PROTO-AFRASIAN NAMES OF UNGULATES IN LIGHT OF THE PROTO-AFRASIAN HOMELAND ISSUE

Militarev Alexander Yu.; Nikolaev Sergei A.

Alexander MUHarevf, Sergei Nikolaev*

f Russian State University for the Humanities; amilitarev@gmail.com t Institute of Slavic studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences; sergenicko@mail.ru

Proto-Afrasian names of ungulates in light of the Proto-Afrasian homeland issue1

In this paper, we present the first section of a comprehensive thesaurus of Proto-Afrasian zoonyms, compiled and reconstructed by the authors. The list contains more than a hundred names of ungulates, including bovids, pigs, equids and camels, as well as large herbivores (elephants, hippopotamuses and rhinoceroses), allowing for a wholesome (at the current level of our knowledge) picture of these species of fauna in the period preceding the split of Proto-Afrasian (ca. 11th millennium BCE, according to glottochronology) within the area presumably inhabited by speakers of Proto-Afrasian. The results of the reconstruction may be interpreted in favor of two different points of view on the localization of the Proto-Afrasian homeland, namely, the Levant vs. East Africa; the paper presents arguments both in favor of and against each of these hypotheses.

Keywords: Proto-Afrasian homeland; Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic) languages; etymology of zoonyms; reconstruction of cultural lexicon.

Until recently, debates about the primary habitat of the speakers of Proto-Afrasian (Afroasi-atic, Semito-Hamitic) have been based either upon general and extra-linguistic argumentation, sometimes accompanied with scarce, incomplete and unrepresentative lexical comparisons; or upon the reconstruction of Proto-Afrasian (PAA) terms interpreted as arguments in favor of intensive gathering of wild cereals and beans (Diakonoff 1981) or in favor of proto- or incipient agriculture (Militarev 2002).

It goes without saying that the Urheimat issue cannot be seriously discussed without a complete and detailed reconstruction of PAA animal and plant names, as well as general environmental and cultural vocabularies. Likewise, of vital importance here are the approximate dates of branching of PAA and its descendant proto-languages, obtained by glottochronology. A trustworthy solution of the problem can be achieved only through correlation of comparative linguistic data with the findings and outcomes of such related sciences as archaeology, pa-leoclimatology, paleontology, and human population genetics.

The genealogical classification of the Afrasian macrofamily as worked out by Alexander Militarev, based first and foremost on lexicostatistics, is as follows (the figures below refer to the approximate BCE dates of branching of proto-languages, obtained glottochronologically by applying Sergei Starostin's recalibrated method2):

1 Alexander Militarev is responsible for all lexical material, reconstruction of zoonyms, and discussion of the hypothetical Levant homeland of Proto-Afrasians and their identification with Natufians. Sergei Nikolaev is responsible for the extra-linguistic evaluation of PAA zoonyms, their paleozoological interpretation, and discussion of the hypothetical African homeland of Proto-Afrasian. We would also like to extend our gratitude to Anastasia Kirill-ova for her help in compiling the lists of references, the alphabetic index of reconstructed roots, and the list of abbreviations.

Militarev's research is supported by The Russian Science Foundation (Project № 20-18-00159); the financing organization is The Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences.

2 As described in, e.g., Starostin 2000.

Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 18/3 (2020) • Pp. 199-226 • © The authors, 2020

Proto-Afrasian - ca. 10,500:

