lexical lists; Leb. — Lebanese Arabic; LEC — Lowland East Cushitic; Mlt. — Maltese Arabic; Mec. — Meccan Arabic; Med. — Medical Texts; met. — metathesis; Mhr. — Mehri; MK — Middle Kingdom; Min. — Minean; Mnd. — Mandaic Aramaic; Mod. — Modern; MSA — Modern South Arabian; N — New, N. — North; NE — New Egyptian; NK — New Kingdom; O — Old; OK — Old Kingdom; Omot. — Omotic; Pal. — Palestinian Judaic Aramaic; pB. — postbiblical; Pho. — Phoenician; Pyr. — Pyramid Texts; Qat. — Qatabanian; Qur. — Qur'anic Arabic; S — Standard, S. — South; Sab. — Sabaic; Sem. — Semitic; Sod. — Soddo; Soq. — Soqotri; syn. — synonym; Syr. — Syrian Aramaic; Tna. — Tigrinna (= Tigray); Tgr. — Tigre; Ugr. — Ugaritic; Urm. — Urmian Neo-Aramaic; W. — West.; Wol. — Wolane, Y — Young.

Transcription and transliteration. 2

p — bilabial emphatic voiceless stop; b — bilabial emphatic voiced stop; b — bilabial voiced spirant; t — dental emphatic voiceless stop; d — dental emphatic voiced stop; t — voiceless interdental fricative (in Egyptian, a conventional symbol most likely conveying c); d — voiced interdental fricative (in Egyptian, a conventional symbol most likely conveying 3); c — alveolar voiceless affricate [ts]; 3 — alveolar voiced affricate [dz]; c — palato-alveolar voiceless affricate [ts]; 3 — palato-alveolar voiced affricate [dz]; s — alveolar emphatic voiceless fricative; c — alveolar emphatic voiceless affricate; z — conventionally stands for what was likely d, emphatic voiced interdental fricative, or t, emphatic voiceless interdental fricative; c — palato-alveolar emphatic affricate; s — lateral voiceless fricative (denoted by Sx in Sem. reconstructed proto-forms); c — lateral voiceless affricate; s — lateral voiceless emphatic fricative; c — lateral voiceless emphatic affricate; z — lateral voiced emphatic sibilant (or perhaps affricate); z — lateral voiced sibilant; g — voiced velar fricative (in Berber); k or q — emphatic velar stop; q — hypothetic velar affricate [kh] (only in reconstructed Afrasian proto-forms); y — uvular voiced fricative (Arabic "ghain"); h — uvular voiceless fricative; h — presumably velar voiceless fricative (only in Egyptian); h — pharyngeal voiceless fricative; f — pharyngeal stop ("ayin"); h — laryngeal voiceless fricative; ? — glottal stop ("aleph", "hamza"); y — palatal resonant; ? and 1 — conventional transcription symbols accepted in Egyptology.

Conventions for reconstructed protoforms.

V renders a non-specified vowel, e.g. *bVr- should be read "either *bar-, or *bir-, or *bur-".

H renders a non-specified laryngeal or pharyngeal.

S, Z render a non-specified sibilant.

/ when separates two symbols means "or", e.g. *?i/abar- should be read "either *?ibar- or *?abar-".

( ) a symbol in round brackets means "with or without this symbol", e.g. *ba(w)r- should be read "*bawr- or *bar-".

~ means "and" pointing to two or more co-existing proto-forms.

2 I should stress again, as I usually do in my publications, that the vocalism in the reconstructed Semitic and, especially, Afrasian protoforms is ofen conventional and hypothetic.

55. mountain

(1) Akk. sadû, saddû (OAkk., OB, OA) // < Sem. *sad(d)-: Ugr. sd 'field, land, steppe, mountain' (DUL 807); Arb. sadd- 'montagne' (BK 1 1068).

(2) Ugr. yr (y < *d)3; Bib. tur; Pal. twr; Syr. tur-; Mnd. tur-; Urm. tur-; Sab. zwr // < Sem. *tu/ir-'flint, rock': Akk. surru, Hbr. sor, Arb. zurar-, zirr- 'flint', etc.

□ Cf. Brb.: Qabyle i-zra 'flint' (otherwise an Arabism?), Ahaggar a-zaru 'rock' and W. Chad.: Hausa cura 'knife or sword without handle', presumably implying Afras. *cur- 'flint' (ADB).

(3) Hbr. har; Pho. hr // Only Ugr. hr 'mountain' (DUL 345; not a basic term).

□ There are isolated parallels outside Sem. suggesting Afras. *hawr- (ADB): Brb.: Ahaggar ahor 'amoncellement des rochers'; W. Chad.: Geruma yuworo 'stone', Zar wur 'mountain'; E. Cush.: Yaaku hero? '(big) rock'.

(4) Qur. jabal-; Leb. zabel; Mec. Jabal, Mhr. gdbël, Jib. gieil // < Sem. *gVbVl- 'mountain; boundary, border': Ugr. gbl 'limit, frontier' and 'summit, mount' (in DUL 293, two "possibly related" different entries; v. Kog. Ug.-Sem. 11), Hbr. gabul 'mountain; boundary; territory', etc. (HALOT 171), Bathari gdbdlël 'mountain' (JM 113). Whether the MSA forms are genuine or borrowed from Arb. (note lack of the root in Soq.) is hard to decide.

□ Probably < *gVb-Vl- with the -l root extension (v. Mil. RE 115-18) < Afras. *ga/ub- 'mountain' (ADB): Sem. *ga/ibS- (with the -S root extension?): Akk. gab?u '(mountain) peak, hill', Ugr. gbS 'hill, height, peak', Hbr. gibSa 'hill', Arb. jubaS- 'little hill town'; (?) E. Chad.: Bidiya gab-ga (partial redupl.) 'mountain'; Cush. N.: Beja gwob 'heap of stones; the ground with little or no vegetation', E.: Afar gubb-i 'high spot in undulating country', LEC: Oromo gubba 'summit', HEC: Burji gubba 'highland', Dullay: Tsamay gupo, Harso gupo 'mountain', S.: Dahalo guba 'plains' (with a plausible semantic shift: cf. #6 below). Cf. Egyp. (Pyr.) gbb 'Erdgott; Erde'.

(5) Sab. Sr (syn.) // also 'citadel; hill-town' (SD 20). In HALOT 821, compared to Hbr. îîr, Ugr. Sr 'city, town', which is acceptable only if the meaning 'hill-town' is a primary one (this is not very likely since, first, the semantic shift to 'mountain' is rather strange; second, there is nothing pointing to a 'hill-town' in Ugr. and Hbr.; and, third, the Ugr.-Hbr. term is regarded as a Sumerism ibid.); for an alternative etymology cf. Arb. îuîurat- 'sommet (d'une mountagne)' (BK 225).

(6) Gez. dabr; Tgr. dabar // < Sem. *dabr- 'mountain valley, pasture': Hbr. dobar 'pasture', Mnd. dibra 'field' (HALOT 212), Arb. dabr- 'champ, pré' (BK 1 664), Tna. dabri 'mountain' (Kane T 2114; not common, according to my informants).

□ Probably < *dab- with -r extention (v. Mil. RE 110-15) < Afras. *dV(m)b- 'rock': Sem.: Arb. dabbat-, Tgr. dabb 'sand hill', Tna. dabb 'banc de sable' (DRS 205), Harari dabba 'raised ground' (acc. to LGz < Cush.); E. Chad.: Migama dâmbâ 'mountain', Bidiya dombà id., dàmbo 'stone'; Cush. N.: Beja dabba, dibba 'mound of earth or sand' (perhaps an Arabism), C.: Bilin dabba 'elevated place; mountain; uninhabited country', Qwara, Kailina, Kemant daba, Dembea debba 'mountain', Aungi dab 'stone' (Fleming); E.: LEC: Somali dabo 'hill, small mountain', HEC: Sidamo dubbo 'forest, uninhabited place', Yaaku tepu < *deb-'stone'; N. Omot. Mao démphê 'mountain' (ADB; partially ND 497a, App. CDA 102).

(7) Amh. tarara; Arg. tarara // No reliable parallels in Sem.

3 As an alternative etymology suggesting Ugr. y < Sem. *y proposed by De Moor, the words allegedly meaning 'rock', 'woodland' are quoted in DUL 324: Arb. yâr-, Syr. Taro and Akk. eru; while the first one is glossed as 'terrain plat, pays plat, caverne' in BK 2 516, I could not find the latter two with these meanings in corresponding dictionaries.

□ Obviously connected with C. Cush.: Kemant tarara, E.: Cush.: LEC: Munsiye tarra 'mountain', but the direction of borrowing is unclear. Should perhaps be related, with a semantic shift, to Egyp. (Pyr.) tw7 'to raise, hold up, support, lean on' (if < *twr) and Chad. W.: Pero túrú 'climb', Tangale ture 'jump, wake up, rise', C.: Ga'anda itiri, Gabin, Boka tiri, Hwona ture'lift', Zeghwana átirá 'above' (ADB).

(8) Har. sari // Zway 'id.', cf. a parallel in Arb. sarw- 'légère élévation de terrain', sarat- 'hauteurs, partie la plus élevée d'un pays' (unless a semantic shift from id. 'dos' and/or 'milieu' BK 1 1085); less likely a loan, with semantic shift, from Somali seeri 'forest' (LGur 557).

(9) Hrs. kermaym; Mhr. karmaym (syn.) // probably < Sem. *karm-, if so, then meaning something like a 'hill with a vineyard in it': Akk. karmu- 'Odland(-Hügel)' (AHw 449; 'ruin, ruin heap' in CAD k 218), Ugr. krm, Hbr. karam, Arb. karm- 'vineyard' (DUL 455; HALOT 498), etc.

□ With a much-discussed parallel in Egyp. (MK) k7m.w 'vineyard', which may belong to a small group of the earliest Canaanisms in Egyp. (cf. also W. Chad.: Hausa kúrmi ''wood, forest'); cf. a variant root: Akk. (OA, OB on) karanu (kiranu) 'wine, grapevine, grapes' (CAD k 202) and Egyp. (MK) k7n-w 'vineyard', creating a rather enygmatic tangle (ADB).

It is also possible to compare the MSA root, with a fossilized -m (v. Mil. RE 105-8), with Sem. *kur-: Arb. kürat- 'country, land, town', Sab. kwr 'hill, high-place' < Afras. *kur(-Vm)- (cf. also Sum. kur 'mountain, highland' < Afras.?): Chad. W.: Gerka kir 'hill', C.: Dghwede kwire, Glavda ákura, Musgu kuríí 'stone', Logone, Kuseri kur 'mountain', Makari kur 'round rock'; Cush. C. *karV(< *karVm-) 'stone': Bilin, Kemant kdr/a, Aungi káráetc. (App. CDA 129): E.: LEC: Somali, Rendille kúr 'mountain' (ADB).

(10) Soq. fé/ídehon // Jib. fúdún 'rock, stone' (JJ 51); if joined to Akk. (OAkk. on) padanu, paddanu 'path, way' (CAD p 2), implies Sem. *pad(d)Vn- 'path in the mountains'; cf. also, with metathesis, Arb. fand- 'grande montagne, grande hauteur qui s'étend au loin' (BK 2 637).

□ Note a curious triconsonantal parallel in W. Chad.: Tangale pandi, Mangas nddap (another met.?), Kir ladààp (< *nadap?) 'path'.

0 Mlt. montaña < Italian montagna; Tna. ?dmba < C. Cush. (cf. Bilin amba, Khamir ?abd, etc.); Sod. gara < E. Cush (Oromo gaára, Sidamo gaaro, etc., v. LGur 288); Cha. kwato < E. Cush. (Qabenna, Alaba kotá-ta, v. LGur 506). No term in Gaf. and Wol.

^ No common Semitic (or, if MSA terms are inherited, Common West and South Semitic *gVbVl- #4).

56. mouth

(1) Akk. pû-; Ugr. p; Hbr. pa; Pho. py; Bib. pumma; Pal. pam, pymh; Syr. pümm-; Mnd. pum-; Urm. püm-; Qur. fam- (also fü/uh- and fuw-); Mec. famm; Gez. ?af; Tna. ?af; Tgr. ?af; Amh. ?af; Arg. af; Sod. af; Har. af; Wol. af; Cha. àf // < Sem. *(?a-)pay/w(-m)- 'mouth' (cf. SED I No. 233). The decision to include the Eth. forms into the Sem. root was taken with much hesitation, as they formally coincide with a common Cush. term for 'mouth', the grounds for regarding them as related to or borrowed from Cushitic being nearly equal, cf. below.

□ Anyway, < Proto-Afras. *(?a-)pay/w-'mouth': Brb: Shilh, Senhaja, Qabyle fa, Rif fa, afa, Mzab fafa 'to yawn' (N-Z 515); Chad. W. *pVw- 'mouth': Angas po, pwo, Chip pwd, Tangale po-k, Boghom piap, pyok, Fyer, Bokkos fo, etc. (and very likely Hausa áfá 'throw into the mouth', Mupun áap, Sura ap 'yawn', Angas ep 'yawn' < *?ap), C.: Hya fu/£, Musey funu-no (and vun in several languages, likely < *fun- < *fu-n-); Cush. N.: Beja yaf, C.: Bilin (pl.) afdf, Khamir af, E. *?af- 'mouth': Saho, Afar af, LEC: Somali áf, Rendille af, Dasenech ?àfù, Oromo áfaa-ni, Konso áfaa, HEC: Darasa afa?o, Sidamo, Kambatta afoo, Burji afée, S. *?af-: Iraqw, Burunge, Alagwa afa, Asa afo-k, Qwadza afu-ko, Dahalo ?afo; S. Omot. *?Vpp/ff-

'mouth' (seems an inherited root rather than borrowed from Cush.): Dime ?appo, Ari aaffa, Karo ?apo, Banna aapo, Hamar a(a)fo, ap-, Ongota ?iifa (ADB).

(2) Leb. hald?; Mlt. hal?a // < Sem. *halk(-um)- 'Adam's apple, throat': Akk. *a/elï/aku in lïk (lak, alik, elak) pî 'palate' (lit. "the l. of the mouth"), Arb. halk- 'gosier, gorge', halküm- 'gorge', Gez. hdlk 'throat, gullet, palate', Amh. dlldkt 'depression at the base of the neck directly below the Adam's apple', Mhr. hdlkdmüt 'Adam's apple', etc. (v. SED I No. 117).

□ < Afras. *(ha-)lVk(-um)- 'throat and upper part of neck' (ADB): Cush. C.: Khamtanga kdlma, Khamta k/kälma (met.) 'neck', E.: LEC *luk/k(-um)- 'neck': Somali lukun, pl. lukum-mo, Arbore lüko (< *luk- or *luk-), Elmolo luku (< *luk-), Konso holma (<*kVlm-), Oromo lukum 'chew, munch, eat without opening the mouth', S.: Dahalo laka 'area under chin'; S. Omot.: Banna lukum-, Ongota luyoma 'neck' .

(3) Gaf. sdmotä // In LGaf 231, qualified as a loanword from E. Cush. Gudella sume; a possible origin from samä 'embrasser' is admitted as an alternative (neither assumption is very convincing); cf. Gez. saî/?ama, Tna. säiamä, Amh. samä, etc. 'to kiss', compared in LGz 481 with Arb. (Yemen) saîam 'kiss', evidently implying the meaning 'kisser' for the Gafat form.

(4) Hrs. hah; Mhr. höh; Jib. hoh; Soq. he // < Sem. *haw- ~ *hawh- 'hole, aperture': Hrs. hdwwët 'tunnel', Mhr. höh 'mouth; entrance, opening' (JM 454), hdwü(t) 'to have a space left uncovered' (ibid.), Hbr. hawûh-ïm (pl.) 'hole, crevice' (HALOT 296), Arb. hwy 'ê. vide' (BK 1 651), hawhat- 'lucarne dans un mur; petite fenêtre; anus' (ibid. 644), Sab. hwh 'passageway, corridor' (SD 64), Gez. hohdt 'door, doorway, etc.' (LGz 260).

□ Cf. debatable external parallels, pointing, if valid, to Afras. *qaw/?- 'hole':4 Egyp. (Gr.) h-t 'pit'; Chad. W.: Pero kâà 'hole in a stone for mashing grains, beans', C.: Bura ku 'hole in the ground', Bachama kwa 'vine door (hole hut)', Bana ké?u 'hole without an outlet', etc. (St. 2011 #179a), Chibak kaw, Margi kà?o 'hole', E.: Kera ku, Kwang kuh, kuu 'mouth' (not in St. 2011); N. Omot.: Kafa koko 'mouth' (ADB).

^ Common North and West Semitic *(?a-)pay/w(-m)- (#1).

57. name

(1) Akk. sumu; Ugr. sm; Hbr. sëm; Pho. sm; Bib. sum; Pal. sëm, swm; Syr. sdm; Mnd. sum-; Urm. simm-; Qur. ?ism-; Leb. ?dsdm; Mec. ism; Mlt. isem; Sab. si m; Gez. sdm; Tna. sdm; Tgr. sdm; Amh. sdm; Arg. sdm; Gaf. sdmwä; Sod. sdm; Har. sum; Wol. sum; Cha. sdm; Hrs. hem; Mhr. ham; Jib. sum; Soq. sem // < Sem. *(?i-)sim-.