1. Proto-Semitic-Egyptian-Berber-Chadic (PSEBC) - ca. 9,000.

1.1. Proto-Semitic - ca. 4,500.

1.1.1. Pro to-South Semitic (Proto-MSA).

1.1.2. Proto-North Semitic - ca. 3,700.

1.1.2.1. Akkadian.

1.1.2.2. Proto-Central Semitic (Ethiopian-Arabic-Levantine) - ca. 3,000.

1.2. Proto-Egyptian-Berber-Chadic - ca. 7,800.

1.2.1. Egyptian.

1.2.2. Proto-Berber-Chadic - ca. 6,500.

1.2.2.1. Proto-Berber - ca. 1,000.

1.2.2.2. Proto-Chadic - ca. 5,500.

2. Proto-Cushitic-Omotic (PCO) - ca. 8,800.

2.1. Proto-Cushitic - ca. 7,500.

2.1.1. Proto-North-Central Cushitic - ca. 6,800.

2.1.1.2. Proto-North Cushitic (Beja).

2.1.1.3. Proto-Central Cushitic (Agaw) - ca. 2,000.

2.1.2. Proto-East Cushitic (incl.Yaaku-Mogogodo) - ca. 6,000.

2.1.3. Proto-South Cushitic (incl.Dahalo and Ma'a) - ca. 4,800.

2.2. Proto-Omotic - ca. 6,000.

2.2.1. Proto-North Omotic (incl. Dizi and Mao) - ca. 4,200.

2.2.2. Proto-South Omotic (incl. Ongota) - ca. 4,600.

Until now, any systematic paleozoological argumentation relying on a complete set of PAA animal names has been conspicuously lacking. Today, however, over a hundred names for animals reconstructed by Militarev (who has also drawn from the most reliable com-paranda and reconstructions by Olga Stolbova, Aharon Dolgopolsky, Vaclav Blazek and Gabor Takacs, as well as, naturally, those included in SED II) represent terms that can be labeled Proto-Afrasian and refer to species which may be relevant for addressing the problem of the PAA habitat from the point of view of both biocenosis and food acquisition (hunting, fishing, and domestication of animals).

The animal section which is by far the largest (some fifty items), the most economically vital for the Epipaleolithic man of Southwest Asian and North African areas, and one of the most essential for dealing with the issue of the original homeland, consists of PAA names of ungulates (bovids, camels, equids), conventionally labeled as "largest herbivores".

Below we present the complete list3 of reconstructed forms4 on various levels, together with their reflexes in individual languages.

1. Bovids and pigs

1.1a. *?ar(a)w/y-'k. of larger bovid'

3 Regrettably, we did not have time to include data from the forthcoming Issue VI (Labials) of the Chadic Lexical Database by Olga Stolbova.

4 It must be stressed that, since historical vocalism in Afrasian (and even Semitic) comparative linguistics is still a weak point, our reconstruction of specific vowels in roots and stems on all levels is in many cases tentative and sometimes rather arbitrary.

Sem. *?i/arw-/*?awr- 'calf, bull': Akk. (OAkk. on) arwû, armû, etc. 'gazelle' [Gazella sp.]5ll Syr. ?arw-an-a 'vitulus, vitula' I Gur. *?ar- 'cows': Ez., Gt. aray, etc.6

(?) Egyp. (MK) ir.t 'calf', (Dem.) iry.t 'milking cow' (if < *?Vr- not *?Vl-).

Chad. *?arw- 'k. of bovid' [Tragelaphus?]: C. *?arw-: Baldiu érèw-è 'antelope sp.' ll E. *?ar-: Migama ?ar-o 'duiker' [Tragelaphus sp.].

Cush. *?araw- 'male of large ungulates': N. *-rayVw- (*? > 0 in Beja): Beja o-reo 'bull, steer' (o- is a masc. article) ll E. *?awar- (met.) 'bull': SA: Saho awr, Afar awur 'bull' I LEC: Somali awr 'he-camel', Rendille or 'he-camel, bull', Boni oor 'male elephant' [L. africana], Oromo oor-oo 'burden camel', Bayso aar, Arbore ?aar, Dasenech ar 'bull' I HEC *?aray-: Burji array, ar?ay 'bull', a?re 'calf' I Yaaku erer 'antelope sp.' ll S. *?arw-: Ma'a aro 'large herbivore' I Dahalo ?aaroole (with -l root extention?) 'eland' [Taurotragus sp.].7

► Cf. SED II No.16; Blazek 2003b: 236, 269; Mil. 2009; AADB 2476.

1.1b.*?ar(a)w/y- 'k. of lesser bovid'

Sem. *?arwiy- 'ibex' [Capra ibex]: Sab. ?rwy-n pl. '(female) mountain goat, ibex (?)' [Capra ibex] I Arab. ?urw-iyy-at- 'chèvre de montagne' [C. ibex] ll MSA: Mhr. ?ar-it 'goat', Jib. ?dru 'she-goat' (Na-kano 1986), Mhr. ha-raw-n, Hrs. he-weru-n (met.), Jib. ?eru-n 'goats', Soq. ?ére-hon 'moutons, chèvres'.8

Berb.-Can.: Tenerife ara 'goat'.

Chad. *?awr- (met.) 'small cattle': W. *(?a-)war-: Hausa ara-ara (-w- lost in a reduplicated form?) 'type of long-legged ram, goat, sheep', Montol, Ankwe, Gerka ur, Kulere wàr 'he-goat' ll E. *?awr-: Lele or-e 'goats'.

Cush. *?aray- 'k. of lesser bovid':9 E. *?aray-: SA *?Vray-: Afar eray-taa 'goat' I LEC *?ar-: Somali ari, eri 'pecore e capre', Bayso arer 'antelope sp.' I HEC *?aray-: Burji aray 'sheep' I Yaaku erer 'antelope sp.' ll S. *?ary-: Iraqw ari 'goat', pl. ar-a, Alagwa, Burunge ar-a (pl.) 'goats' I Qwadza ali-to (-l- < *-r-) 'goat'.