□ < Afras. *(?i-)sim- 'name' (ADB): Brb. *(H)ism- (borrowing from Arabic is unlikely, since the term is attested all over the Berber-speaking area, but cannot be completely ruled out); Chad. W. *(?V-)si/um-: Hausa suna, Sura sum, Kirfi simi, Pa'a sim, sun, Mangas wusim, Bog-hom yisim, Kir wùsum, Tala sum, Kulere ?asim, etc., C. *sim- (with a secondary lateralization): Gabin sime, Mbara sim, Gudu lim, Logone sémï, Zime-Batna sém, etc., E. *sVm-: Som-rai sumi, Kera sâm, Dangla sïy, Mokilko sùmâ, etc.; Cush. *sim- (borrowing from Eth. is less probable, but cannot be excluded): N.: Beja sim, sum, C.: Bilin, Khamir, Kemant sd^w (hardly a loan), Aungi sdm (likely an Amharism), E.: HEC: Darasa, Hadiya summa, Sidamo, Kambatta su?ma (cf. also LEC: Oromo sima 'to welcome'); N. Omot. *sum-t- 'name' (in view of *-t less likely a loan from Eth.): Wolaita sunta, Basketo sumsa, Koyra suunci, Chara sumâ, Gimirra (She) sum, Bworo suuca, Dizi (Maji) simu, etc. Probably related is Egyp. (MK) smy 'berichten, anzeigen' (with a semantic shift 'tell the name' > 'report, inform'?).

^ Common Semitic *(?i-)sim-.

4 The hypothetical (standing for a presumed Afras. affricate *ki) is expected to yield *h in Sem. and Egyp. and *k in other Afras. branches.

58. neck

(1) Akk. kisadu; Gez. kasad; Tna. kdsad // < Sem. *ki(n)sad- 'neck, top of shoulder' (SED I No. 147).

(2) Hbr. sawwa(?)r; Bib. sawwa?r; Pal. swwr; Syr. sawr-; Mnd. sawr- // < Sem. *saw?ar-: Arb. sawr-'side of the neck', etc. (v. SED I No. 258).

(3) Qur. lunk-; Mlt. (gh)ona? // < Sem. *Wnk- 'neck': Jud. lunk- 'neck, throat', Gez. îanaka 'to carry around the neck', etc. (SED I No. 15).

(4) Leb. ra?abi; Mec. ragaba // Class. Arb. rakb- 'cou, nuque' (BK 1 905). No visible cognates in Sem.

□ Cf., with metathesis, possible parallels in Egyp. (NE) b?k (neck or throat determinative) 'gorge (?)' (if < *brk, v. EDE II 94) and Brb.: Rif a-berkuk 'bosse, tumeur' (N-Z 117).

(5) Tgr. sdgad // < sägda 'prostrate oneself' (implying an exotic semantic shift "prostrate" > "to bow down one's neck" > "neck") < Sem. *sgd 'prostrate' (LGz 490)?

(6) Amh. angät; Arg. angäd, hangät; Gaf. angät; Sod. angät; Har. angät; Wol. angät; Cha. angät // Judging by Arg. hangät, rather < Sem. *hVng(-ar)- than < *Wng(-at)- 'neck' (as in SED I No. 15 note): Gez. hangat 'goiter' (h- instead of the expected *h- may be purely graphic), Har. hangür 'throat' (also 'food'), Zway angäro, Wol. angoro, Selti angöro id. (all of these S. Eth. forms are considered Arb. loans in LLw 132), Arb. hanjarat-, hunjür- 'larynx' (cf. hunjüd- id.) (SED I No. 15 note).

□ With a clear parallel in Egyp. (18 Dyn.) hngg 'gorge' (cf. also Brb.: Ghadames angar 'pleurer un mort' — a kind of "gorge" singing?).

(7) Hrs. Mhr. yöti (yödi, acc. to Jahn); Jib. yote // Could not find any etymology.

(8) Soq. kar // Likely related are Mhr. sarïr 'nape' (SSL 291), with Mhr. s rendering palatalized *k (cf. in *saw?ar- SED I No. 258 note) and Arb. karan (< *karw-) 'dos' (BK 2 730).

□ < Afras. *kawr- '(back of) neck': E. Chad.: Kwang kèri, Kera kur, Lele kward 'neck', possibly < *kVwar- (otherwise < *k-ur-); E. Cush.: LEC: Somali qör 'neck'; Omot. N.: Wolamo köriya, Cancha, Gemu, Dorze köre, S.: Banna korci (< *kor-t-) id.

(9) Soq. fakrere (syn.)5 // < Sem. *pi/ark-at- ~ *pi/akr-at-: Hbr. mapräkät 'neck', Arb. fakrat-, fikrat-'vertèbre' (BK 2 619-20), etc. (SED I No. 219).

◊ Urm. kddal- is < Arb. kidûl- 'derrière de la tete; toupet' (BK 2 697). No term in Ugr., Pho. and Sab.

^ Common North and West (Eth.) Semitic. *kisad- (#1).

59. new

(1) Akk. essu; Ugr. hdt; Hbr. hadas; Pho. hds; Bib. hädat; Pal. hdt; Syr. hadat-; Mnd. hadt-; Urm. ha(d)t-; Gez. haddis; Tna. häddis; Tgr. häddis; Amh. addis; Arg. hajas; Sod. ajjis; Har. hajïs; Wol. ajis // < Sem. *hadit_- (DRS 837).

(2) Qur. jadïd-; Leb. zdïd; Mec. jadiyd; Mlt. jdïd // In Kog. LE 470, reasonably related with Sab. h-gdd 'endorse, validate (a decree)' and Qat. si-gdd 'renew, validate'; compared (with a question mark) with Syr. gaddüd- 'adolescent' in DRS 100, which also seems reasonable, especially in view of another meaning of Arb. jadïd--'jeunesse, jeune age' (BK 1 261).6

□ Note a curious coincidence with N. Omot.: Yemsa gaddo 'new'.

(3) Sab. ks2b-m // also ks2b-n 'new construction' < ks2b 'build, construct, make' (SD 108). Clearly connected with Arb. kasïb- 'tout neuf, nouvellement fait' (BK 2 741; seems isolated from

5 fikeriroh in Kogan MS, given on par with kar as an equiright synonym.

6 Perhaps from still another meaning of the same Arb. term — 'hereuse, fortuné' (ibid.) < Sem. *gadd- 'fortune, chance' (DRS 100, a different entry), attested in Hbr., Arm. and Eth. (incl. 'augur' in Amh.), with the semantic shift "new" < "future" < "read the future, tell one's fortune" < "fortune".

other meanings of the verb ksb) that looks like a loan from (or into?) Sab. No other Sem. parallels.

(4) Cha. gadar // Also in Eza, Gyeto, Masqan (LGur 264, no etymology adduced). May be tentatively compared either with Wol. and Zway gadara 'to grow up (child)', Amh. (ta)gaddara 'to germinate' (with the semantic shift 'produce new plants' > 'new'; for broader connections v. big No. 8) or, with an -r root extension, to Sem. *gadi/ud- (#2).

(5) Hrs. heydin; Mhr. heydin; Jib. odin // < MSA *waydin-. If these forms could be analyzed as *wady-Vn (for the -Vn- suffix in MSA cf., e.g., Jib. ?dmsina, Soq. ?dmsin vs. Hrs. yemsi, Mhr. yemse 'yesterday'; or Mhr. diminutive tdwey-en < taywi 'meat'), comparable with Arb. wadiyy- 'premiers germes d'un palmier qui sortent de la terre' (BK 2 1513), with the primary meaning 'new, young'.

□ Should be further connected with Egyp. (MK) id 'young man'; C. Chad.: Matakam wuda, Zime-Batna udo 'children', perhaps allowing to reconstruct Afras. *wayd- (ADB).

◊ Gaf. waya, together with several Gurage languages (LGur 666) is a loan from HEC (Kam-batta, Sidamo haro, Hadiya hari-cco), according to LGur 673, "with loss of r through palatalization"; Soq. gedid must be an Arabism.

^ Common North and West Semitic *hadit- (#1).

60. night

(1) Akk. musu; Sod. mdsat; Cha. mdsata // < Sem. *(?a-)mVsy- 'night, yesterday, evening' (ADB): Eblaite /musum/ 'night', Hbr. ?amas 'last night, yesterday', Arb. ?amsi, musy- 'yesterday, masa?- 'evening', Gez. mdset 'evening, twilight', Tgr. mdset, Tna mdsat, Amh. mdset 'evening', Hrs. yemsi, Mhr yemse, Jib. ?dmsin, Soq. ?dmsin 'yesterday' (Hrs.-Mhr. y- instead of *?-and, especially, MSA -s/ s- vs. Arb. -s- speak against judging these forms as Arabisms, which they may resemble upon first glance).

□ < Afras. *(?a-)mas(y)- 'night, evening' (ADB): Egyp. (OK) msw-t, (MK) msy-t 'supper, evening meal'; C. Chad.: Gudu mdsu 'evening', Logone meese 'midnight', (?) Daba amusku 'yesterday'; Cush. N.: Beja amas 'late evening, night, twilights' (hardly < Arb.), amse 'today' (perhaps an Arabism), S. *?amas-: Iraqw, Gorowa dmsi, Alagwa, Burunge amasi 'middle of the night', Qwadza amasi-ya 'tomorrow', Asa eramesa 'night' (with a secondary -r-); N. Omot. *?umars-:7 Wolaita ?omarsa, Malo ?omars- 'night', Gofa ?umarsa, Dorze omarsa 'night, evening', etc. (ADB; cf. EDE III8 558-562 and 630).

(2) Ugr. ll; Hbr. layla; Pho. ll; Bib. lely-a; Pal. lele; Syr. lely-; Mnd. lily-; Urm. layl-; Qur. laylat-; Leb. layl; Mec. layl; Mlt. leyla; Sab. lly; Gez. lelit; Tna. layt-i; Tgr. lali; Amh. let, lelit; Gaf. lita; Har. layl-i, lel-i // < Sem. *layl-: Akk. lilat- (liliat-) 'evening, night', MSA (< Arb.?): Hrs. leylet (JH86), Mhr. layldt 'night' (JM 259: "in certain contexts only"), Soq. lilhe id.

□ For various suggested Afras. etymologies cf. EDE III 43-44, where they are justly considered "uncertain".

(3) Arg. hadara // < Eth. *hdr: Gez. hadara 'reside, dwell, stay overnight', Tna. hadara 'stay overnight', Tgr. hadra 'dwell, stay', etc. (LGz 258-9) < Sem. *hdr 'spend the night, dwell', *ha/idr- 'dwelling, chamber, tent' : Eblaite /hadrum/, Ugr. hdr (DUL 355; h- is irregular), Hbr. hadar 'room', Pho. hdr '(burial) chamber', Arb. hdr 'remain and keep to a place', hidr-

7 As for the secondary r, cf. also Eth. Gur.: Cha., Eza masard, Ennemor, Gyeto masalard 'night' and Mil. RE 113.

8 In EDE III 562, this root is reasonably related with Brb.: Semlal a-mussa, Ntifa mussu and C. Chad.: Padoko musa 'black' (though with a strange formula "remotedly connected" hard to understand to what historical linguistic reality it may refer, and a somewhat unintelligible remark "Note the anomaly with PBrb. *[m]-s-y") and erroneously (ibid. 559-560) with Brb. *ans 'spend the night' and its derivative *ma-nsaw 'evening meal'.

'women's quarters of a tent' (LGz 259), Sab. hdr 'chamber, funeral chamber' (SD 59), Hrs., Mhr. hedor 'to put up a sunshade', Jib hodor id., Soq. hddor 'to build' (JM 438). Surprisingly, the MSA forms are overlooked in all the quoted dictionaries. For the meanings 'stay overnight' and 'night' in Eth. cf. also Arb. hadar- 'obscurité de la nuit' and hdr 'e. très noir' (BK 1 544-5), perhaps a contamination of two roots.

(4) Arg. etta, yet (syn.); Soq. hte // Likely < Sem. *îayt- 'time; night' (for this semantic connection cf. #6 below): Hbr. îët 'point in time, occasion, time' (HALOT 899); cf. also what looks like a variant stem *îant-, with secondary -n- infixed: Ugr. înt 'now' (DUL 169), Hbr. îatta 'now' (HALOT 901), etc.

□ If Sem. *îayt- may be analyzed as *îay-t-, with the fossilized suffix -t, there are possible, if sparse, Afras. parallels: W. Chad.: Montol yi 'time', Angas yii 'year', etc. (unless related with Egyp. (MK) i?-t 'time, moment'), N. Cush.: Beja la 'time, period' (more likely < *îâ than *la, as normally *î > l, while *l > 0 in Beja); S. Omot.: Ongota îuo 'night', perhaps allowing to reconstruct Afras. *îay/w- (ADB).

(5) Har. artu, ortu; Wol. arot // < S.-E. Eth.: Selti arot 'night', Zway arut 'evening'; according to LGur 92, from Cushitic (Qabenna aworruta, Sidamo hawarro, Afar harrii are quoted), but the "comparison with Semitic *îrb, *grb... with disappearance of b... is possible." The provenance from Sem. *yrb is more likely than from Cush., since *y > 0 in S.-E. Eth., while *h/h (reconstructible for the E. Cush. forms quoted) > h in Har. If this is true, the word is related to Sem. *yarb- 'sunset, evening, west': Akk. erebu (erbu) 'setting of the sun, west', Arb. yarb- 'coucher du soleil', Gez. îarab 'west, sunset', îarba 'to set (sun), become evening', Mhr. ydrbët 'strange place, unknown place, abroad', Jib. oyôrb 'to go west' (ADB).9

(6) Hrs. laser; Mhr. Iaçar; Jib. îaçar // < Sem. *1asr- 'feast, time, season, night' (ADB): Hbr. îâsrâ 'holiday, celebration, festive assembly', Syr. îasart- 'sacrificium', Arb. îa/i/usr- 'temps; saison, moment propre, temps nésessaire; age, siècle, epoque', lal-lasr- 'le jour et la nuit, ou le soir et le matin', Soq. îâser 'temps' (perhaps an Arabism).

^ Common North and West Semitic (S. Eth.) *(la-)mVsy- (#1). West Semitic *layl- (#2).

61. nose

(1) Akk. appu; Ugr. lap; Hbr. lap; Pal. ?p; Qur. ?anf-; Gez. ?anf; Tgr. ?andf; Gaf. fi; Sod. afunna; Har. uf; Cha. àfuna // < Sem. *lanp- 'nose', including Arm.: Jud. lappa, lanpa 'nose; face', Bib. lanpohî (with a dual suffix), Syr. lappë, lappayya (pl.), Mnd. anpia 'face' (SED I No. 8).

□ With prefixed *la- < Afras. *(la-)na/if- 'breath (> life, soul, heart), blowing of wind' (ADB; cf. EDE I 117-18): Brb.: Ahaggar a-nafo 'breath', Ayr, E. Tawllemmet a-nâfo 'fresh humid wind', etc.; Egyp. (OK) nf-t 'fan', (NK) nf 'breath; wind'; C. Chad.: Daba nap 'to rest, to breathe', Tera nifi 'life', Logone nafu 'life; heart', Fali-Kirya naffd 'heart', etc.; Cush. N.: Beja nifî 'to blow (wind)', E.: Saho naf 'breath, soul, life' (perhaps also Afar neef 'face'), LEC: Somali neef 'breath', naf 'soul; life', Boni nêf 'breath', Baiso neefo 'breath; soul' (perhaps Oromo nafa 'haste, urgency' < "heavy breathing"?), S.: Dahalo afo 'nose' (if < *lanf-).

(2) Syr. nahîr-; Mnd. nhir-; Urm. nahîr-; Leb. manhar; Mlt. dmniher; Hrs. nherîr; Mhr. nehrîr; Jib. nahrer; Soq. nahrir // < Sem. *nahîr- 'nostril, nose': Akk. nahîru 'nostril', etc. (SED I No. 198).

□ < Afras. *nahVr- 'nose' (ADB): Brb.: Ahaggar a-ngur, Ghat a-njur, Semlal ti-nhar-t, etc. 'nose'; S. Cush. *la-nhari 'phlegm': Iraqw ahari, Burunge anhari. Seems to go back, with the root extension *-r, to Afras. *nah- 'referring to the nose, nasal mucus, phlegm (> saliva),

9 For an alternative etymology cf. Gez. ?ar 'time' (LGz 36) with no Sem. parallels (cf. Egyp. (Pyr.) rr 'time' and C. Chad.: Higi-Nkafa ri 'time'); on the semantic connection between 'night' and 'time' see Nos. 4 and 6.

etc.' (ADB), perhaps onomatopoeic: Sem.: Akk. nahnahatu 'nose cartilage', Syr. nahnaht-'tonsillae', Arb. nuhmat- (with fossilized suffixed -m) 'ce que ¡'on jette par la bouche ou par le nez, comme pituite, glaire, etc.', Jib. nhoh 'phlegm' (SED I No. 197); Brb.: Ghadames nahnah 'speak through the nose'; Egyp. (Pyr.) nh 'saliva; spit out'; E. Cush.: Yaaku nuka? 'nose' < *nug- (if -g renders *-h, which is not clear; perhaps < *nuk- then to compare with S. Omot.: Dime nuku, Hamer, Ari nuki id.).

(3) Mec. husum // Class. Arb. haysum- 'cartilages du nez' (BK 1 578). Cf. Soq. in-hasim 'sneeze' (LS 194), unless < *hsm (compared with Mhr., Jib. hasm 'phlegm' in DRS 934); most likely, a variant root with a plausible semantic shift.

(4) Tna. ?afanca; Amh. Arg. afanca // An enigmatic word, with no parallels in other Sem.

□ The only possible parallel is Egyp. fnd 'nose', possibly < *fVnVc/c/c-, but alternatively < *fVnVg-, comparable with Chad. W.: *fVng- (Hausa fafunga 'toothless mouth', Siri vengi 'mouth', Sura Angas Fyer fuy 'hole', C.: Mulwi fingi 'wipe one's nose', etc.) and, with metathesis, N. Cush.: Beja ganuf 'nose' (ADB; cf. EDE II 575-8 containing all the above comparanda plus a weak cognation with Afras. *f-n).

(5) Wol. barbare // Leslau (LGur 151) speculates about possible connections with barbare 'pepper', quoting the same semantic shift in Gogot anfuna 'nose' and 'pepper' (note, however, that in Wolane it may be 'pepper' > 'nose' only, while in Gogot it is vice versa).

◊ No term in Pho., Bib. and Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic *?anp- (#1).

Common West (Arm.) and South Semitic *nahir- (#2).

62. not 10

(1) Akk. ul; Hbr. ?al; Pho. ?l; Sab. ?l; Amh. al...(m); Arg. al (...w/u); Gaf. al; Sod. al-; Har. al; Wol. al-; Hrs. ?el, Mhr. ?al (... ¡a?), Jib. ?ol (...h?); Soq. ?al, ol // < Sem. *?al, with a var. *?ul in Akk. and Ugr. ?al, a negative functor (DUL 46).

□ < Afras. *?a/ul: Brb.: Seghrushen, Shenwa, Mzab ul, Matmata ul, Zwara, Nefusa wal 'not'; E. Cush.: Afar aley 'no', Saho ?allo 'nothing', LEC: Arbore (ma...) ala; N. Omot.: Kafa, An-fillo allo, Bworo ali 'there is not' (ADB; ND No. 24).

(2) Akk. la; Ugr. l; Hbr. lo(?); Bib. la; Pal. la?; Syr. la; Mnd. la; Urm. la; Qur. la; Hrs. la?; Mhr. (?al...) la?; Jib. (?ol...) lo? // < Sem. *la? (perhaps eventually related, with metathesis, to *?a/ul).

□ Cf. scarce parallels in other Afras.: C. Chad.: Makeri la 'not'; C. Cush.: Bilin, Aungi la- id.

(3) Pho. ?y; Gez. ?i; Tna. ?ay (...n); Tgr. ?i // < Sem. *?ay: Akk. ay, e, prohibitive, Hbr. ?i 'not' (HALOT 38, hapax), Arb. ?a-, Soq. ?e 'not' (ND No. 3).

□ With a few Afras. parallels, probably allows for Afras. *?ay: Egyp. (OK) iw.i 'welcher nicht' (quoted in ND No. 3 with two question marks); E. Cush.: HEC: Burji -ay?, Hadiya -yyo, suffixed negative markers of verbs (ibid.); S. Omot.: Ari -ai 'no', Dime ?eekai (< ?ee-kai, cf. Basketo -kkaye, Chara kayay, Seze keieiw 'not') id., Ongota (ma-)...-?i 'not' (ADB; ND No. 3).

(4) Qur. ma; Leb. ma (...s); Mec. ma; Mlt. ma; Amh. (al...) m, Gaf. -m // < Sem. *ma(?): Har. me? 'no!' (LHar 102).

□ < Afras.: Egyp. (OK) m 'do not!'; Brb.: Ayr ma, Shawiya ma 'not', Nefusa mo 'no', Tazelwalt a-mia 'nothing'; Chad. W.: Chip ma, Goemai mou, Tangale -m, Bade -m 'not', C.: Bura am (met.) 'no! never!', Glavda maay, Gisiga, Masa may, Lame mi, Zime-Batna, Zime-Dari mi 'not'; Cush. C.: Khamir -m 'not', E.: Afar ma-...(-in), Saho ma-...(-in), LEC: Somali ma? (...in), Boni mo/a/i, Rendille, Dasenech, Arbore ma-, Elmolo ma-, Oromo (Wellega) mu 'not' (cf. also Yaaku -mea- 'dispense with'), S.: Iraqw ma 'do not!'; Omot. N.: Yemsa miyo

10 The forms below are not marked (syn.), since their functions are differently distributed in most cases.

'ban, prohibition', S.: Hamer m- 'not, no', -ma 'no', Ongota ma- (...-?i) 'not' (ADB; EDE III 13-14).

(5) Tna. (?ay...) n; Cha. an- // < Sem. *?ayn- '(there) is not': Akk. ya?nu, yanu 'is not', Ugr. ?in, Hbr. ?en 'there is no', ?ayin 'non-existence; nothing' (HALOT 41-42), Cha. end, Gyeto end-td, Eza, Masqan, Gogot ennd 'there is not' (LGur 54).

□ < Afras.: *?ayn- (< *?ay-n ?) ~ *nay- (< *n-?ay ?): Egyp. (Pyr.) n 'not' (Coptic n-), (NE) (bn ...) in 'not' (Coptic an); Chad. W.: Zakshi, Zangwai nai, Tala nu, Juu nu 'not', C.: Bana r/yda, Mal-gwa ra 'no'; E. Cush.: Afar (ma-...) -in, Saho (ma-...) -in 'not', LEC: Somali (md-...) -in, Dase-nech -r, -an, Konso in (...u), (?) Yaaku r'inin 'no' (< *?inin?); N. Omot.: Wolaita gid-enna (gid- 'be'), Kullo, Gofa gid-enna, Chara an-,Yemsa aine 'not' (ADB; cf. ND No. 48).

^ Common Semitic *?a/ul. Common Semitic *la?.

63. one

(1) Akk. listen m., istiat f. // < Sem. *Tist(-Vn/t)- 'one; eleven': Ugr. (DUL 190) Tst(y) 'one' (less common than ?ahd), Tst Tsr(h), Hbr. Taste Tasar (HALOT 898) 'eleven', Min. Tsit id. (LM 15), Qat. Tsit-n-m 'one' (Ricks 125).

□ Sem. *Tist(-Vn/t)- < *Tis-t- (with a fossilized *-t suffix) continues Afras. *Tis-n/t- 'one' (with -n masculine and -t feminine suffixes?): Chad. *say/w(-t)- (met.): W.: Hausa sau 'times' (sau uku 'three times'), Angas sii, Goemai sha id. (or < Hausa), Guruntum sa 'one' (St. 2009 #38a), C.: Mafa sdtd-d 'one' (id. 111), Podoko sayd 'seul'; Ouldeme sdy 'sauf, seulement', E.: Mokilko so 'one; suffix of singularity'; N. Omot. *is-ta/na 'one': Wolaita isso, ista, issino, Gamo, Dorze, Cancha issino, Dawro itta (assim. < *ista), Zala ista, Dache isiyno, Chara issd, Yemsa isa, isson, Dizi (Nayi) isn, etc. (ADB).

(2) Ugr. ?ahd; Hbr. ?dhad; Pho. (Pun.) ?hd; Bib. had; Pal. had; Syr. had-; Mnd. had; Urm. had-; Qur. wahid-; Leb. wdhad; Mec. wahid; Mlt. wihet; Sab. ?hd; Gez. ?ahadu; Tna. hadd; Tgr. hatte f. (woro m.); Amh. and; Arg. hand; Gaf. 333d; Sod. at(t); Har. ahad; Wol. add; Cha. at // < Sem. *(?/wa-)had- 'one, single, alone, united': Akk. wedu 'single, sole, alone' (CDA 438), Hbr. yhd 'to be united' (HALOT 405), Arb. whd 'to be alone' (ibid.), Gez. wah3d 'unique, only, one' (LGz 609; Gez. wehda 'to be few', quoted in HALOT 405 as wehda, is a different root), Mhr. w3hdyd 'alone, solitary, liking to be on one's own' (JM 425; Hrs. wahid 'one (in telling time)' in JH 135, is an Arabism), Jib. ahdi 'by oneself, all alone', s-ehad 'to unite' (JJ 289), etc. (cf. DRS 831-2; in Kog. LE n. 68, the MSA forms "are likely borrowed from Arab.", which is debatable, especially in view of Soq.), Soq. hod 'couple (homme et femme)' (LS 166 with no etymology, but both phonetically and semantically — as 'union' — fairly fitting).

□ < Afras. *(?/wa-)had- 'one': Chad.*daHw/y- ~ *waHid- 'one': W.: Hausa ddya (< *daH-), Karekare wddi, ?wddi (< *Hwad-), C.: Munjuk daw, Nzangi hido, Bachama hido, Bata hido, Musgu deu, day, Zime-Batna dad, dau?, Masa deu (cf. also Logone s3y-did), E.: *ka-yid- (ka- 'head'): Dangla ki-dd, Migama kd-dyi, Birgit key-do; (?) E. Cush.: Yaaku wehe, wehetu (< *wVhVd-, with hypercorrection in wehe, where -t was perceived as a feminine suffix and dropped?).

(3) Hrs. tad (m.), t3t (f.); Mhr. tat (m.; LS 199 quotes tad), tdyt (f.; same in LS); Jib. tad (m.), tit (f.) (JM 406); Soq. tad (m.), tey (f.) (LS 199) // An enigmatic term. Beside an isolated Qat. td 'one' (Ricks 77), this looks like a loan from some early stage of MSA, the only hypothetical parallel I could find is Arb. tu?an (< *tw?) 'quelqu'un' (BK 2 116).11

^ Common West Semitic *(?/wa-)had- (#2).

11 If this comparison is acceptable, the MSA term should be analyzed as *tay-/*tay-t, with an unexpected voicing *-t > -d, perhaps a dissimilation due to the complete incompatibility of t and t as root consonants in

64. person

(1) Akk. 7awilu // No plausible Sem. parallels.

□ The only tenable Afras. etymology (for a similar semantic shift v., e.g., man Nos. 3, 7, 10) is (Ha)wil- 'child' (ADB): Brb.: Nefusa illi, Ahaggar ul-dt, E. Numidian wl-t 'daughter' (cf. Zenaga ij 'man' < *Hil, unless < *Hill- 'to be, exist'); Chad. W.: Bokkos 7al, Sha Hal 'child', E.: Mokilko 7ulo, Somrai wil 'child'; Cush. E.: Afar il(i)mo 'bastard' (with suffixed -m), LEC: Somali wi(i)l 'boy', walaal 'brother; sister', Boni weel 'child', Rendille walal 'brother', HEC: Sidamo, Kambatta il- 'to give birth', S.: Asa ille-to 'daughter'; N. Omot.: Dorze yelo(7) 'boy', Koyra yele 'child', yel- 'be born', Male as-ell-o 'person female'.

(2) Ugr. bns (bu-nu-su < bn ns); Hbr. 7anos; Bib. (bar-)7anas; Pal. brns, 7anas; Syr. bar-(7)nas-; Mnd. (a)nas-, barnasa; Urm. barnas-; Qur. 7insan-; Leb. 7insen; Sab. ?nsi' // < Sem. *(bin-/bar-)7i/a-nas- (v. Afras. cognates in man No.5).

(3) Pho. 7dm12 // also 'man, someone' < Sem. *7adam-: Akk. adamu 'an important, noble person' (CAD a1 95: LL), 'eine Person' (AHw. 10), Ugr. 7adm 'man, mankind' (DUL 17); Hbr. 7adam 'mankind, people; individual man; Adam' (HALOT 14), Sab. 7dm, 7dwm-t, 7dym 'vassals, servants, adepts' (SD 2), Qat. 7dm 'men, people; subjects, vassals (of a king, etc.)' (Ricks 5), Arb. (Dat., Hdr.) 7awadim 'people, mankind',13 Jib. birdem (JJ 27)14 (v. Mil. SE 238-9; ADB).

□ Perhaps < Afras. *(7a-)dam- kin, family member(s)' (ADB):15 Chad. W.: Mupun adam (pl. dande) 'legitimate child', C.: Podoko dama 'brother, sister', Cuvok dem 'daughter', ddma

MSA.While t and d are also incompatible in continental MSA (with the exception of *tad-), there are at least two more cases of t and d in one and the same root in Soq., perhaps reflecting the proto-MSA (in)compatibility pattern: tadah 'dos' and tadi 'provision' (LS 199). In view of this, somewhat far-fetched reasoning, one may surmise that the Proto-MSA masculine form was *ta-t, with the singulative suffix -t, later perceived as the second radical, incompatible with the first one, and thus voiced, whereas the feminine form *tay acquired the feminine suffix -t in "Proto-Continental" MSA (after the separation of Soq.), which was then duly perceived as a suffix and, hence, was not subject to the root consonants' incompatibility pattern.

12 I realize, of course, that it is highly conventional to ascribe such differences in meaning as 'person' vs. 'man' to the terms under discussion in languages where they are scarcely attested, like Pho, Ugr. or Sab.

13 Both are pluralia tantum from the unattested singular form *?adam- and may as well continue the common Semitic term, since they do not look like loanwords either from classical Arb., where the plural 'men, people' is expressed by the word combination banu ?adam- 'sons of Adam', or from the quoted ESA forms with somewhat different semantics, or from Hbr. ?adam. While Class. Arb. ?adam- 'Adam, forefather of mankind' (BK 1 20) is more likely borrowed from or influenced by the Hbr. word, it is not necessarily so for ?adamiyy- 'human' (ibid.). The same can be said about Gez. ?addam 'Adam' and ?addamawi 'human' (LGz 7). There are also Tna. ?addam 'humanity, mankind, everybody' and Tgr. ?addam 'people, men' (pl. ?addamatat 'crowds of men', ?addemay 'little man' LH 384), whose meaning and collective plural make the possibility of borrowing from Arb. or Gez. very doubtful.

14 The first stem of this compound form, bir, casts certain doubts on the possibility of direct borrowing from Arb. (cf. the Omanic Arb. bin ?adam-) with the reinterpretation and replacement of the first component by its Jib. equivalent. The alternative, though less likely, is that the term is inherited from Proto-Semitic. Note that rendering of the notion 'man, person, human being' by the compound word with the first component 'son' goes back to a much earlier period (see #2) than the beginning of Arabic influence on MSA.

15 Not quite solid because of its scarce representation in Afras., yet this etymology still seems more tenable to me than various alternative etymologies of Sem. *?adam- (for them and their parallels in other Afras. see Mil. SE 249-252). Interestingly, there is another, better represented Afras. root, presumably related to or contaminated with this one, namely *(?)dm 'to participate, join, be part of an aggregate/clan, comprise a whole' (ibid.; ADB): Sem.: Akk. (Ass.) adamu 'to own a share in a common fund' (CAD a1 95), admutu 'share in a common enterprise' (ibid. 128), Arb. ?dm 'to join, aggregate; reconcile; integrate someone into one's clan', Gez. ?adamdama (redupl.) 'to go together (army)' (LGz 133); Egyp. (OK) dmy 'to join, be attached to so.', (MK) s-dmy (caus.) 'to attach (of family attachmnent)', (NK) dmy 'to share with so. (joy, crops)'; Chad. W.: Tangale dom 'to collect, put together', Boghom dume 'to gather' (cf. perhaps also Hausa doma 'to urge smb. to an evil course'), C.: Zeghwana damme 'together', ba

'sister', Sukun dam 'daughter; female', E.: Bidiya nii-dimo, pl. mii-dime 'boy'; (?) S. Cush.: Asa da?am-ok (with metathesis, if belonging here) 'elder, married man'.

(4) Hbr. ?ïs (syn.); Sab. ?si (syn.) // < Sem. *?is- (v. man No. 3).

(5) Pal. gebar; Urm. (both syn.) gabr- // v. man No. 4.

(6) Mec. sahs // Class. Arb. sahs- 'personne, individu' (BK 1 1202). A rare root composition of radicals leaves only one possible etymology, namely, < Sem. *§xhs16 'to be high, great, lofty (> haughty)': Arb. shs (a) 'ê. â ev, s'élever', shs (u) 'ê. grand, gros', sahïs- 'grand, gros, considerable, marquant (homme, personnage); seigneur, maître' (BK 1 1202),17 Hbr. (hapax in Job 28:8) sahas 'size, pride' (HALOT 1463), pB. sahas 'pride, conceit', shs (pi.) 'to strut', (hitp.) 'to hold oneself aloof'', Jud. sahs- 'pride' (ibid.), Gez. sdhsa (with irregular h, which must be a scribe's error) 'be insolent, arrogant, insult, offend, etc.' (LGz 528).

(7) Gez. bd?ds-i // also 'man, male, husband, someone' (v. man No. 7).

(8) Tna. sab; Amh. saw; Arg. su; Gaf. sawwa; Sod. sab; Har. usu?; Wol. sab; Cha. sab // v. man No. 9.

(9) Mhr. nafs; Jib. nafs // 'person, individual' (probably influenced by rather than borrowed from Arb.18) < Sem. *nap(i)s- 'soul; vitality, life; person, personality; self'' (related to *nps 'to breathe', cf. SED I Verbal Roots # 46, 47)

□ With Afras. parallels, some of which, however, may be loans from Sem. (ADB): Brb.: Izayan unfus, Ahaggar unfas 'respiration', Ayr anfas, E. Tawllemmet infas 'respiration; vie', Semlal sunefs 'respirer', etc.;19 Chad. W.: Hausa nûmfàasaa, lûmfàasaa 'breathe; take a rest', Bokkos lafos, Sha lufwos, Daffo-Butura nafos 'breathe' (St. 2005 #390a), C. (met.): Mofu -safn-, Musgu sumfa, Munjuk si/fi 'to breathe' (St. 2009 #65)20; Cush. C.: Aungi nefes-an 'blow', E.: Saho nafse 'breathing' (both likely < Eth.), LEC: Boni neefso 'breathe', Rendille nefs'i 'breath', nefsô, nefs'-âda 'breathe' (hardly < Amh.)21

(10) Soq. hay (Kogan MS: héyhi) // the original meaning likely being '(the) living (one)' < Sem. *hwy 'to live' (v. in HALOT 309, LGz 252).