► Cf. SED II No. 18; AADB 2447.

1.2. *?ayl- 'k. of lesser bovid'

Sem. *?ayil- 'ibex [Capra ibex]': (?) Akk. al-u (el-u) 'a fine breed of sheep' (reading arguable) ll Ugr. ?al, ?il 'ram of superior quality' I Hbr. ?ayil 'ram' I ESA: Sab. ?yl 'mountain goat, ibex' [C. ibex], Min. ?yl 'bélier, bouquetin' [C. ibex] I Arab. ?iyyal-, ?uyyal- 'bouquetin, bouc de montagnes' [C. ibex].10

5 Presumable scientific zoological meanings are quoted in square brackets.

6 Also Tgr. ?3rw-ät (with f. suff. -ät) 'female elephant' [Loxodonta africana] quoted in SED II No. 17 *?arway-'wild beast; lion'. For discussion on Gz. ?arwe 'animal, wild animal, beast' with debatable etymological connections, see SED II: 27 (No. 18); on Amh. awra 'male (animal), bull' and its probable areal connections with E. Cush. *?aw(a)r- 'bull' with uncertain direction of borrowing, see SED II: 23 (No. 16). Cf. also Tgr. wuhar 'bull'.

7 Omot. N.: Oyda arr 'cow' is isolated, likely from E. Cush.

8 Cf. Sem. *?arn- (likely related with a fossilized -n) 'k. of antelope or mountain goat': (?) Akk. (MB on) arm-u 'buck of gazelle or mountain goat' (*-n- > -m- influenced by armü?); Aram.: Off. ?rn 'ram (?)', Syr. ?arn-ä 'caper montanus' [C. ibex]; Arab. ?irän- 'oryx male' [Oryx sp.] (otherwise < *?araw-); Gz. ?orn-ä 'kind of antelope', Gur.: Gog., Muh., arrann-ä 'ram, small male sheep'. Probably related with Proto-Berb. *a-nHir (< *-nV?ir, met. < *?Vrin < *?Vry-Vn also with a fossilized -n?): Semlal amr 'antilope', Zenaga e-na?rh 'gazelle-Dama' [Nangerdama], Ghat inir, Ahaggar enir, Tadghaq ti-nhir-t 'antilope mohor' [N. dama].

9 Omot. N.: Koyra aar-e 'flock of sheep', Male war-i 'goat' are isolated terms, likely lws. from E. Cush.

10 Tna. ?il-ä 'kind of ram (from the Western Lowlands)' isolated in Eth. is probably a Beja lw.; Jib. ayyol 'Steinbock' [Capra ibex] (Bittner 1917: 29, not in JJ) is probably an Arabism. Cf. also Proto-Sem. *?ayyal- Cervus elaphus' (SED II No. 25), similar to PIE *hjel- 'deer': Akk. ayal-u 'stag, deer', Ugr. ?ayl 'deer', Phoen. ?yl 'stag' [Cervus

Berb. *ti-halay (< *-?ayal, met.?) 'sheep': Nefusa t-ili I Zenaga t-iji I Ahaggar té-helé, Ghat ci-hali, Ayr t-ele, E. Wlm. te-hdle, etc.11

Cush. *?ayl-'k. of antelope (Litocranius, Tragelaphus, Alcelaphus): N. *?all-i: Beja all-i, pl. ill-i 'long-haired sheep' y E.: SA *?ill-: Saho ill-e, Afar ill-i 'small cattle' I LEC *?el- (< *?il- or *?ayl-): Somali eel-o 'tipo de gazella (antilopegiraffa)' [Litocranius walleri], Arbore ?ell-ém, Elmolo ?él-em 'ram' II S. *?ayl-: Gorowa ele-te-mo 'bushbuck' [Tragelaphus sylvaticus] I Ma'a i?al-é 'ram', i?al-u (met. < *?ayl-?) 'sheep' I Dahalo ?èèl-e 'hartebeest' [Alcelaphus buselaphus].

▲ Egyp. (NE) îy? (if < *?Vyl-) 'Widder' (presumably > Copt.: Sahidic oeile, Bohairic wili 'bélier') is most probably a lw. from Hbr. ?ayil 'ram'.

► Cf. SED II No. 24; Mil. 2009; AADB 2466.

1.3. *îajVw- 'k. of lesser bovid'

Sem. *îayp(V)w- 'foal, kid': Arab.îajw-, îijw-, îujw- 'ânon', îijw-at-, îujw-at- 'petit d'âne femelle' y Soq. îeyjij (part. redupl.) 'kid'.

Chad. *HajVw- 'goat': W. *HVj-Vm-: Ankwe jum 'he-goat', Tangale amj-o (met.?) 'ram', Tsagu uj-è 'goat' y C. *HajVw-: Hwona wujï-ra 'she-goat', Logone uju, Kotoko huju, Mesme ajou 'goat'.

Cush. S. *îajaw- 'goat': Qwadza ujw-anko 'goats' I Ma'a aja 'goat'.

▲ The Chad. and S. Cush. forms testify to AA *j-; Sem. *p (> Arab. and MSA j) may originate from both AA *p and *j.12 Cf. Canar.: Gomera tuja (< t-uja?) 'oveja'.

► Cf. SED II No. 49; Mil. 2009; AADB 2472.

1.4a. *îi(n)j- and *?i(n)y 'k. of smaller bovid'

Sem. *îa/inz- and *?Vy 'she-goat': Akk. (OB on) enz-u (ezz-u, inz-u, azz-atu) 'she-goat, goat (gen. term)' y Ugr., Phoen. îz I Hbr. îëz I Aram.: Off. înz, îz 'goat', Bibl. îizz-ïn (pl.) 'id.', Syr. îezz- 'capra', etc. I Sab. înz 'goats' (coll.) I Arab. îanz(-at)- 'chèvre' y MSA *?oz: Mhr. woz, Jib. ?oz 'she-goat', Soq. ?oz 'chèvre, mouton'.

(?) Chad. W. *Haz-an-: Bokkos ?azan 'ram'.

Cush. *îi3- and*?i3- 'k. of lesser bovid (Aepyceros melampus, etc.)': E. *îi3- and*?i3-: SA *îid and *?id-: Saho îid-oo (acc. to Conti Rossini 1913), ayd-o (acc. to Reinisch 1890), Afar ayd-a 'sheep' I LEC *?iy: Somali id-o, Rendille iiy(-e) 'flock of sheep', Arbore ?izz-e'gazelle', Elmolo ?éd-i 'goat' y (?) S. *?and-: Asa ?and-o 'impala; female impala' [Aepyceros melampus].13

▲Cf. Sum. ùz 'goat, she-goat' (EDS #2887) and é.ze 'sheep' (EDS #723).

► Cf. SED II No. 35; AADB 2471.

1.4b. *ma-îi(n)j- 'k. of bovid'

Sem. *maîiz- or *miîaz- 'goat': Aram.: Jud. mëîazz-ë, mëîazz-ayâ, mdîizz-ë, mdîizz-ayyâ 'goats'14 I ESA: Minean mîz-y (du.) 'chèvre'I Arab. miîaz-, maîïz- 'chèvre ou bouc'.

(?) Egyp. (Coffin texts) myz-t 'horned animal (?)'15.

elaphus], Hbr. ?ayyal 'fallow deer' [Damadama]; Aram.: Off. ?yl 'deer, stag', etc.; Arab. ?iyyal-, ?uyyal- 'cerf' [C. elaphus].

11 Cf. Ahaggar élahei 'mouton à laine': met.?

12 Cf. what is perhaps a variant root with *p-: Sem. ESA: Min. jyî 'chevreau', Arab. /aî/aî- id. (the meaning of both terms is questionable); Egyp. (20 Dyn.) îpwy (met.) 'name of a holy ram' [Ammotragus lervia]; Cush. E.: Dullay: Gawwata peeî-atte, Gobeze piîa-ce 'she-goat' (< *p/biî-).

13 Acc. to Ehret 1980: 333, *î > Asa ?, *j (?) >*dy > Asa nd; acc. to Takacs 2011, *î > Asa ?, but *j > Asa j.

14 Oddly translated in some Aram. dictionaries as 'from goats, goats-hair, horn, etc.'.

15 Note lack of -î- vs. the Sem. forms.

Chad. *maHa(n)z- 'k. of bovid (Tragelaphus, Kobus); male-goat': W.*maHaz-: Hausa màaz-o 'harnessed antelope' [Tragelaphus scriptus], Mburku maaz-u 'antelope sp.', Bade mâz-àrén (compound?) 'Ziegenbock' II C.*ma/u(n)z-: Fali-Bwagira munza-hwun 'male goat', Logone mâz-a 'Antilopa hamariya' [Kobus kob],16 Matakam muz-àk 'he-goat' II E.: Barein muz-o 'ox'.