□ < Afras. *hayVw- 'live, be born, give birth to' (ADB): Brb. *Hiway 'be born': Ayr ahw, E. Tawllemmet ahw (asdho 'native of'), Ahaggar iwi; Chad. *Hay- (if < *hay-, unless < *hay-): C.: Tera hya, Margi iyà, Higi i?ya, Matakam ya, etc. 'give birth', E.: Somrai yâ, Kabalai yàyà

damme, Nakatsa ba dama 'all'; Cush. C.: Khamir edem, yedem (< *?adam-?) 'to invite to a fiest', E.: Afar adm-is, LEC: Oromo (h)adama, Arbore ?adam-is, Dasenech adam- 'to hunt' (as a collective action?), HEC: Hadiya dumm- 'to gather (of people)', dumm-icca 'gathering of elders', S.: Iraqw dam- 'to copulate'.

16 *sx (instead of *s) is tentatively reconstructed on the basis of the correspondence Arb. s ~ Hbr. s ~ MSA *s (on *sx see, e.g., SED I XCVIII-CV). While Sem. *s continues Afras. *c, Sem. *sx reflects Afras. *s.

17 According to Lane's explanation, "it is applied... to a body, or material substance, composed, [not simple,] and having height... or any body, or material thing or substance, [that is somewhat high, and conspicuous, or] having height and appearance... Then used as signifying A man himself; a man's self, or person." (Lane 1517).

18 This assumption is sustained by two arguments: (1) in both languages, the root nfs with related verbal meanings (e.g. Mhr. antafus, Jib. antfes 'to be safely delivered (of a child)', Mhr. sa-nfus, JIb. sa-nfes 'to welcome so.', Jib. antfes 'to sigh', etc.) is well represented, (2) the root is widely represented in all Sem. and MSA languages (on this argument for interpreting a term as inherited rather than borrowed see SED I LIV). It is an unsettled problem in lexicostatisics: should one eliminate such cases from the scores or give them the same score as the "influencing term" in another language?

19 The form of the Brb. words and their wide attestation are arguments against borrowing from Arb., although it cannot be ruled out completely.

20 Considering these forms to be derivatives with -n-/-m- suffixation from *sVf- 'to breathe', which is debatable.

21 Heine (SAM 1978 70) compares the Boni and Rendille forms with Somali neef and Boni nef, which is improbable.

'give birth', Mokilko ?é?iyô 'birth'; Cush. N.: (?) Beja haay- 'live' (acc. to LGz, < Eth.), E.: Saho, Afar hay id. (acc. to LGz, < Eth.), HEC: Hadiya hee?-, Kambatta he?-, Burji ye-d 'live'.22 0 Mlt. persüna, most probably < Italian; Tgr. näfär < Arb.; Hrs. benëdem, Mhr. menëdem (syn.)

< Omanic Arb. bin ?adam (JH 18).

^ Common West Semitic *(bin-/bar-)?i-nas- (#2)

65. rain

(1) Akk. zunnu; Sab. dnm; Gez. zanam; Tna. zanam, zanab; Tgr. zdlam; Amh. zdnab; Arg. zanab; Gaf. zanabwä; Sod. zanab; Har. zanab; Wol. zalam; Cha. zarab // < Sem. *dun(a)m- (DRS 336) with phonetic variations due to low compatibility of -n- and -m-.

□ < Afras. *jVn(-Vm)- ~ *jVm(-Vn)-: (?) Brb. *-Zam- (if *Z- < *j-): Ahaggar tî-ham-t, Ayr ti-sam-t, E. Tawllemmet ti-sam-t 'réservoir artificiel'; C. Chad.: Bana njama 'pleuvoir', Gude njama 'rain', Podoko njüme 'soak', Sukun jimun 'first rains season' (acc. to St. 2009 < *(n-)jVm-).

(2) Ugr. mtr; Hbr. matar; Pal. mtr; Syr. metr-; Mnd. mitr-; Urm. mitr-; Qur. matar-; Mec. matar //

< Sem. *mitar-: Akk. mitirtu, mitru 'watercourse, canal; a type of irrigation' (CDA 213).

□ Comparable, with a fossilized prefix m-, to several scarce terms possibly allowing to reconstruct Afras. *(mi-)tar(ar)- (ADB): Brb.: Ahaggar e-drer 'sprinkle'; etc.; Chad. W.: Hausa tàrarà 'drip or pour out', Jimi taari 'flow', E.: Migama târrô 'water flow'; E. Cush.: LEC: Somali darer 'dripping' (note a coincidence of two radical -r in most of the forms).23

(3) Hbr. gäsäm (syn.) // < Sem. *gasm ~ *sgm 'rain; pour': Ugr. gsm 'rain, downpour' (DUL 310; Kog. Ug-Can 24 and n. 68), Syr. *segm- (in segmë da-metra 'magni imbres' Brock. 755), Arb. sjm 'couler (se dit des larmes)', IV 'verser (les larmes, la pluie)' (BK 1 1055), Tna. gässämä 'to drink a lot, to quench one's thirst' (Kog. Ug.-Can. 25).

(4) Leb. sita; Mlt. sita // Class. Arb. sita?-, satwat-, satat- 'hiver', ?as-satawiyy- 'pluie d'hiver' (BK 1 1190) < Sem. *sitaw/?- 'rainy, windy season': Akk. sütu 'south; south wind' (CAD s3 4089), Hbr. sataw (s- instead of the expected *s- suggests a loan from Arm.) 'rainy season, winter' (hapax in Song 2:11), Old Arm. stw, Syr. satw-, Jud., Mnd. sitw- ib. (all in HALOT 77071), Mhr sëtaw, Jib. sété? 'winter', Soq. séta 'north, north wind' (JM 387; Arabisms are likely in Mhr. and Jib., but less so in Soq. because of the meaning difference), etc.

(5) Tna. may (syn.) // < Sem. *ma?/y- 'water' (v. water No. 1).

(6) Hrs. me-lsën; Mhr. ma-lsi; Jib. mô-sé; Soq. me-se24 // < Sem. *lis(lVs)- 'efflux, outflow': pB Hbr. lisläsät 'secretion, chicken's dirt, spittle' (Ja. 720), Jud. lislüsat- 'foam (of nostrils)' (ibid.), Syr. lslws 'mucus' (Brock. 371).

(7) Hrs. rehemet; Mhr. rehemét; Jib. rahmét (all syn.) // Considered a metaphor < Sem. *rhm 'to be merciful, kind' < Sem. *rah(i)m-/*rihm- 'womb' (SED I No. 231).

0 No term in Pho. and Bib.

^ Common North and West (Eth.) Semitic *dun(a)m- (#1). Common West Semitic *mitar- (#2).

66. red

(1) Akk. samu // 'red' (CAD s 126), 'rot, braun' (AHw 1019); represents a rare case of a sibilant rendered by the SA SI SU series, regarded by Goetze as a separate Sem. phoneme *s* re-

22 According to EDE III 656, Egyp. (Pyr.) hw 'food' may be cognate with Sem. *hyw ~ *hwy 'to live'; that source quotes are direct Afras. parallels to the Egyp. root: E. Chad.: Somrai hàyë, Ndam ay 'food'; S. Cush.: Asa haiu-g id.

23 For alternative, less tenable interpretations see EDE III 737-8.

24 Also lí(y)soh 'pleuvoir' (compared in LS 234 with Arb. Ity 'ê. mouillé, humecté' with an irregular correspondence between the second radicals: Arb. t corresponds to Soq. t).

fleeted in Hbr. as both s and s (v. discussion in Bulakh. Akk. 7-8). In spite of the irregular reflexation of *s as s in Akk (it should be s, though several more cases of this irregularity have been encountered), it was compared by Bulakh (ibid.) to Ugr. smt denoting red color and, alternatively, after Goetze, to Hbr. soham denoting some precious stone (note that Akk. samtu is 'a red stone, mostly designating carnelian' CAD s 121, likely derived from samu, cf. AHw 1019). Another parallel for Akk. samu, now with regular correspondences, is Arb. sahm- 'noir' (BK 1 1063), with both going back to Sem. *sahm- 'red, black'.

□ Both options, for a Sem. root with *s- (with a problematic second radical) and for *sahm-have possible parallels in C. Chad. *sVm-sVm- (St. 2009 #287) 'yellow' (otherwise < *cVm-cVm- as, according to Stolbova ibid. 7, none of these languages distinguish between the reflexes of Chadic *s- and *c-):25 Boka summaà, Hildi mï-sisimë, Gude sisima, Zelgwa sisim sisim, and C. Cush. *saman- 'black' (according to CDA 34, derivatives of *cam-): Qwara, Kemant samana, Falasha camana or samana. Note also S. Cush. *celam-: Iraqw ce?ama 'sun', Qwadza celema 'bile' (acc. to HRSC 355, < 'yellow'; compared with Akk. siamu, sâmu 'rot, braun s.' in Tak 2001 3), which is compatible with the Akk. root, but neither with Sem. *s-nor with *sahm-.

(2) Ugr. ldm;26 Hbr. ladom; Cha. damyat // < Sem. *(la-)dam- 'dark red': Akk. dalmu (met.?) 'dark-colored, dark-red' (CAD d 74 < dalamu 'become dark' ibid. 1)27, (?) Sab. ldmhy (v. discussion in Bulakh Hbr. 200-201), Arb. ludmat- 'red color' (Blachère 63), dmm 'teindre en rouge' (BK 1 728), Gez. laddamawi 'red' (LGz 8), Tna. dama 'blackish (horse's coat)' (Kane T 2061), Amh. dama 'dark red (horse's coat)' (Kane A 1720), Har. dama 'brown, of dark color (man)' (LHar 56), Zway diima 'red'.28

□ < Afras. *(la-)dVm— *dilm- '(dark) red' (ADB): Brb. *-dVm(dVm)-: Tamazight addmman 'brown, bronze coloured', Shilh addmmani 'brown, bronze coloured' (N-Z 343), Qabyle dddmddm 'violet'; Egyp.(OK) ldmy 'red linen cloth'; Cush. C.: Aungi démmâ, Kunfal demé 'red', E.: Saho duma 'red', LEC: Oromo diimal, Konso tïm- 'red', HEC: Darasa duulmo 'red', Darasa diimma 'become red', S.: Qwadza dimayi- 'red'; Omot. N.: Kafa damme 'red', S.: On-gota damaltd 'yellow'. Probably related to Afras. *dam- (with a variant stem *la-dam- in some Sem.) 'blood' (ADB), as early as on the pre-Proto-Afras. level.

(3) Pal. swmk, symwk, smwk; Syr. sumak-, summak- (also 'sumac' Brock. 482); Mnd. sumak-; Urm. sdmuk- // < Sem. *sumak-? Cf. Arb. sumak- 'ce qui est pur, franc, sans mélange' (BK 1 1141) and Akk. sameka, a plant (CAD s 114). Otherwise, could be compared with Arb. lasmak- 'écume mêlée de sang que jette un chameau' (BK 1 1271), then < Sem. *sumak-'red(dish)' (see Bulakh Dis.)

25 This root is equated (ibid.) with *sVm-sVm- 'kind of tree with yellow fruit or bark', containing Mafa sesem-that points to *s-, but it can alternatively go back to Afras. *simah- kind of tree, bush' (ADB), perhaps having taken the 'yellow' element in some of the forms due to contamination.

26 The verb 'become red'; for the meaning cf. Kog. Ugr.-Can. 10: "the supporting evidence is more etymological than contextual". Both these factors probably demand the elimination of this Ugr. form from the final scoring.

27 For an alternative etymology < *dhm see Bulakh Akk. 198.

28 According to Bulakh Hbr. 201-2, where my equation of the Gur. forms with this root is doubted because "the first laryngeal (or any traces of it) [are] missing" (cf., however, the Tna and Amh. terms, Akk. da?mu and Arb. dmm) and "in view of the fact that a plausible Cushitic etymology can be suggested for these terms" (which is a weak argument per se), all Mod. Eth. forms are borrowed from E. Cush.: Darasa diimmo 'lean meat, red', Sidamo daama 'red', Afar dum 'finster, dunkel werden', Oromo diimaa 'red, red-brown; raw' (Burji duwwaa 'red', stereotypically equated with this root, is not related because *-m- does not normally yield Burji -w- and because it has a different, and quite plausible, Afras. etymology). Though the borrowing into Mod. Eth. from E. Cush. (and vice versa) is not impossible, I am still inclined to count this as common inheritance in view of wide distribution both in Sem. and Cush.

(4) Qur. humr- (pl.); Leb. Mec. Mlt. ahmar, (?) Sab. hmrt 'red' (SD 68; syn.) // < Sem. *hamr-'red': Akk. ummuru 'a kind of bronze' (CDA 422: LL), 'eine besonders geläuterte Bronze' (AHw. 1417), (?) Ugr. hmr 'red, reddish' (DUL 364; v. Kog. Ug.-Sem. 12), Hbr. hmr (poîalîal) 'to glow' (HALOT 330; hapax in Job 16:16), Jud. hammär 'dark' (Ja. 480), Mnd. hmr 'to be red, inflamed' (DM 150), Gez. hamr 'kind of color, complexion', hamar 'red berry' (LGz. 234), Tna. hamra 'reddish (bovine coat)', hamray 'reddish, bay, auburn' (Kane T 172), Tgr. hamär 'red-brown (horse, cow)' (LH 384), Amh. hamär 'reddish bay (horse)' (Kane A 7), amär 'bay (horse)' (ibid. 1122).29

(5) Gez. kayyih; Tna. käyyih; Tgr. käydh; Amh. käyy; Arg. käyydh, käy; Gaf. käyä; Har. këh // < Sem. *kayh- 'light red, rose': (?) Akk. kû (gû) 'copper, bronze' (CAD k 291), Jud. kdhäh-'faint-colored, gray (?)' (Ja. 1345), Arb. kuhh- 'pur, franc, sans mélange (en parlant des boissons); non mûr (en parlant d'une qualité, d'une vertu, d'un vice, etc.)' (BK 2 677), kayh- 'pus (qui n'est pas mêlé de sang)' (ibid. 844), (?) Hdr. kyh 'red (applied to bronze)' (v. Bulakh Gez. 740-41).

□ For possible Afras. parallels see either (1) Egyp. (BD) khy 'moon' and Chad. *kVy/wVH-'moon' (in St. 2011 #181, adducing Egyp. khy as a possible cognate): W.: Duwai kiyà, C. *kiy-: Mofu kiyâ, Gisiga, Matakam kiyà, Buduma kyèâ, etc., E.: W. Dangla kôyè, Migama kôoyo, Bidiyo koya (all reflecting Egyp.-Chad. *kVyh-, and, if related with Sem., allowing to reconstruct Afras. *kayh- 'moonlight'), or, more problematic, (2) Omot. *?ak- (< *Ha/ik-?): N.: Kafa, Mocha aa?o, Anfillo ?aako, Bworo aaka 'black', S.: Hamar ?ek 'green' (ADB).30

(6) Tgr. tala (syn.) // (in LH 606) < Sem. *tl? 'to be spotty, have red and white spots' (cf. Bulakh Dis.): Tna. tala 'ashen white (ox's coat); light brown (cow's coat)' (Kane T 2398), celay 'fawn-colored, tawny, beige (lion's, ox's coat)' (ibid. 2495), Amh. tala 'red marks on cotton bolls caused by insects', tdlät 'white fleck in the eye, cataract; skin disease which makes dark red scabs and spots' (Kane A 2087), Hbr. tälü? (part. pass., qal) 'spotted (sheep), multicoloured (pillows), patched (shoes)' (HALOT 375), Arb. tullä? 'sang' (BK 2 104), Mhr. tdlü 'to paint, colour, daub; to colour (the face), make up' (JM 410), Jib. télé 'id.' (JJ 278), Soq. tal 'queue blanche d'un mouton' (LS 203).

(7) Hrs. îâfer; Mhr. ?öfar (îofar); Jib. îofar ; Soq. îâfer // Very likely < Sem. *1apar- 'dust, soil': Akk. ep(e)ru 'dust; earth, loose earth; territory, soil; etc.' (CAD e 184), Ugr. Ipr 'dust; earth, ground' (DUL 174), Hbr. îapâr 'dust' (HALOT 861-2), Arb. îafar-, îafr- 'terre, poussière'; îufrat- 'couleur grisâtre de poussière', ?aîfar- 'rougeâtre melé; sable rougeâtre' (BK 2 298), Tgr. îâfâr 'dust, desert' (LH 492), etc.

0 Sod. bdssa; Wol. busä; Cha. bdsa < E. Cush.: Hadiya biso 'brown', Sidamo bisa 'red', Afar bisu, Oromo bifa 'color' (LGur. 161, v. in Bulakh Dis.). No term in Pho. and Bib.

^ Common West Semitic: *?adam- (#2).

67. road

(1) Akk. harränu // < harr-änu (OAkk. on; acc. to CAD h 106, possibly connected with Hurrian hari). Judging by lack of visible parallels with h- (except for Ugr. hrn 'gang, caravan' DUL

29 Bulakh (Bulakh Dis.) critically analyzes all Sem. examples given above, placing under doubt the correctness of some of the interpretations, connecting them with red color (in Akk., Ugr., Hbr., Arm. and Gez.), and treating others (Mod. Eth.) as Arabisms; she admits, however, that some of the forms originate from Sem. *hmr 'to be swollen, inflamed (of inner and outer organs)' with a semantic development toward 'to be reddened' (ibid.).

30 In the latter comparison, as in some others, the problem of consonantal correspondences worries me more than that of semantic differences: variance in color names, even such remote ones as 'red' and 'black', in presumably or evidently the same roots, is surprisingly common in various branches of Afras., and, naturally, even more so in Proto-Afras. roots.

405 which looks, with its suffix -n, very much like a loan from Akk. harranu, where the meanings 'caravan', 'raid' and 'army' clearly derive from 'road'; for this reason, the comparison of Ugr. hrn with Gez. hara 'army, troops' < Sem. hVr- (with various triconsonan-tizers) 'free' (LGz 240-41), considered in Kog Ugr.-Sem. 20 "semantically more suitable", is untenable. Presumably another case of Akk. h < *h (v. #5), then < Sem. *harr- ~ *haw(a)r-: Arb. karat- 'quarter of a city' (orig. 'road'?), hwr 'to return', Gez. hurat 'course, walking', hora 'to go, proceed, depart', Har. hara 'to go', etc. (v. LGz 249, DRS 851).

□ < Afras. *ha(w)r-: Egyp. (Pyr.) hry 'go far from, move away', hr-t 'road'; E. Chad. *Har- 'go': Nanchere are, Gabri ore, Kabalai arra, Dormo eraua; E. Cush.: HEC: Sidamo har 'to go' (ADB).

(2) Akk. girru (syn.) // From OB on (CAD g 90) < Sem. *gi/arr- 'path' (possibly the one leading to a watercourse): Arb. jarrat- 'chemin, sentier qui conduit a l'eau', jarur- 'cours d'eau, canal' (BK 1 272; cf. jry 'run, flow' ibid. 284), Hrs. gero 'run (blood, water)', Mhr. gero 'to pass', (JH 41), (?) Soq. le-ger 'a travers' (cf. DRS 191-2, where these forms are united with others, hardly related, like 'rumination', 'rond', 'tirer' or 'soumettre').

□ < Afras. *gaw/yr- 'walk, run, come and go' (ADB): Brb. *gVwVr- 'to walk': Nefusa, Sen-hadja ugur, Rif ugur, Mzab ijur (also 'flow'), Shawiya ugir, etc.; Chad. *gVr- 'to go, come, run' (cf. Stolb. 2011 #674): W.: Dera gur- 'come out', C.: Tera giri 'return', Logone gar- 'go into', Banana gward 'follow', E.: Somrai gar 'come', E. Dangla ogire 'go by', Nanchere gur, Dormo gere, Kaba go-gira, Mubi r/gira 'to run'; Cush. N.: Beja agir 'to return', E.: (?) LEC: Oromo gora 'turn off (towards)', HEC: Hadiya geer 'run'.

(3) Ugr. ntb(-t) // glossed 'path, way' in DUL 651. Restrictedly attested, with very limited attestation in other Sem. as well: Hbr. natib 'pathway' (poet.), ndtiba, Jud. ndtibdt- 'path' (HALOT 732; the Jud. form seems a borrowing from Hbr.).

□ There are curious parallels (or look-alikes) in Chad. W: Mangas nddap, Kir ladaap, Jimi taboo, Zeem topai, Dokshi tuup, Tule tobd, C.: Fali-Kiria ladap 'road', E.: Migama tebbd 'walk', probably implying Common Chad. *n/la-tVb- 'road' (ADB).

(4) Hbr. darak; Pho. drk // < Sem. *drk '(quickly) follow/tread a path, walk': Akk daraku 'to follow (?)', darku, derku 'following, later' (CDA 56-7), Hbr. drk 'to tread, travel', Pho., Syr., Mnd. drk 'to walk', Old Arm. drk 'to walk to, enter', Arb. drk 'attain, reach, come up with' (Lane 833), Sab. h-drk 'pursue, catch up with', (?) Gez. daraka 'be well-trodden', madrak 'doorway, etc.' (cf. LGz 142, HALOT 231-2, DRS 313-14),31 Gur. (ta)drakata 'hurry, rush' (LGur 220), Mhr. ddrok 'come quickly to help' (JM 73), Jib. dorok 'to rescue' (JJ 41).

□ Without Afras. parallels (not taking into account a casual W. Chad. one: Diri dirki 'road'); interestingly, although inexplicably, has partial similarity, perhaps fortuitous, to (1) Afras. *da(H)r- 'way, road' (ADB): Sem.: Arb. darar- 'the right course or direction of a road' (Lane 864; unless < drr 'to flow, stream abundantly' ibid. 862; cf. DRS 319); W. Chad. *dVHVr- ~ *dVrVH- 'road' (a widely spread term); E. Cush.: Yaaku dar 'way, road'; (2) Sem. *darag-'path': Akk. daragg-, Arb. daraj- (etc. - cf. DRS 308); (3) (?) Afras. *darb- 'road' (see #7).

(5) Bib. ?arha; Pal. ?wrh; Syr. ?urh-; Mnd. luhr-; Urm. ?urdh- // < Sem. *?urh- 'way, road': Akk. urhu 'way', Hbr. ?orah 'way' (rare), Soq. ?erah 'come, arrive'. Reconstructed as *urh- in DRS 32 (omitting ?-, misprint?), where Gez. marha 'montrer le chemin' is quoted with a question mark (v. LGz. 358 with cognates in other Eth.), pointing, unless there has been a scribe error, to *mrh, not *mrh; since the comparison seems valid, Sem. *?urh- is to be re-

31 In all these sources, especially in DRS, several more forms meaning 'power' or 'be hard, cruel' or 'press, oppress' are quoted, with a non-trivial semantic shift; they certainly do not represent the basic meaning and should perhaps be attributed to a homonymous Sem. root.

constructed rather than *?urh- (the semantic connection with Sab. ?rh 'affair, matter, undertaking' SD 7, compared by some authors, is far from evident).32

(6) Qur. tank-; Leb. tari?; Mec. tariyg; Mlt. tri? // The coincidence with tarik- 'étoile du matin' < Sem. *t/tarVk- 'night luminary' (v. moon No. 5) is probably not accidental (cf. trk 'venir de nuit; faire une sortie de nuit, etc.' BK 2 75). If so, the original meaning is to be reconstucted as something like 'road used in the night time'. Cf., however, Akk. (SB) tarqu path' (quoted in CAD d 108 as a variant of daraggu), which, if it reflects phonetic reality, can be < *tark- due to incompatibility of two emphatic radicals in Akk.; otherwise, Arb. tarik- can be < * tarik-, with assimilation.

(7) Leb. darab (syn.) // Class. Arb. darb- (acc. to Lane, not a word of Arabic origin)33 'any place of entrance, narrow pass, gate, by-street (> street)' (Lane 866-7), Syr darb- 'road, way'.

□ Possible Afras. parallels (ADB): Brb. *-barid (metathesis?) 'road': Ahaggar a-barid, Ghat abarid, Ghadames a-brid, Izdeg, Seghrushen, Mzab a-brid, Shawiya, Qabyle a-brid, Nefusa brid, etc. (compared in Bla Om 68.4 with disparate Omot., Cush. and Chad. terms, which are, furthermore, not cognate with each other) and C. Chad.: Logone dârbà (< Arab?), Buduma turbo 'road'; Cush. E.: (?) Oromo darabaa 'enclosure' (if it fits semantically; N.: Beja darib, C.: Bilin darib, E.: Saho, Afar darib 'road' must be Arabisms).

(8) Sab. msib // also 'way, watercourse' (SD 122) < sib? 'to carry out an undertaking (e.g. military expedition, journey, etc.)' < Sem. *sb? ~ *sbsb ~ *sbb 'walk, go, come' : Arb. sbsb 'walk slowly', sub?at- 'long voyage', ma-sba?- 'chemin' (BK 1 1040; borrowing of the latter form from Sab. is not to be ruled out), Tgr. sbb 'to come'.

□ With parallels in Chad. W.: Diri sèbû- 'to go', Warji sémbè 'come in', Tangale simbe 'meet', C.: Bura siva 'come to the compound', Hildi sabi 'to exit', Daba sub 'follow', Gude sdba 'drive away', E.: Somrai sàba 'walk (n.)' (Stol 2009 #39; ADB).

(9) Gez. fdnot // < fnw 'to send, send away, off, forth' < Sem.: Akk. panû 'to turn towards; go in front', Hbr. pana 'to turn to one side, head in a particular direction' (HALOT 937), Arb. fnn 'to drive (camels)', Tgr. fana 'to depart', Soq. fini 'go forward', etc. (v. LGz 163).

(10) Gez. ma-ngad (syn.); Tna. ma-gadd-i; Amh. ma-ngad // < Eth. *nagada 'go on a journey, travel, trade' (LGz 390-91, LGur. 453); if < *na-gad-, probably related to Arb. jaddat- 'grand route, chemin large, route royale' (BK 1 261; unless < jdd 'ê. considérable, respectable' ibid. 259), cf. also Sab. gwd 'swift riding beast' (SD 51).

□ Cf. W. Chad.: Bade ègdddù 'ferry across', Duwai dgdo 'ford a river' (in St. 2011 #492a); E. Cush.: Afar gidda (RAf; gita PH), LEC: Somali jid (< *gid-) 'road'; N. Omot.: Wolaita, Kullo ged-iya 'road' (all these forms may be loans from Arb. jaddat-, though the difference in vo-calism is notable). Cf. also Chad. W.: Hausa gûdù 'flee, run away', C.: Mbuko gad, Muy gudu-gudu 'running' (cf. ngad 'go back'), E.: Sokoro gédë 'run, escape', Ubi gèdin, Mawa gdddn, W. Dangla gâdé, Bidiyo gad 'run' (St. 2011 #479). Cf. ADB.

(11) Tgr. gabay // (LH 585). Most likely, a semantic shift (cf. the same shift in a reverse direction in Egyp. w^-t 'road, side' below) from gabo 'side' (ibid. 582) < Sem.: Syr. gabb-, Arb. janb-, Mhr. ganb 'side' (v. SED I No. 85 *ga(n)b- 'side; beside; back; body').

32 To which probably belongs Arb. rwh 'aller, s'en aller, partir, s'eloigner', whose other meaning 'faire quelque chose le soir; voyager le soir' (BK 1 945) may then be due to contamination with the main semantics of that Arb. root, namely 'evening, night' = 'time of (pleasant) wind, breeze' (cf. rwh 'to be a cool and pleasant day because of the wind' quoted in HALOT 1196 after Lane), or 'time of (easy) breathing (after a hot day)' < Sem. *raw/yh- '(pleasant) wind, breeze, (easy) breathing, rest', all of these meanings being distributed among various Sem. languages (cf. ibid.).

33 If Lane is right, this is a borrowing from Syr., and the Leb. term should be eliminated from scoring.

□ < Afras. *gab- 'side, beside, nearby, on the other side': Egyp. (Westcar) gb? 'side of a room'; Chad. W.: Hausa gàba 'across, on the other side of', Dwot gaap 'side', C.: Higi-Baza gôbio, Musgu gubbi, gobi, Masa gob 'nearby'; Cush. N.: Beja gab, geb 'side', geb 'by, near', C.: Bilin gaba 'side (of body)', Khamir gdba 'side', E.: Afar gabbe 'side (of back)', LEC.: Konso, Gidole kapa (< *gab-) 'next to, near, beside', HEC: Burji gâb-a, Dullay: Harso, Dihina kapa (< *gab-) 'side' (v. ADB, EDE I 223, Bla. Review 501).

(11) Arg. hema, hayama; Cha. ema // < S. Eth. *haym-, likely related to Arb. hmy 'errer çà et là, errer à l'aventure (se dit d'un troupeau)' (BK 2 1450); yahma?- 'desert sans aucune signe à l'aide duquel un voyageur puisse s'orienter et où il périt facilement' (ibid. 1637).

□ Very likely < Afras. *haym- 'walk, come and go' (ADB): Egyp. (ME) ihm 'go slowly'; Chad. W.: Karekare yim- 'return', C.: Tera, Ga'anda àyim-si, Boka yim-si 'enter', E.: Migama ?domo 'go out'; Cush. E.: HEC: Sidamo ham- 'walk', S.: Iraqw -hi?im-it- id.; N. Omot.: Wolaita ham-ett-, Zaise, Chara hâm-, Kafa ham(m)-, Anfillo ham-, Bworo (h)aam-, Gimirra (Bench) hamu, Dizi (Sheko) (h)am 'walk'.

(12) Sod. moça // According to LGur 672 and LGz 606, < Sem.*ws? 'go out'.

(13) Hrs. worem; Mhr. hurum; Jib. ?orm; Soq. ?ôrim // Arb. ?irm-, ?arumat- '(grosse) pierre destinée à indiquer le chemin dans le desert' (BK 1 26) < Sem. *?u/irm-.

□ With the fossilized suffix -m, presumably < Afras. *war- ~ *?iraw- 'road' (ADB; cf. Bla. Om # 68.3): Egyp. (Pyr.) w?-t 'road; street; side' (Copt. *wa?iy-at Vyc. 231); Chad. *?ar- ~ *war-'road': W.: Mupun âr(è), Sura âr, Angas ar, Ankwe war, Kulere ?âraw, E.: Bidiya ?ôorà; Ka-jakse iri, Mawa dr 'road'; Cush. E.: HEC: Darasa ora 'road', S.: Iraqw irwa, Alagwa, Gorowa uruwa 'path, way'; N. Omot.: Kafa wore-to 'way, street', Mocha wora-to, Bworo wééra 'road'.34

◊ Gaf. maya is considered a loan from Oromo meya id. in LGaf 218 (but not in LGur 441, where the comment is "also in Ga. meya"); Har. uga; Wol. unga (together with Selti unga, Zway unga) 'road, way' are, according to LGur 60, "from Cushitic" (what most Afrasian-ists, including the present author, now call Omotic): Haruro, Wolaita ogë, Badditu ogge, Janjero wugna.

^ No common Semitic.

68. root

(1) Akk. sursu; Ugr. srs; Hbr. soras; Pho. srs; Bib. sores; Pal. srs, Syr. sers-; Mnd. sirs-; Leb. siras; Gez. sarw; Tna. sur; Amh. sar; Arg. sarit, sar; Gaf. sar; Sod. sar; Har. sar; Wol. sar; Cha. asar // < Sem. *§xVrs- (dissim. < *§xVr§xVr-?)35 ~ *Sur-.36

□ Cf. the main common Chad. term for 'root' *cVHVrV ~ *cVrVHV (reconstructed in a different conventional notation in St. 2011 #287), likely related to the Sem. one, but not without problems in correspondences (cf. ibid. p. 11). Cf. also Proto-Agaw (C. Cush.) *sar- id., which, according to CDA 116, "clearly looks like a borrowing from EthSem".

34 Cf. EDE I 54: Egyp. (translated as 'way'), W. and C. Chad., Gorowa. Cf. Nostratic *?ur(H)V 'road'.

35 For *sx see footnote 16 above.

36 An interesting, if controversial, case is the reflexation of this root in Class. Arb.: on the one hand, there is sirs- 'root', quoted after Dozy in LGz 535 with the comment "does not give the impression of being an original Arabic root" (a borrowing from Syr.?); on the other hand, there are saras- 'plante à épines' (BK 1 1214) and sirs-'small, thorny trees; growing in depressed tracts, and in the deserts' (Lane 1532), both quoted by Leslau (LGz 535) after Schwally, who connects these terms with Hbr. soras, assuming the basic meaning to be 'knotty, gnarled' > 'root'. The comparison seems valid, but the explanation may be different: many desert thorny plants have markedly long roots and could be named after this feature.

(2) Pal. îykr (syn.); Syr. îëkâr- (syn.); Urm. îikr- // < Sem. *?ik(k)ar- 'root; medicine': Arb. îakkûr-'simple, racine, plante aromatique', Soq. ?ekre 'shoot, sprout', etc. (v. in SED I No. 20 comment on p. 22).

(3) Qur. ?asl- // also 'the lower part of a thing (bottom or foot)', ?sl 'have root or foundation, grow and become firm in its root (tree), etc.' (Lane 64) most likely < Sem. *?/wsl 'join together, be firmly rooted, be linked with', presumably having evolved into terms with such diverse meanings as *wasil- 'joint, articulation' (SED I 289) and *?asi/al- '(noble) origin' (cf. DRS 30).

□ Cf. a few possible, though scarce, parallels in Chad. *cVl- 'string' (St. 2009 #747): W.: Angas sàl 'tree sp., strings are made of fibre of its bark', Bolewa coli 'rope', C.: Mwulien saalu id.

(4) Mec. îirk; Mlt. (gh)eru?; Hrs. ?ark; Mhr. ?ark; Jib. lark // in Hrs. and Mhr. also 'artery, sinew, nerve' < Sem. *îa/irk- 'tendon, muscle, vein, nerf; root': Arb. îirk- 'veine (dans le corps des animaux et dans les végétaux)', Tgr. îarak 'tendon, nerf', etc. (v. in SED I No. 20). Probably related, with metathesis, to *îik(k)dr- (No. 2) on the pre-Proto-Sem. level.

(5) Mec. jizir (syn.) // Class. Arb. jazar- 'carrot; a certain root, which is eaten' (Lane 419), Syr. gezar- 'radish', Mnd. gizar 'carrot' (DRS 111 2) < Arm.-Arb. *gizar- 'root vegetable' (or a chain of borrowings from Persian, cf. Brock. 113, in which case Mec. jizir is to be eliminated from the scoring).

(6) Tgr. ksrd // I have not been able to find any parallels whatsoever.

(7) Jib. siroh (syn.); Soq. sérah // Soq. also serâh-hiniten (pl.) 'jet, rejeton' (LS 434). More likely related to than borrowed from Arb. sarh- 'racine (de toute chose); produi annuel de chameaux en petits; postérité, enfants', srh 'grandir; av. grandi (jeune homme), pousser (dent)' (BK 1 1213). The basic meaning of this MSA-Arb. term appears to be 'root shooting out sprouts, suckers; to grow from the root';37 formally it is different from Sem. *§xVrs- ~ *Sur- (#1), unless it acquired *-h due to some undetected contamination (no matter how tempting it could be to relate the two roots.).38

□ Cf. C. Chad.: Biu-Mandara *§dhdray 'root' (different notation in St. 2011 #287). Note that if *H in Chad. *cVHVrV ~ *cVrVHV (#1) can reflect *h, it may be compared to this root instead of Sem. *êxVrs- ~ *Sur-.