(?) Cush.: S.: Dahalo mâîad-e 'female topi' [Damaliscus lunatus].17

Omot. N. *miHi(n)z- 'cow, bull': Wolaita mizz-a, Gofa miz-a, minj-o, Zala mizz-a 'cow', mïz-a 'livestock, cattle', Dorze miiz, Koyra miz-a 'ox', Chara miy-a, Yemsa miy-a, mij-à 'cow', Kafa minj-o 'cattle', Bworo mii(n)z-à 'cow, cattle', Dizi (Sheko) mïnj-o or mïnz-a.18

▲Looks like a unique case of derivation with the prefix m- from *îi(n)y 'k. of smaller bovid' (1.4a.) as early as the PAA level. With all the problems in each of the proposed roots and/or their relationship, a rather rare combination of the radicals *f and makes chance coincidence unlikely.

► SED II No. 148; EDE III 156-7; 796; AADB 2695.

1.5. *ba/i?- ~ *ba?ba?- 'k. of lesser bovid (Tragelaphus silvaticus?)'

Sem. *bib(b)- (redupl.) Ovis orientalis, Tragelaphus sp.': Akk. (SB) bibb-u 'wild sheep' [Ovis orientalis] II Tgr. bub-a 'koodoo (antelope)' [Tragelaphus sp.].

Chad. W. *baw? - and *ba?b(a?)- (redupl.) 'bushbuck (Tragelaphus sylvaticus)': Sura pàab 'gazelle', Angas bwop 'he-goat', Bolewa bob-oki, Karekare bàw-i, Dera bow-o, Tangale bob-o, Bele bdb-d, Kirfi bd??-d, Gera bobb-i, Galambu bùb-à 'duiker' [Tragelaphus sylvaticus].

Cush. S. *ba?- and *ba?ba?- (redupl.): Iraqw buubuu-ti (*-a- > -u- influenced by b?) 'gazelle sp. (large and gentle)' I Qwadza ba?-uko 'bush duiker' [T. sylvaticus] I Dahalo bâba?-ââni 'bushbuck' [T. sylvaticus].

► SED II No. 54; cf. HSED #278.

1.6. *balay/w- 'k. of lesser bovid'

Sem. *w/yabil- (met.) 'ram': Phoen. ybl, Hbr. yôbël I Aram.: Dem. ?ybl, Jud. yübdlä-'ram' I Arab. wabil-at- 'petits chameaux ou agneaux; petits d'un troupeau composé de chameaux ou de moutons'.19

Egyp. (OK, MK) îb?w (very likely < *?VbVl- or *yVbVl-, met.) 'Mähnenschaf (Ovis tragelaphus)' [Ammotragus lervia].

Berb. N. *ballVy 'sheep, ram': Gurara, Tuat, Tidikelt belli (pl.)20

Chad. *(m-)bil- and *balaw/y- 'small cattle': W. *m-bil-: Geji mbil-a 'sheep' II C. *bVlaw-: Matakam bélâw 'race de mouton sp.' II E.*balVy: Lele bulobulo (redupl.) 'he-goat', Kabalai bâl, Mi-gama boliy-d, Sokoro bal 'goat'.

16 Cf. also Gudur marjgazaw (< *man?az-?) 'reedbuck' [Redunca sp.], Gisiga mazawal 'male goat'.

iНе можете найти то, что вам нужно? Попробуйте сервис подбора литературы.

17 d is considered to continue only *d, but a few other cases of Dahalo d < *j/*3 including the present reflex in the triconsonantal root do not seem haphazard; an alternative comparison can be mojo (modjo) 'sp. large antilope' commented in EDE III 158: "cannot belong here, being a late loan-word from SNil. (as suggested by EEN)", which in the light of the AA parallels can be, on the contrary, a lw. from Dahalo.

18 Acc. to EDE III 157, «There seems to be a great confusion in the handling of the reflexes of NOm, *miz-"Rind"...and NOm. *minf cattle"... usually mentioned together in Omotic etymologies...» The alternative approach suggested (ibid.): «NOm. *minj "cattle" (palatalized from *ming-?) is fairly close to ES: Amh. manga, Gaf. manga 'flock, herd'» is hardly possible as the Omot. languages in question do not show palatalization of the velars (*g and *k) while the alleged source Eth. terms show g-, not j-.

19 Cf. also Akk. bulu 'herd of cattle, sheep or horses; wild animals (gen.)' (unless from Sem. *bawl- 'mind, spirit, living creatures').

20 Infantile words: acc. to EDE II 24, "therefore cannot be considered" which is a debatable statement.

Cush. *(?a-m-)bVl- 'k. of bovid' (Tragelaphus sylvaticus, etc.): E. *(?am-)bul-: LEC *bulal-(redupl.): Oromo bulal-ë 'Lamm' I HEC *?am-bul-: Hadiya ambul-a 'ram', Kambatta ambul-a 'ram, goat' II S. *(?a)m-bal-: Ma'a mbal-a 'Buschbock' [Tragelaphus sylvaticus].