(8) Jib. (syn.) zéd // also 'vein, artery, nerve, sinew' (JJ 70) < Sem. *gzd-'sinew, nerve' (SED I No. 72).

□ Cf. N. Cush.: Beja gadam 'root'.

◊ No term in Sab.

^ Common North and West Semitic *§xVrs- ~ *sur- (#1). Common South and West Semitic (Arb.) *îa/irk- (#5)

69. round

(1) Akk. garru // < Sem. *gar(gVr)-: Arb. jrj 'tourner en cercle (p. ex., un bague trop grand pour le doigt)' (BK 274), Gez. ?an-gargara 'to wallow, revolve, roll, spin, drive round, etc.', nagargar 'rolling, spinning, epilepsy', Tgr. ?angargara 'to roll, wallow', etc. (LGz 202).

□ < Afras. *gVr(gVr)-: Chad. *gV(Vw)r- 'round; to roll' (St. 2011 #710): W.: Hausa gârà 'roll any circular object', Ngas gwaar, Guruntum ygèori 'round', gwoori 'circle', C.: Mada ygwààr 'round', E.: Sokoro gûgergûger 'turn around', Birgit gèrgèri 'se retourner', etc.; E. Cush.:

37 For the semantic shift cf. in No. 2 Soq. ?ekre 'shoot, sprout' < Sem. *?ik(k)ar- 'root'.

38 Cf. SED I No. 268 comment on p. 240, where Soq. sérah is "likely < *srf", which is wrong in the light of Jib. and Arb. cognates).

Saho gur, gargar 'to roll' (LGz 202; Leslau also compares Somali girangir 'wheel'), (?) Yaaku -gorgorsi? (< *-gorgor-si? -si is not clear) 'round'; N. Omot.: Bworo gura id. (ADB).

(2) Hbr. îûgol; Soq. gâîlhel // I prefer to treat the Soq. term, which has no visible direct parallels,39 as the result of a metathesis in Sem. *îgl (which, on the contrary, should rather be scored on the Semitic level differently from Aram. *gll < Sem. *gwVlVl- #3, to which it is likely to eventually go back with *î- added on the Proto-Sem. level): Jud. îgl 'to be round' (Ja 1041), Syr. îgl (pa.) 'volvit' (Brock 510), Gez. îagala 'to surround with a wall, etc.' (LGz 59), Tgr. îâggâlâ 'to put in a circle' (LH 487).

(3) Syr. gdlïl-; Urm. gdlul- // Sem. *gwVlVl-: Akk. galalu, Hbr. gll 'to roll', Arb. jwl 'aller, tourner, voltiger en circle' (BK 1 358), jullat-, jallat-, jillat- 'boule de fiente' (ibid. 308), Tgr. gâlâlâ, Amh. gwâllâlâ 'tournoyer' (DRS 125), etc.

□ < Afras. *gwVlVl- 'round' (ADB; cf. EDE III 816-20): Brb.: Ahaggar gdldll-dt, Ayr gdldll-dt 'to be round', Adghaq a-g'ilalldw-dn 'round', etc.; Chad. W.: Hausa gùlulù 'ball (of earth, cotton)', Ngas gwaal 'small lumps or balls', Bolewa golgol 'small and round', C.: Mofu -rjgârjgâl- 'to make a ball', Logone r/golo 'round', E.: Lele gïlïlï 'round', Mokilko gûllà 'boule (de farine)' (St. 2011 # 597, 597b).40

(4) Mnd. kulul- // < Sem. *kwVlVl-: Arb. ?iklïl- 'chair autour de la naissance des ongles; nuage qui semble entouré d'une légère enveloppe' (BK 2 919; also 'crown', presumably from Arm. from Akk. kalïlu, which is, anyway, likely related to this root — v. LGz 283), Gez. kallala 'to surround, encircle', ?ankwalala 'to roll, etc.', Tgr. kâlla 'to go around', kâlkâla 'encircle', Tna. kwâllâlâ 'to go around', Amh. kâllâlâ 'surround, crown' (LGz 283).

□ < Afras. *kwVl-: Chad. W.: Angas kool 'crooked, not straight', Bolewa kddloki 'hoe handle with curved end', Ngamo kùlè 'bowleggedness', C.: Mulwi kâlà 'circular', E.: Kajaksa koolo 'hump', etc. (St. 2011 #191); (?) Cush. N.: Beja kwalal 'round' (< Eth.?), C.: Bilin kalâl, E.: Saho kulel 'circle' (both < Eth., acc. to LGz 283), LEC: Oromo kallee 'egg' (ADB).

(5) Leb. m-dawar; Mec. mu-dawwar; Hrs. me-dawwer; Mhr. md-dâwwdr // Because of the diversity of non-derived forms, hardly an Arabism in MSA (though Arb. influence in the forms with m- cannot be ruled out): Hrs. dor 'to go round', dawr 'turn' (JH 26), Mhr. dawr 'turn', dor 'to wander around' (JM 76), Jib. der 'to wander around' (JJ 42) < Sem. *dwr: Ugr. dr 'to surround (?)', dr 'circle (of relatives and friends); cycle, generation' (DUL 279), Hbr. dur (hapax) 'to stack in circles' (HALOT 217), Arb. dwr 'aller tout autour, tourner' (BK 1 747), darat- 'cercle; halo' (ibid. 748), Tgr. dorâ 'go around', ddwar 'circle' (LH 536; an Arabism?).

□ With scarce parallels in E. Chad.: Kabalai wèdèrà 'turn', Migama kà-dardiro 'turn around' and C. Cush.: Aungi ddrddr 'turn, rotate' (ADB).

(6) Gez. kdbb; Tna. kdbib; Tgr. kâbib, kdbub; Amh. kdbb; Sod. kdbb; Wol. kub; Cha. kdb // < Sem.: Hbr. pB. kirkeb 'to encircle' (with secondary insertion of -r-), Arb. kubbat- 'ball, ball of thread, lump', kabkab- 'ball of thread' (LGz 273 after Dozy), kbb II 'to form into a ball' (ibid.), etc.

(7) Tna. (syn.) ?dn-kdbldl // < N. Eth.: Tna. kwâblâlâ 'to stroll about', Tgr. (td)kâblâla 'to roll while falling' (LGz 274); probably connected with Sem. *kabl- 'hook, ring, shackle, fetter' (v. LGz 274); otherwise < *kVb-l- with a root extention -l (v. Mil. RE 115-118)..

(8) Har. dulalu // andolâla 'make round', with reduction of -b- to vowel < Eth. *dbll ~ *dblbl 'be round' (LGur 196) < Sem. *dVbVl- 'round': Ugr. dblt, Hbr. ddbëlû, Syr. ddbalt-, Hrs. debelet

39 A formally impeccable parallel, however, may be Arb. juî(a)l- 'scarabée, fouille-merde' (BK 1 301); dung beetles are noted for rolling dung into spherical balls (cf. Arb. ju/a/illat- 'boule de fiente' in #3).

40 Probably further related are Afras. *g(m)Vl- 'egg' and/or *gVl(gVl)- 'head; skull' (ADB; for Chad. *gVl- 'skull' see St. 2011 #597a).

'cake of figs' (cf. DRS 209), Arb. dublat- 'boulette, tout ce qui est formé en boule' (BK 1 668).

□ Most likely, related to Egyp. (Pyr) dbn 'be round', (OK) 'ring, round box' (if -n < *-l). There is also N. Cush.: Beja debal 'round' (ADB), looking quite like an Ethiopism, although I have been unable to detect an exactly similar-looking source term in Eth.

(9) Jib. halkét // < Sem. (less likely an Arabism in MSA): Mhr. höldk 'to circle in the air', hewkät 'circle, ring', Soq. hâlkdh 'hook, ear-ring' (JM 178), Arb. halkat- 'ring of metal', hlk II 'to draw a circle', Gez. halaka 'to become, grow round', etc. (LGz 230). This Sem. root is probably related to Sem. *halk- 'Adam's apple, throat' (SED I No. 117).

0 Mlt. tont very likely < Ital. tondo. No term in Ugr., Pho., Bib., Pal., Qur., Sab., Arg. and Gaf.

^ Common South and West Semitic *îagl- ~ *gaîl- (# 2).

70. sand

(1) Akk. basu // < Sem. *bVs-: Hbr. bös 'silt', bissa 'waterlogged ground', Pal. bsyn 'marsh', Arb. baddat- 'waterlogged ground' (HALOT 147 after Bauer; neither in Lane nor in BK), bdd 'have little water (well, source)' (Lane 213).

(2) Hbr. höl; Pal. hal; Syr. hal-; Mnd. hal- // < Sem. *hawl-: Arb. hal- 'terre mêlée de sable, boue noire, vase' (DRS 846).

(3) Qur. raml-; Leb. ramdl; Mec. ramal; Mlt. ramel // Perceived as an isolated Arb. term; cf., however, Sab. rml 'building sand?' (SD 117), Gez. ramal 'sand' (acc. to LGz 471, < Arb.). There are also Hrs. remlét, Mhr. ramlêt, Jib. rêl 'sand', apparently Arabisms, if not for a nuance that causes certain doubts: the apparently denominal verbs in MSA are Mhr. râtmdl 'to be covered with sand', Jib. röl 'to roll in the dust, to lie in wait' and Soq. rémol 'to lie hidden, crouch down' (JM 327; 's'étendre' in LS 401 with the following comment: "est peut-être un dénominatif de ramal- 'sable'; le verbe aurait le sens 'se coucher sur le sable'"; for the semantic connection see No. 9 below). The nuance is that there is no corresponding noun meaning 'sand' in Soq., whereas the verb in Soq. is obviously connected with at least the one in Jib. This is difficult to explain other than by suspecting that the former is an inherited word, which may cast some new light on the status of the MSA noun.

(4) Gez. hosa; Tna. husa; Tgr. hdsä // < Sem. *h/hVs,- 'sand, gravel': Akk. hissu 'rubble, gravel' (CAD h 204), Hbr. hasas 'pebble, gravel', Arb. hasan 'cailloux', hishis- (redupl.) 'terre; pierres', etc. (v. LGz 266, DRS 908).

□ Perhaps < Afras. *qas/c-41 'hard sand' (ADB): Chad. W.: Hausa kâsa 'earth, soil', Boghom kâas 'earth', C: Malgwa késa 'sand', Cuvok kôskd 'sable aggloméré asses dur', etc., E.: Nan-chere kdsd 'terre', W. Dangla kdskd 'hard sand' (St. 2011 #328); C. Cush: Bilin kusa 'sand' (App. CDA 118); Omot. N.: Dokka kace, Kafa kaco, Gimirra (She) kac, Dizi (Nayi) kasa 'sand', Mao (Hozo) keci 'earth', S.: Galila kac 'sand' (v. Bla. Om # 71.1., Bnd. Om.).

(5) Amh. assäwa; Arg. hasawa; Sod. asawa; Wol. asawa; Cha. asawa; Jib. hâsi // < Sem. *hasw/y-: Arb. hisan 'puit creusé dans un terrain sablonneux; sol dur recouvert de sable' (BK 1 429; overlooked both in LGur 102 and DRS 937), Tna hasäwa 'sand' (LGur 102), Hrs. höhi 'ground', Soq. hôhi 'ground' (JJ 118; both < *hosy-); as for Jib. hâsi, it is glossed as 'soil' in JJ 118, but translated as 'sand' in ehâsi kodos 'the sand piled up' and ekdés hâsi 'covered with sand' in JJ 126, while also given in the entry for 'sand, soil' in Nak. #780.

□ < Afras. *has(a)y- (ADB): Chad. W.: Ankwe hes, Tala Ms, Fyer hôs (and several other forms without h-, perhaps representing a different root), C.: Ngwahyi hasù 'sand'; Cush. N.: Beja

41 The hypothetic *q- yields Sem. and Egyp. *h vs. *k in other Afras. branches.

hissay, issa (and has, which may be an Ethiopism), S.: Iraqw hasam (< *has-am-; v. MQK 49), Qwadza hasin-ko 'sand'.

(6) Har. sihsëra // < Mod. Eth.: Zway sdrsara id., Amh. säräsär 'kind of red earth', Tgr. säsär 'small stone' (LGur 586). No observable cognates in Sem.

□ Cf. also in Cush. C.: Bilin sasara, E.: HEC: Hadiya sassara 'sand' (LGur 586).

(7) Har. sëlat (syn.) // Related to (or borrowed from?) Arb. sihlat- 'gros sable que l'eau charrie' (BK 1 1158). If related, < Sem. *sihl- or *sihl- (Sem. *h > Har. h or 0).

□ < Afras. *sihl- 'sand': Chad. *sil- (in St. 2011 #150, reconstructed as *sVl-, but *-i- seems natural): W.: Tsagu siliye 'fine sand', C.: Podoko saséla 'sable', Malgwa siliye 'grainy sand, gravel', E.: Toram sil 'dune'; cf. also C.*sVyVl- 'sand' (ibid.; *-y- points to *-h-?): Glavda séyala, Cinene sayala, Mandara silt, Nakatsa style (cf. also Bidiya Usin-silaalà 'sable alluvial' in Jg. Bid., where ?isin is 'sand'); (?) E. Cush.: Afar sahlyta 'sand' (-h- is expected to render *h, not *h); N. Omot.: Male masala (< ma-sal-?), Dache siliimo, Zergulla silemo (< sil-em-?) 'sand' (ADB).

(8) Hrs. bateh (also 'soil'), Mhr. bath; Jib. both (syn.) // Soq. mbétah 'coteau' (LS 85). A borrowing from Arb. (cf. Hdr. batha 'gros sable', Dof. betâh 'Sandtal' LS 85, Class. Arb. bathat- 'sol déprimé comme le lit d'un torrent à sec couvert des cailloux' BK 1 135) is unlikely in view of the hardly unrelated Soq. term with a different but compatible meaning and Jib. bottah 'to lie down on the belly on the soil' (JJ 30) < Sem. *bth 'to lie down (on the sand?); to spread, extend (of sand?)' (v. No. 3 for semantic connections and lie No. 14).

(9) Soq. séme42 // The only cognate in Sem. that I was able to unearth is Arb. siyam- 'dust or earth, soft or uncompact earth' (Lane 1635). Arb. s vs. Soq s implies the reconstruction of the first radical as *Sx- < Afras. *s-.

□ Cf. scarce possible parallels in Chad. (implying, however, Afras. *c-, not *s-, cf. St. 2007 8): C.: Gisiga simiyew 'sand', E.: Mokilko sâàmè 'uncultivated land, fallow'; Omot. N.: Chara âmsa, S.: Hamar sami, Ari (Bako) saami 'sand'.

◊ Urm. sll- is < Turkish (a curious chance coincidence with No. 7 above). No term in Ugr., Pho., Bib., Qur., Sab. and Gaf.

^ Common South and West Semitic *hasw/y- (#5).

(Perhaps also Common South and West Semilitic *raml- #3).

71. say

(1) Akk. kabû // < Sem. *k(w)Vbb- 'say, shout, curse': Pho. (Punic) kbb 'to curse', Hbr. kbb 'to curse, enchant' (HALOT 1060), Arb. kbb 'faire du tapage, du vacarme (se dit de ceux qui sont en rixe)' (BK 2 656; not compared in HALOT), kbkb 'utter a sound' (both compared in LGur 468), (?) Tgr. käbbä 'despise, abuse, ignore' (compared in HALOT, but not in LGur.), Amh. kwäba 'talkative', Chaha kwab amänä, Eza, Muher kwab amännä 'produce a sound' (LGur 468).

□ With some parallels in Afras. (ADB): Chad. W. *kab- (< *kab-): Tangale kebi 'to name', Pol-chi kâba 'to answer', E.: Ndam kéba 'to talk'; Cush. E.: LEC: Somali qabqab- 'shout' (n.); (?) N. Omot.: Bworo kewa 'talk' (Bnd. Om. 172, possibly < *kVb-, see ibid. 184-5).

(2) Ugr. rgm // also 'tell, announce, communicate, inform, answer' (DUL 732) < Sem. *rgm 'to blame, procecute, curse' (on the connection with Sem. *rgm 'to stone' see Maizel 201): Akk. ragamu 'to shout, prosecute, raise claim' (CDA 295), Arb. rjm 'to curse, abuse', Gez. ragama 'to curse, insult, execrate, excomunicate', etc. (v. LGz 465).

42 According to Kogan MS (quoting two more synonyms absent in LA: tahk and sakere, to none of which I could find parallels in the continental MSA); cf. simih 'sable de mer' (LS 418), stmi 'sand' (the only Soq. term for 'sand' adduced in Nac. #780).

(3) Hbr. ?mr; Pho. ?mr; Bib. ?mr; Pal. ?mr; Syr. ?mr; Mnd. ?mr; Urm. ?mr // < Sem. *?mr: Arb. ?mr 'ordonner' (BK 1 53), Jib. ?or 'to order', ?emr 'matter, order' (JJ 3; unless < Arb.), etc.43

(4) Qur. kwl; Leb. ?al; Mec. kal; Mlt. al // < Sem. *kawl- 'voice': Ugr. Pho. kl, Hbr. kol, Syr. kal-, Mnd. kala 'voice', Gez. kal 'voice; saying, speech; word', etc. (LGz 426).

□ < Afras. *kawl-: Chad. *kwVl- 'to talk, speech': W.: Angas kwal 'to talk, talking', E.: Tobanga kwal 'word, languages, tale, talk' and *kVwVl- 'shouting; to call': W.: Kirfi kwalala 'war shouting', Bolewa kele 'greeting', Bade kdluwa 'shouting', C.: Fali-Kiria kdlwa 'shout, scream', Mada kullar 'grand cri', E.: 'to call': E. Dangla kole, Bidiya kol, Migama kollo, Jegu kol-, etc.;44 Cush. E.: Afar -kal- 'think, say', HEC: Oromo qaalii 'word' (likely < Amh.); N. Omot.: Mao (Bambeshi) koli, koli, (Diddesa) kyoli 'say, speech' (ADB).

(5) Gez. bdhla; Tna. bald; Tgr. bela; Amh. ala; Arg. ala; Gaf. bald; Sod. baldm; Har. baya; Wol. bald; Cha. bardm // < Sem. *bhl 'to speak, beseech, pray, curse': Akk. ba?alu, bdlu 'to pray, beseech' (CAD b 2), Arb. bhl 'maudire (se dit de Dieu)', VIII 'implorer, supplier' (BK 1 173), etc., Hrs. behelet (JH 16), Mhr. behlit, Jib. behlet 'word' (JM 45), etc. (v. LGz 89, DRS 48).

□ With scant plausible parallels in W. Chad. *biHal- (ADB): Mupun byal 'vicious, angry, cruel', Montol bial 'anger', Tangale pule (p- may render *b-) 'to be, become annoyed, angry'.

(6) Hrs. famor; Mhr. famur; Jib. for; Soq. femor // A difficult case which cannot be immediately equated with Sem. *?mr on formal grounds though a semantic contamination is possible. Another meanings in MSA are: Hrs. famer 'to mend' (JH 9), Mhr. famor 'compose, sing poetry', hamor 'develop, order, repair' (JM 25), Jib. for 'to order', ofor 'repair, build' (JJ 13), Soq.: femor 'faire, remplir, mettre dans, porter', corresponding to Arb. fmr 'become many, become in a state of good repair; cultivate, promote; worship, pray' (Lane 2154). The only semantics, from which all these diverse meanings could derive seems to be causing to existence or accomplishment by force of magic speech/formula.45

◊ No term in Sab.

^ No Common Semitic.

72.see

(1) Akk. amaru // < Sem. *?mr 'to see; show, indicate; know' (v. know No. 6).

(2) Ugr. phy // also 'espy, look at', 'know, recognize' and 'visit '(DUL 667). No direct parallels. In DUL 667 tentatively compared with Akk. (w)apu 'to become visible, appear' (CAD a2 201), which does not work, since the Akk. term is cognate with Ugr. ypf 'to leave, depart, appear', (N) 'to rise, present oneself' (DUL 972-3), Hbr. ypf (hif.) 'to cause

43 Joined, both in DRS 23-24 and EDE III 32 (with the comment "the semantic shift "to say" vs. "see"... is widely attested"), with *?mr 'see', which I prefer to treat as a separate root, although for at least a few forms it is, indeed, hard to decide from which of the two verbs they are derived — perhaps due to contamination. It should be noted that Sem. *?mr 'to see' has wide Afras. connections (see No. 72 below), while *?mr 'say' seems to have none, implying the shift "see" > "say", which I perceive as neither self-evident nor "widely attested".

44 In St. 2011 #192 and 192b., where the Chad. root is compared with Sem. *kwl with the comment: "According to R. Blench, there are some words with initial k- in Fali Kiriya. All other Chadic languages presented in this issue do not distinguish between Ch *k- and *k-".

45 A similar semantic phenomenon, likely rooted in the ancient magic mentality, is the famous association in Semitic between "word", "matter, affair" and "thing", cf. Hbr. dabar 'word, matter, affair, (some)thing' (HALOT 211); Gez. and other Eth. nagar 'speech, word, affair, matter' (LGz 392); MSA: Hrs. behel-et (JH 16), Mhr. behlit, Jib. behlet 'word' (JM 45) vs. Soq. bileh < bihl-eh 'chose' (LS 83).

to shine, to rise, shine forth', etc. (HALOT 424). The only imaginable, if problematic comparison, made in EDE II 488, is with a bunch of Arb. variant roots: b?h, ?bh 'porter son attention (sur)' (DRS 2 and 40), bh? 'comprendre; s'habituer à qc.',46 wbh 'connaître, faire attention à, avoir soin de' (DRS 484). However, this comparison is justified only if one accepts the debatable Sem. phoneme *p (see SED I CV-CXVI), which Takacs does not seem to accept.

□ On two series (with *p- and *b-) of phonetically and semantically problematic Afras. parallels to both Ugr. and Arb. verbs, see EDE II 487-8.

(3) Ugr. In (syn.) // also 'to look, watch, spy' (DUL 167). A denominative verb from *1ayn-'eye' (v. eye No. 1 in Mil. 2010).

(4) Hbr. r?y; Qur. r?y; Mlt. ra; Sab. r?y; Gez. td?ya; Tna. ra?aya; Tgr. rd?a; Arg. re; Har. rï?a // < Sem. *r?y 'to see' (HALOT 1157, LGz 458-9).

□ < Afras. *ray?- ~ *?ayr- 'see': Chad. *ray/?- ~ *?ayr- 'eye' (St. 2005 #651 and ADB): W.: Kulere rî(h), Jimi yâra, Polchi yir, Zaar yïr, Sayanchi yïr, Fyer yèèr, etc., C.: Zeghwana ire, Gisiga re, Musgoy riya, Gidar ara, Munjuk aray, Mbara rée 'face, eyes', Banana ira, Zime-Batna ?ir (râ?â 'stare at': note metathesis and -?-), etc., E.: Mubi ir-in (pl. ar-an), Mokilko ?êr-sâ (-sa is a body-part suffix); Cush. N.: Beja iray 'see', S. *?ar- 'see': Iraqw ara, Alagwa ar-, Burunge ar-im- (ADB).

(5) Pho. hzy;47 Bib. hzy; Syr. hzy; Mnd. hza; Urm. hzy; Amh. ayya; Arg. hanja; Gaf. ajja; Sod. azzam; Wol. anze; Cha. az/sam // < Sem. *hzy 'to see'. In DRS 854 (and, similarly, in HALOT 301), this entry includes Arb. hzy 'partir les oiseaux (pour tirer des augures de leur vol), tirer des augures', hâzin 'voyant (qui prédit l'avenir), conaisseur', whose semantic connections with 'see' are less evident than those of Arb. hzz III 'contrôler, examiner, scruter avec le plus grand soin' (BK 1 418).

□ Note a single, perhaps accidental, parallel in C. Chad.: Matakam huz- 'regarder' (ADB).

(6) Pal. hmy // < Hbr.-Arm. *hmy 'to see, watch, beware': Hbr. hmy 'see', imp. 'beware!' (HALOT 326), Syr. hmy 'vidit; taeduit eum am; omisit' (Brock. 239) < Sem. *hmy 'to watch, protect': Sab hmy 'to protect' (SD 69), Arb. hmy 'défendre, protéger' (BK 1 497), Mhr homi 'to defend' (JM 182), etc. (see Kog. Ugr.-Can. #35).

□ Cf. Egyp. (Dem.) mh 'see', Copt. *moH- 'to look; appearance' (EDE III 483), perhaps related (not compared with the Sem. root in EDE), with metathesis, to a couple of possible cognates in E. Chad. *HamVy-: Tobanga âme 'guard' and Birgit ?um 'see' (ADB).

(7) Leb. sef; Mec. sâf // Class. Arb. swf IV 'regarder du haut de...; dominer un objet; avoir peur de qn.', etc., sayfat- 'reconnaissance, détachement de troupes qui observe les mouvements de l'ennemi' (BK 1 1228) < Sem. *swp 'look out, observe, protect': Sab. S2wf 'look after, protect, defend' (SD 136), (?) MSA: Hrs. me-swâf 'sight (of a gun)' (LHrs 125, Omani Arb. mi-swâf ibid.), Mhr. me-swof 'back-sight of a rifle' (both probably < Omani Arb.), md-sâwfdt 'protected (tabu) person, thing; protection' (JM 387; unless a borrowing from an Arb. dialect, implies the verb *swf 'protect'), Jib. sift 'front sight of a rifle' (JJ 257).

(8) Hrs. seni; Mhr. sïnï; Jib. sini; Soq. sini // also Hrs. sno 'to show' (LHrs 120), Mhr. sïnï 'to consider' (JM 381), Soq. sénne 'montrer' (LS 431). Cognate with Arb. s?n 'connaître; s'informer; avoir soin; veiller sur quelque chose', etc. (BK 1 1179).

□ < Afras. *cVn?/y: Egyp. (NE) snw 'examination, inspection' (compared in EDE I 130 with the MSA verb); (?) Chad. W.: *cVn-: Chip len gwe 'remember', Dera sèni 'remember, re-

46 Ibid. 47, where it is further compared with Sab. bh?t, glossed as 'enter' in SD 27, cf. bh?t meaning 'scout, intelligence agent' (ibid.).

47 Unless borrowed from or influenced by Arm.

mind' (St. 2011 #230a.), *cVy- (< *cVnH-?): Angas läng, leey 'meditate', C.: Zulgo zâyâ (with irregular voicing) 'penser, réfléchir' (ibid. #230b.).48

^ Common West Semitic. *r?y (#4) and *hzy (#5).

73. seed

(1) Akk. (OAkk. on) zëru, zar?u; Hbr. zära?; Bib. zara?; Pal. zr?; Syr. zar?-; Mnd. zira; Urm. zar?-; Qur. zar?-; Mlt. zerri(gh)a; Gez. zar?, Tna. zär?-i; Tgr. zärd?; Amh. zär; Arg. zär; Gaf. zär; Sod. zär; Har. zär; Wol. zär; Cha. zdnä // < Sem. *zar?/?-:49 Jud. zara?, zar?- 'seed', zr? 'to strew, sow' (Ja. 414), Mnd. zra 'to sow, scatter' (DM 170), Arb. zr? 'semer, répandre la semence; ensemencer un champ de quelque graine', zur?- 'semence; céréales sur pied, champ cultivé' (BK 1 124), Gez. zar?/?a 'to sow, seed, scatter' (LGz 642), Mhr. zUra '(plants) to grow', ha-zrë 'to cultivate', S. Mhr. zaret 'plantation, cultivated area' (JM 469), Jib. zéra? '(plants) to grow', ezôra? 'to plant many seeds', zéra? 'farmer' (JJ 320).

(2) Ugr. d/dr?; Mec. dirra; Soq. deri50 // < Sem. *dVr?/?/y-: Jud. dara?, dar?- 'seed, produce, offspring' (Ja. 324), Arb. dr? 'ensemencer (la terre)' (BK 1 767), dry/w 'répandre la semence (en semant), semer' (ibid. 771), durat- 'dorra, espèce de millet' (ibid. 772), Sab. m-dr?-t 'sown field, sown ground' (SD, 40).51

□ < Afras. *jVr-: (?) Egyp. (Gr., late) z? (if < *zr) 'Bez. der achtel Arure, acht Aruren Acker' (EG III 411), (Gr.) 'Art Acker' (ibid. 414); Chad. W.: Pero Jura, Guruntum JàaJàr 'groundnuts', C.: Malgwa zar-va 'Sesam' (in St. 2009 #550 in the entry for 'fodder grass'), (?) Munjuk zaraw 'botte de céréales avec des épis; fascicle of cereals with ear' (in St. 2009 # 550a. in the entry for 'pile of stalks'), (?) Mbuko zaray 'pousser par terre (haricots)', Zulgo zârâ 'faire de pousses, long sprouts' (both in St. 2009 #542 in the entry 'to sprout'), (?) E.: Bidiya zùurï (< *z-) 'valée favoirable a la culture du petit mil'; Cush. (?) N.: Beja derâ? 'seed' (probably an Arabism), C.: Khamtanga zirwa, Khamta zirwä, Kailina zärwa 'wheat',52 E. (all < Eth.?): Saho dara, Afar diriyi 'seed', LEC: Gidole zare 'seed; cultivate', HEC: Hadiya, Qabenna zare-tta, Alaba zari-ta 'seed'; N. Omot. (< Eth. or E. Cush.?): Wolaita zer- 'to spread, to seed', zere-tta, Malo zere-c, Gamu, Dache zere-cci, Gimirra (Bench) zar 'seed', Kachama zeer- 'to sow' (ADB).

(3) Mnd. baz(i)r- (syn.)53 // < *bVzr-: Hbr. bzr 'to scatter' (otherwise < *bdr as in HALOT 118, where it is compared with Arb. bdr and Bib. bdr), Frah. bzr 'corn, seed' (HJ 150), Syr. bazr-'oleum e semine lini expressum' (Brock. 65), Jud. bzr 'to strew, scatter', bizr- 'seed' (Ja. 154), Pal. bizr-, Arb. ba/izr- 'semences, graines' (BK 1 121; hardly < Arm., in view of several related meanings, including verbal ones).54 Cf. Kog. LE # 73 with a different interpretation. Cf. also LGz 118.

48 Alternatively, related to C. and E. *cVn- 'listen, hear' (ibid. #230, where it is compared with Mhr. sny, with the remark: "NN 230a,b are not necessarily related to N230").

49 It is difficult to choose whether some of the forms should be related to this root or to *dVrfR/y- (#2 below); *z- is supported by all of the listed Arm. and Arb. forms and MSA data, whereas Akk., Hbr. and all the Eth. forms may as well go back to *darf/?-. As for *-f and *-?, there is an indiscriminate mess in both variant roots, *zarf/2- and *dVrf/?-, very likely due to contamination (cf. also Gez. zarawa, zaraya 'scatter' LGz. 644)..

50 Acc. to Kogan MS, one of two equal synonyms, on par with sane.

51 Mhr. darayyat 'offspring' (JM 81), Jib. darrit 'progeny, offspring' (JJ 47) as well as Mhr. daret (JM 82) and Jib. dere't 'sorghum, dhurah (JJ 47) are most likely Arabisms.

52 Acc. to App. CDA 146, all < *järgw-a, counter to the table of regular correspondeces (ibid. 13), where *g > Khamtanga g, not w.

53 Less likely to be an Arabism, in view of Arm. cognates with -z-.

54 Note Hrs. Mhr. Jib. Soq. bazar 'peppers', marked in JM 61 as Arabisms (from some South Arabic dialect? No term for 'pepper' in Class. Arb. *bzr).

□ Cf. Chad. W.: Mburku, Jimbin vazar 'seed', Tala bazr 'corn' (probably Arabisms), C.: Daba va/uzal (< *buzar?) 'yellow corn', (?) E.: Mokilko bûzû 'seed'.

(4) Leb. bdar // < Sem. *badr-:55 Class. Arb. badr- 'semence',56 bdr 'semer, répandre pour semer' (BK 1 101), Syr. bdr 'sparsit, dispersit' (Brock. 60), Jud. bdr 'to scatter, strew' (Ja. 141), Mnd. bdr id. (DM 52). Cf. Kog. LE # 73 with a different interpretation. Cf. also LGz 118.

(5) Har. sani; Wol. sanne (unless < Cush., see below); Soq. sâne (syn.) // also 'semence, blé qui est sur les tiges', héne 'semer' (LS 145) < Sem. *sana?/y/n-: Mhr. md-hnoy 'farm near a town' (JM 159), Jib. md-snu? 'garden on the mountain for dhura or beans', esné 'to have a garden, field' (JJ 263), Akk. (OB, MB, SB) asnan (asnan) 'grain, cereal (as a generic term)' (in AHw. 82 marked as a loanword; CAD a2 450; < *la-snan-, with prefixed ?a- or metathesis; contra Kog. LE # 79: "apparently, no Semitic cognates"), Zw. sani 'seed, crop' (LGur 555).57

□ < Afras. *sany- 'seed, grain, cereal' (Mil. Farm. 142, ADB): Egyp. (MK) sn.w 'Opferbrote' (EG IV, 155); Chad. *sin- 'seed, cereal' (*sVn- 'sprout, seed' in St. 2009 # 300): W.: Tangale siini 'sprout, germ' (and Goemai song 'millet', quoted by Stolbova with hesitations), C.: Daba sèsïn, Kola sisîn 'seed', E.: Kera séeye 'Negerhirse, petit mil', Saba bi-sinya, Migama bû-sini 'seed', W. Dangla sink 'sorgho';58 Cush. E.: LEC: Somali suni, Oromo sannii, Dase-nech sanne, HEC (probably < Oromo): Darasa sanne, Burji sannee 'seed'; S. Omot.: Hamar isin 'sorghum'.59

◊ Hrs. badr; Mhr. bidar; Jib. béddr, probably Arabisms (note, however, the verbs: Mhr. bddor, Jib. bodor 'to sow, cultivate' JM 44, JJ 23). No term in Pho. (zrî is glossed only as 'offspring' Tomb. 96).

^ Common North and West Semitic *zarî/l- (#1).