▲ Chad. *m- and Cush *?a-m- are fossilized nominal prefixes or "root-extensions" (see Militarev 2005).21

► Cf. HSED No. 2570; SED II No. 245; Mil. 2009; AADB 2484; EDE II 23-24.

1.7. *baray- ~ *bayar- 'k. of lesser bovid'

Sem. *bayr-'bull, ox':22 Akk. (OB on) bur-u (pur-u) 'young calf', (MB on) bïr-u 'bull (for breeding); young cattle (up to three years)' y Mand. bir-a 'domestic cattle', bar-a 'lamb' I Arab. (Yem.) bar-ah 'cow' I Tgr. bar-a 'ox' I Amh. bare (< *baray) I Har. bar-a 'ox, bull' I Gur. *bawr-'ox (for farming)': Cha., Eza, Muh., Msq., Gog., Sod. bor-a, Gye. bawr-a, End. bawr-a, Enn. bawdr-a 'ox (for farming)'.

Egyp. (OK) b? 'heiliger Bock (Ovis longipes palaeo aegyptiacus)' [Ammotragus lervia] I Copt.: Fayumic barit, Boheiric barhit 'bouc' (-h- is not clear).23

Berb. S. *-baray [Addax sp.]: Ahaggar e-berey 'faon d'antilope adax' [Addax nasomaculatus], Ayr, E. Wlm. e-baray 'faon d'oryx/adax' [Oryx sp./ Addax sp.], W. Wlm. (Kel-Ataram) bdrway-a 'ram'.24

Chad. *baray/w- and *babar- (redupl.) 'k. of bovid (Hippotragus, Cephalophus, etc.): W. *baray/w- and *(ba)bar-: Hausa bàrééw-aa, pl. bàrèey-ii 'gazelle', Gera bar-a 'buffalo' [Syncerus caj-jer], Pa'a bàbar 'roan antelope' [Hippotragus equinus], Siri babar-i 'gazella dama' [Nangerdama], Tsagu bur-âmdn 'gazelle', Polchi mbèr-àn 'antelope', Zul bar-nami25 'roan antelope' [H. equinus], 'buffalo' [S. cajjer] y C. *bV?/wr-: Masa bo?or-a 'k. of gazelle', Banana bbor26 'cephalophe de Grime' [Cephalophus sp.] y E. *ma-bur-: Lele mbur 'cobe onctueux (Cobe Defassa)' [Dejassa waterbuck], Kwang mâbar-â 'duiker' [Tragelaphus sp.].

Cush. *bayr- (met.) 'k. of bovid (Oreotragus, Oryx etc.)':27 LEC *bayr-: Somali bayr 'Antilope oder Oreotragus saltator, Klippspringer' [Oreotragus oreotragus] (Reinisch 1902), barar (pl.) 'lambs' y S.*ba?/wr-: Burunge ba?ur-u 'oryx' [Oryx sp.].28

21 There are also two phonetically tricky terms: Berb. E.: Ghadames ta-bali, Audjila te-bel 'sheep' which can originate either from *baHl- or from *Hawl- and Chad. C.: Boka bwdl-d 'goat' where the voiced implosive is expected to originate from the combination *b(V)H-; while no other AA zoonym conforms to such parameters, these forms may be reserved as Berb.-Chad. *bVHl-. Cf. similar terms in non-Afras. African languages: C. Sud.: PMoru-Madi *bilo 'sheep', Bagirmi bal 'ram'; Ful mbala, mbal-u, bali 'sheep'; W. Atlantic: Serer mbal, Mende, Kpele bala id.; Masai em-balelo 'lamb'. Cf. also Chad. W.: *baHil-(Vm-) 'horn': Montol bulu, Bolewa boolum, Galambu bàli, Maha belem, etc.; C. *ti-m-bil-: Bura ti-mbil, Chibak td-mbdld 'horn' and Omot. S. *bal-: Dime bal-tu, Galila baal-i 'horn'.

22 Cf. also Proto-Sem. *baîïr- 'household animal; beast of burden' probably derived from *bayr- with a secondary -î-: Ammonite bîr 'ox (beast of burden)', Hbr. bdîïr 'livestock, cattle'; Syr. bdîïr- 'brutum, jumentum'; ESA: Sab.bîr 'cattle, head of cattle; camel', Min. bîr 'chameau, tête de gros bétail'; Arab. baîïr- 'chameau; toute bête de charge'; Gz. bdîdr, bdî(d)râ, bdî(d)rây, bdî(d)râwi 'ox, bull, horned cattle', etc. and Muh. bare 'calves'.

23 -r- in Fauymic points to *-r- rather than *-l-, though, acc. to EDE II, 23, it is "most probably, < *bl".