Common South and West Semitic *dVrî/l- (#2) and *sana?/y/n- (#5).60

74. sit

(1) Akk. wsb; Ugr. ytb, latib; Hbr. ysb; Pho. ysb; Bib. ytb; Pal. ytb; Syr. ytb; Mnd. ytb; Urm. ytb; Sab. wtb // < Sem. *wtb 'sit, dwell, live' (HALOT 444, DRS 656). If it is permissible to make a conjecture about this verb's "proto-meaning", I would bet on 'occupying foreign territory or raiding it for women (or ritually imitating this action)', which would account for some most likely related terms (the root with initial *w- and *t, rare in Sem., is too phonetically unique to represent homonyms) with meanings that are different from 'sit, dwell, live', preserved in various languages: (1) Sab. wtb 'sit, reside, settle, occupy' and t-wtb 'commit an assault on; ambush' (quoted as two separate entries in SD 165), Arb. watbat-'assaut, attaque, agression', wtb V 'faire une invasion injuste sur la proprieté de quelqu'un' (BK 2 1482), (2) Syr. ?awteb 'marry', Gez. lawsaba 'take a wife, marry', Tna. lawasaba id., Amh. (a)wassaba 'copulate' (LGz 619; cf. aslo redupl. Gez. sabsaba 'marry off (a son or a daughter in a religious ceremony)' and 'commit a carnal sin' ibid. 485). Cf. DRS 656.

□ If said hypothesis is valid, possibly < Afras. *cVb- 'kill, war, assault': Chad. *cVb- 'to kill, war' (compared in St. 2011 #800 with Arb. watbat- 'agression, attaque'): C.: Wandala ciba

55 Eventually must be a root variant of *bVzr-, to be scored differently from the latter.

56 Although this is the main Class. Arb. term for 'seed' (Kog. LE 471), it is not attested in the Qur'an as a noun.

57 According to Leslau (ibid.), from Cush, which is not necessarily so in view of Sem. cognates; note especially a full coincidence with Soq. (both < *s/sany-), which can hardly be accidental.

58 Cf. also *sin- 'farm, field' (ibid. #299, likely related): W.: Sura sen 'Hirsefeld', Warji usina, sanana, Tsagu sman, Kariya san, sin, Siri sinawi, Diri sana, Paa sina 'farm', C.: Masa sine, senena, Zime-Batna sine, etc.

59 Cf. Sumerian isin 'ears of corn' (Heimpel 449), 'grain-stalk' (Lieberman), isin 'stalk' (Sum. Dict. 217): an early borrowing from some Afras. (non-Semitic) language?

60 Originally, hardly synonyms: rather terms denoting different seeds or various stages of seed/plant growth.

'kill (many)', Malgwa cdba 'to kill a lot of people', Glavda cib-, Podoko cibe, Musgu siba (ADB, not in St. 2011) 'kill', E.: Mubi cobi, Zerenkel Jabuki 'war'; Omot. (ADB) N.: Koyra supe, Gimirra (Bench) sup (-p < *-b?) 'slaughter', Dizi sub- 'die', S.: Ongota sup/b- 'kill' (cf. tiip/b- 'die', possibly < *cib-).

(2) Qur. kid; Leb. ?aiad // Class. Arb. also kâîidat- 'base (d'une colonne); fondations (d'un édifice)' (BK 2 778) < Sem. *kîd 'bend, sit, put down': Syr. kid 'bend down, kneel, prostrate' (Sok. Syr. 1388), Jib. ekeîéd 'paralyze, put so. down psychologically', Soq. skidd 'take, bring down' (JM 139).61

□ < Afras. *kV(1)d- 'bend, sit, lie down' (ADB): Egyp. (Pyr.) kd 'to sleep'; (?) Chad. C.: Daba kad '(be) down', E.: Kajakse kàdi 'bas' (both possibly < *kad-, cf. St. 2011 #81 with the comment: "Likely, loans from Arabic kaiid-at- 'base, foundation' < kid 'être assis'", which is not quite convincing because of the difference in meanings), C.: Musgu gud (regressive voicing) 'back side', Gizey kùdu 'behind', E.: Kera gùd (regressive voicing), Mokilko kùddi-sô 'buttocks' (ibid.); E. Cush.: HEC: Burji kud-ee 'behind' (compared ibid.); S. Omot.: Ongota kaada 'to lie, sleep'.

(3) Mec. Jalas // Qur. Jls 'to sit in Eastern fashion' (Pen. 28) < Sem. *gls 'to sit (in a special way, atop, on an elevated place)', tentatively reconstructed from identical triconsonantal roots with such different meanings as Akk. gilsu62 'hip(-bone)' (CDA 93), Hbr. gls 'to hop (alt. move down)' (HALOT 195, after Palache: basic meaning 'to jump (on one's riding animal)', Gez. gdlas, Tgr., Amh., Har. gdlas 'saddle cover' (LGz 192), Selti gdlas, Wol. gilas 'cloth of saddle' (LGur 275; for the meaning shift see Arb. in No. 5), Soq. galas 'montagne, cap' (LS 109; for the meaning shift see No. 4), dgllsoh 'high plain' (JM 119).

(4) Gez. nabara // also 'to stay, live, etc.', tanabara 'to be placed (one thing upon another)', ma-nbar 'seat, chair, high place, pulpit, throne' (LGz 383-4)63 < Sem. *nbr 'to elevate, raise, place/sit atop': pB Hbr. (likely < Jud.), Jud. nbr '(of the swine) to turn the ground up with the snout' (Ja. 870), Syr. nbr 'excitavit (terram)' (Brock. 412), Arb. nbr 'élever, exhausser (une chose); grandir, av. grandi (se dit d'un petit garçon)', mi-nbar- 'estrade, place un peu élevée au déssus du sol; chaire, prône où se place l'imam ou un khatib pour réciter la prière ou haranguer le peuple' (BK 2 1183), Amh. annababbara 'heap, pile up', Arg. ndbbur 'abundant, much, very, many' (LArg 215).

(5) Tna. kof bala // < Sem. *wkp ~ *kwp 'to bend, lie, sit': Tgr. kaf bela 'sit down, sit' (LH 425), Arb. wkf 'ê. incliné, penché; mettre bât sur une bête de somme', wakf- 'tapis ou peau qui l'on etend par terre pour s'y asseoir', Hrs. se-wkof 'sleep' (JH 135), Mhr. sd-wkuf 'sleep, go to sleep, lie down', Jib. sef 'sleep' (JM 426).64

□ With two parallels, one of which, Cush. C.: Bilin kaf y 'to sit', isolated in Agaw, is clearly a borrowing from N. Eth. (cf., however, the remark in Appl CDA 124: "also in Ti., Tna. kaf bala"), while the other, E.: Yaaku kopehm (< *kop-ah-m-?) id., is evidently not, being either a look-alike or a remnant of the common Afras. verb, randomly spared through many millennia in an isolated language.

61 Likely with a secondary -?-: cf. Akk. kadadu 'bow down' (CDA 282), Hbr. kdd, kwd 'bow, kneel down' (HALOT 1065). See Mil. RE 97.

62 If semantically compatible, this is probably a "real" term alongside gissu instead of a "result of the scribes' effort to render laterality" as suspected in SED I No. 90, cf. #7 below).

63 See the discussion (ibid. 384) about whether Gez. manbar is to be derived from Arb. minbar- or vice versa: both hypotheses seem superfluous, as both nouns are nicely derived from the corresponding verbs in each of the languages.

64 One might ask whether Eth. *wkf 'take, accept, receive' (LGz 611-12) could not have evolved from 'bow down'.

(6) Tna. (syn.) tà-kàmmàtà;65 Amh. ta-kammata; Arg. (ta)kammata // < Eth. *kmt 'bind, hold tightly; rest, sit' (LGz 433):66 Gez. kammata 'hold tightly, bind sheaves, bend' (also takammata 'sit down, remain', acc. to Leslau, < Amh.), Har. akamata 'rest on a base' (ibid.), cognate with Arb. kmt 'lier avec la corde tous les quatre pieds à la fois; emmailotter un enfant au berceau; cohabiter avec une femme, etc.' (BK 2 813).

(7) Tgr. gdsuy haila // The only etymology I can suggest is < Sem. *giss- 'torso, body, side of body' (cf. SED I No. 92), including Akk. gissu 'hip, flank' (CAD g 73; on its presumable variant gilsu placed in the same entry, see #3 above) and Gur. g'isa 'back of body' (see in SED I No. 92 arguments against its qualifying by Leslau as Cushitism). If this etymology satisfies the semantic criteria, then:

□ < Afras. *gicc- 'torso, chest, side of body': Chad. *gV(yV)s- 'chest' (St. 2011 #561): W.: Bog-hom gyaas, Geji gyési 'chest', isu ngesi 'rib', Polchi gwas 'shoulder' (ADB, not in St.), Zul igése 'chest', Duwai dgzà 'chest, cough'; C.: Zelgwa gdzdr/ 'chest, heart'; (?) N. Omot.: Kafa gaso 'riverbank, edge, border', Mocha gâso 'border' (suggested for comparison with Sem. in Bla. Review 502).

(8) Gaf. (ta)wanna; Sod. tonnam; Cha. conam // Acc. to LGur III 599, from the root wn?/î with the meaning 'sit' derived in ta-stem from awa'na, wanna, etc. 'place, deposit, put aside, put'. Since it is rather uncommon for the basic term to have no etymology (in this case, outside Gaf. and Gur.), I suggest that it may be related, as a variant with metathesis (*wnh), to Eth. *nhy 'repose, be in peace, sleep' (LGz 394 giving no Sem. cognates outside Eth.): Gez. ndhya 'recover; repose; feel relieved; find consolation, peace; be quiet', Amh. tanna, Arg. tenna, ena, Har. nëla, Wol. anne, Sod. dnmm, Cha. nayam, etc. 'sleep'67, to be further related, with metathesis, to Arb. hwn 'être leger, facil à faire ou endurer; se reposer, se calmer', hawn- 'repos, tranquilité; aise, facilité, aisance, commodité' (BK 2 1460-61) < Sem. *hwn 'repose, rest, be at ease': Hbr. hwn (hif) 'regard as easy' (HALOT 242),68 Thamudic hwn 'repos' (DRS 389), Sab. hwn 'soften (one's heart)' (SD 57), hyn 'ease, give ease to (?)' (ibid. 58), (?) MSA: Hrs. *hwn 'to think cheap', Soq. hawin 'better (than)' (JH 53). Cf. also DRS 388-9. Whether all these forms should be regarded as metathetic variations within one root (Sem. *wnh ~ *nhy ~ *hwn 'repose, rest, be at ease') or as three variant roots, is a somewhat scholastic question that requires a voluntary decision. Anyway, there are plausible parallels outside Semitic:

□ Egyp. (MK) hnn 'attend to, consider, trust', hnn ib 'be well-disposed to' (Faul 159; lit. 'incline one's heart (to)'? Translated as 'neigen (d. Herz)' in EG II 494: ib is 'heart'); Chad. W.: Ron *n(V)yah- 'to sleep': Kulere nyà '(sich) legen, schlafen', Sha nyà, Daffo-Butura nyah 'schlafen' (St. 2011 # 424, ADB), C. *hwVn-: Gabin îyenè, Kilba hâny, Margi yànyi, Gudu wiyènù, Fali-Kilba wunyi 'sleep' (n.), Glavda xan, Daba wan 'to sleep', E. *wVHVn-: Kwang wér 'to sleep', Migama wâàno 'to dream' (ADB); N. Cush.: Beja nay 'sleep, rest' (LGz 304; < Eth.?).

(9) Har. (ta^ba(la); Wol. (ta-)gObaia // Probably < Eth.-Arb. *gVb(b)- (with the auxiliary verb ala incorporated into the stem, cf. Zway (ta)gub 'sit down, ride' and Amh. gwdbbaia 'sit down', (ta)gwabbala 'sit down' LGur 256): Arb. jbb 'se jeter la face contre terre, se pros-

65 The meaning 'sit' in Tna has been obtained from native speakers (glossed as 'rest on a base' in LGz 433).

66 The Eth. verbs are related by Leslau to Akk. kama.su 'bend the knee, kneel down, squad', pB Hbr. kamsus 'bent up' and Ugr. kms 'to curl up, bend', all < Sem. *kms (to which Jib. kos '(snake, etc.) to curl up', krtmas '(animal) to curl os. up' JJ 146 should be added), which can be compared with *kmt only as a variant root.

67 Speculatively, Ugr. nhmmt 'drowsiness, fainting fit' or 'deep sleep (of death)' (< nhm + mt DUL 626) could also be related as nhm, with the fossilized suffix -m-.

68 Perhaps also hon 'wealth, property', with a possible semantic shift, but much more dubious in the case of Arm. terms meaning 'ability, means, reason, mind', quoted in HALOT 242 and DRS 388-9 as unproblematic cognates.

terner en appuyant les mains contre la terre (en priant Dieu); tenir ses joues appuyées sur ses mains en restant debout' (BK 1 251).

□ With a different interpretation, perhaps, from highly hypothetic Afras. *gVbb-Vr/l- 'sit, prostrate oneself; a (sacred?) seat' (ADB): Eg. db? (< *gbr/l?) 'k. of altar, temple seat made of granit; a throne socle?'; E. Cush.: LEC: Somali (Benadir) gambar 'round small chair with four legs'; N. Omot.: Kafa gab(b)ir-o, Anfillo gabbero 'seat'.

(10) Hrs. shewlol; Mhr. shdwdlul // Also 'stay, live' in Hrs. (JH 123) and 'stay, stay where one is' in Mhr. (JM 390). A real challenge for the etymologist: no parallels either in other MSA or other Sem., the only one, irreproachable phonetically but purely conjectural semantically, being Arb. shl III 'traire (une chamelle)' (BK 1 1202), perhaps implying the nomads' stopover for milking she-camels.

(11) Jib. skof // No parallels in other MSA. The only possible etymology is Sem. *(la-)skup(p)-'threshold': Akk. (OB on) askuppu (and, with metathesis, OA aksuppu), 'stone slab, threshold, doorsill, lower edge, step (of a wagon)' (CAD a2 333), (OB on) askuppatu 'slab, threshold, door-sill' (ibid. 334), Hbr. maskop 'lintel, doorstep' (HALOT 652, hapax), sakap 'door-jamb, door support' or 'a space in a wall for a door or for a window' (HALOT 1646-7, hapax), skp (nif) 'to look down from above' (ibid. 1645), pB. liskuppa 'threshold, lintel, lower door-sill' (Ja 97; from or influenced by Jud.), Arm.: Hatra ?skp 'threshold' (HJ 86), Syr. ?eskupdt- 'limen; rupes' (Brock. 35), Jud. liskupt- 'door-sill' (Ja. 94), liskupt- 'threshold, lintel, lower door-sill' (ibid. 97), Sab. sikf 'roof, roofing, ceiling, floor (of multi-storied building)' and 'to roof (a building)' (SD 127-8), Arb. luskuffat- 'the threshhold of a door, upon which one treads', sakif- 'the lintel of a door, the upper and lower extremity of the door' (Lane 1391), sakf- 'ceiling, roof, or covering' (ibid. 1383). An entangled case of what seems a chain of borrowings (Akk. askuppu > Arm. > Hbr. and Arb.?) and contamination of two unrelated (or variant?) roots: *skp forms the terms for 'threshold' and *skp forms the terms for 'roof, ceiling, etc.' Anyway, Jib. skof neatly fits in with Sem. *skp, suggesting that the primary meaning of the Jib. verb was 'to sit on a threshold, in the door/gate'.

(12) Soq. izîem // Also 'rester' (LS 155 with no Sem. parallels). There are several highly hypothetical etymological options. One is to suppose for the Soq. verb the original meaning 'sit at the head or at the helm', later generalized as simply 'sit': cf. Mhr. zdîîm 'head of a family' (JM 463), Jib. zîim 'the most important person in, head of the family' (JJ 314, tentatively comparing it with Soq. ézîam 'sit' and what is quoted ibid. as mozlhim 'majlis', not in LS), Arb. zaîîm-'chef, prince, représentant d'une communauté, agent plénipotentiaire qui parle au nom d'elle', likely from or contaminated with zîm 'parler, dire' (both BK 1 992), related to Hbr. zîm 'curse', Syr. zîm 'scold' (HALOT 276) and Sab. zîm 'declaration' (SD 170; cf. DRS 770). Another option is comparison with Jib. zîît 'buggalow, kind of ship', Arb. zaîalim- (pl.), Tgr. zaîimat 'bateau, barque' (the Jib. and Tgr. terms are likely Arabisms; all three are quoted in DRS 770, without raising the borrowing issue) that implies the original meaning 'sit in a boat' for the Soq. verb. A third option is to compare it with Arb. zîm III 'serrer quelqu'un dans la foule' (BK 1 992, cf. a variant root zhm III), in which case the original meaning in Soq. should have been 'to sit crowded together, sit squashed up'. With none of the three options convincing enough, there are, however, direct external parallels meaning 'to sit' in Chad.69

□ Chad. W.: Hausa zâmâa 'be, become, happen, keep on doing, sitting, settling room', Sura zum 'stoop, bend down', Bolewa zuum, Juum, Ngamo Joom 'to squat' (note the hiatus in

69 Somewhat compromised, as in many other cases, by the hugeness of the cumulative Chadic lexica, which considerably increases the probability of chance resemblance (reminding of a similar problem with Arabic), and by the low representativeness of Chadic lexemes brought to comparison vs. the great number of Chadic languages.

the latter forms, probably pointing to a lost laryngeal: cf. -f- in Soq.), C.: Gude zamu 'sitting on smth. to press down', Ouldem zam yar 'to incline' (yar 'head'), Masa zam 'wait' (adduced as two different entries in St. 2011 #478 and 479). 0 Mlt. poja likely < Italian (ap)poggiare. ^ Common North and West Semitic. *wtb (#1).

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Статья является третьей частью этимологического разбора, проделанного автором для стословного списка Сводеша по семитским языкам (первые две части были уже опубликованы в третьем и пятом номерах «Вопросов языкового родства»). Анализу подвергаются очередные двадцать элементов списка, для каждого из которых предлагается прасемитская реконструкция и обсуждаются возможные параллели в других языках афразийской макросемьи.

Ключевые слова: семитские языки, афразийские языки, этимология, глоттохронология, лексикостатистика.