24 Cf. also Ghadames âbbur 'agneau' (Motylinski 1904: 99), not in Lanfry 1973.

25 nami 'meat'.

26 It is not clear if bb can convey b.

27 Also in N.: Beja be?rây 'bull, cow'; C. *bir- 'ox, bull': Bilin, Khamir, Kemant bir-a, etc., E.: Afar baîer-a and Saho beîer which must all be lws. from N. Eth. *bdîray 'bull, ox' (it is not so evident with Afar abur 'bull, ox'), HEC *baHor- 'young bull' (Sidamo boor-to, Hadiya baara, Kambatta boora) as well as N. Omot. Wolayta, Zala, Gofu, Kullo, Dache, Zaysse, Chara bora 'ox', Gamu bora 'not castrated bull', Kafa bariy-o 'calf', Mocha bariyo 'steer', Bworo bero, Dizi (Sheko) bariyo 'bull' are more likely lws. from Amh. bare 'ox, bull'.

► Cf. AADB 2498, 2487; HSED Nos. 183, 217, 341; ND 225a; EDE II: 24-25, 53 notes, 54-55; Blazek 2003b: 231, 238; SED II No. 53; Mil. 2009; CED #22.

1.8. *cawi?- 'k. of bovid'

Sem. *sawa?- 'sheep': Akk. (OB on) su?u (su) 'sheep', (OB) suatu 'ewe'29 II Ugr. s 'ram, sheep' I Phoen s 'sheep, one of a flock', Hbr. sä 'small livestock beast'30 I Sab. s2h 'sheep' I Arab. sa?- 'brebis', sat- 'brebis, mouton, espèce ovine; buffle (mâle)'.

(?) Egyp. (MK) sw 'ass' (with a meaning shift?). 31

Chad. *sa-32 'cow; meat' (with a meaning shift): W. *sa: Hausa sâ-nu, sâ-nàyee (pl.) 'ox' I Jimi, Polchi sâa I Dwot, Buli, Zul, Ngizim sâa, etc. 'cow' II C. *sa 'cow': Bura, Margi, Gisiga sa, etc. I E. *sVwi: Kera si 'cow', Dormo, Nanchere, Kabalai sï 'ox', Ndam swi 'zebu cow', etc.33

Omot. N. *sa?- ~ *?ays- (met.) 'goat': Bworo eyss-a, Mao (Hozo) saa, (Ganza) sa?-a, Dizi es-ku.34

► Cf. SED II No. 217; Mil. 2009; CED #831; AADB 229; HSED No. 517.

1.9a. *ca?iw- 'k. of lesser bovid'

Sem. *ta?iw-: Ugr. t?-at (t?-ut) 'sheep' I Aram.: Anc. s?-t, s?w-n, Sam. s?-h 'sheep, ewe', Mand. ta-ta 'lamb, ewe, sheep' I Arab. ta?w-at- 'brebis maigre ou vielle' II Mehri tiw-ït, Hrs. tï-t, Jib. tï-t 'sheep', Soq. té?-e 'mouton, chèvre'.

Chad. *cVw- and *wVc- (met.) 'small cattle':35 W.: Kirfi wüc-i 'sheep' II E. *cVw-: Kwang cuw 'he-goat'.36

(?) Cush. E.: LEC: *cawV?- (met.) 'meat': Somali so?, Oromo fo-oni, Baiso so?-o, Konso sow-a,

etc.37

Omot. *?ac- ~ *ca(?)-: N. *?ac- (met.) 'meat, flesh': Koyra ?acc-o, Zaysse ?ac-o, Ganjule ?ac-o, Kachama ?ac-o (the emphatic c is notjustified - perhaps a record slip), Chara acc-aa, Gimirra ?ac I S. *ca(?)-: Ongota ca-ta 'meat'.

► Cf. SED II No. 236; Mil. 2009; AADB 2652.

1.9b. *cawir- 'male large bovid or herbivore'

Sem. *tawr- 'Alcelaphus buselaphus; bull, ox': Akk. sur-u 'bull (poet.)' II Ugr. tr 'bull' I Hbr. sör 'one single beast, bovid' I Aram.: Sam'al swr-h 'cow', Bibl. tor 'ox, bull', Syr. tawr-a 'bull', Mand. taur-a 'bull, ox' I Sab. twr, tr 'bull', Qat. twr 'steer, bull', Min. twr 'bull' I Arab. tawr-'taureau' and 'antelope bubalis' [Alcelaphus buselaphus] (cf. Blazek 2003a: 8) I Gz. sor, sor 'ox, bull', sawar 'fat ox' I Tgr. sor 'ox' I Mhr. tawr I Hrs. tawer 'bull'.

28 Cf. also Cush. E.: HEC *hVbVr-: Qabenna habur-cu 'goat', Burji ibar-i 'nanny goat'.

29 Otherwise < *ca?Vw-.

30 Jud. seta 'ewe', se 'lamb' and Sam. sh 'sheep' are most likely Hebraisms.

31 Cf. also s?y 'pig, sow', if ? is not < r or l.

32 Perhaps *sa2- in view of such forms as saa.

33 In some of the languages, certain presumably related terms for 'cow' (not quoted here) show a voiced reflex (^), which Stolbova (CED #831) treats as originating "most probably. from nh, <PCh *ni (note n- as a pref. of sg.)" (see in more detail in *sa?- 'k. of bovid, herd'). Though in CED and other recent works by Stolbova, in accordance with most common usage in present-day Chadic studies, i and , are used instead of s (< AA *c) and z (< AA *s) accordingly, we continue here to follow the customary latter Afrasian notation. Cf. also the derivative *s(y)Vw- 'meat' (ibid.)

34 Omotic reflexes of AA sibilants/sibilant affricates are not quite clear yet.

35 Cf. W. *cic-: Kariya cici, Gera caca 'goat', Warji ?ci?ca-na, Kariya cici 'he-goat'. Acc. to Stolbova's observation, only Kariya cici belongs here, while the other forms are < *?akwi.

36 Canarian (all islands) chivato, chiva 'kid' seems more likely < Spanish chibo.

37 s can continue AA *s- and *c, while Oromo f- in foon-i, if it belongs here, points to *c.

Egyp. (OK) s? 'taurillion' (if < *cVr-) or (OK) ss?w (if < *cVrw-) 'antelope bubalis' [Alcelaphus buselaphus].38

Chad. *ciwar- (met.) 'ox; elephant': W.: (?) Dera wôr-é 'ox'39 II C. *ciwar-: Bura ciwar, Chibak isiwar, Kilba cuwar, Nzangi cuwar-e, Kobochi cuâr-é_'elephant' [Loxodonta africana].40

Cush. *cawir- 'bull; hippopotamus, waterbuck': N. *sawsawr- (redupl.): Beja sosar-i 'cattle' II E.: LEC: Boni ser 'hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius] I S. *cawr-: (?) Alagwa cawr-u 'waterbuck' [Kobus ellipsiprymnus]41 I Ma'a cur-u 'bull'.

Omot. N. *sawr-: Kachama sor-o 'rhinoceros' [Dicerasbicornis].

▲This root is likely to have originated from #1.9a. *ca?iw- 'k. of lesser bovid' with suffixed *-r42 and loss of ? accompanied by an expected deletion of *-?- to size up to a triconsonantal root. The present reconstruction tilts the argument of Sem. *tawr- vs. IE *tauros towards the lat-ter's being borrowed from Sem.

► Cf. SED II No. 241; AADB 2525; Blazek 1994: 200 and Blazek 2003a.

1.10. *(?a-)dury- 'k. of bovid'

Sem. *(?a-)dury-: Akk. dudrü 'sorte de mouton' (redupl.) II Arab. diry-an-at- 'espèce de taureau pourvu d'une bosse' I Tgr. (pl.) ?addari-t 'dwarf-antelope' [Neotragini sp.].

(?) Egyp. (OK) îdr 'Herde (von Vieh und Geflügel)'.

Berb. S. *-dVray- 'oryx' [Oryx sp.]: Ahaggar, Ayr, E.Wlm. e-ddri, pl. i-dara-n.

Chad. *(?an-)dVry- 'Damaliscus sp. etc.; small cattle': W.*(?an-)dur-: Hausa dari 'hartebeest' [Damaliscus lunatus], Guruntum dor-o, door-o 'goat', Bokkos ?an-dûr, Sha n-dur 'ram', etc. II C.*?u-dVr-: Musgu u-deri II E. *dar-: Dangla dar-o 'gazelle sp.'

Cush. (?a-)dury- 'Tragelaphus sp., etc.': E.: SA *wadar- (met.): Afar wadar 'Ziegen, Kleinvieh' I LEC *?a-dVry-: Somali a-deri-o 'male kudu antelope' [Tragelaphus sp.] II S. *(da)dury-: Burunge dor-o 'zebra' [Hippotigrus sp.] I Dahalo dâdiiri 'Lesser Kudu' [Tragelaphus imberbis].

Omot. *dury- 'sheep': N. *dur-: Koyra, Zaise dor-ö, Basketo, Doko dori, Oida dur-o id., Gimira (She) dor 'ram' II S. *dayr- (met.): Ari der-ti 'sheep', Dime der 'goat'.

▲Cf. Sum. dàr, dàra 'ibex' [Capra ibex] (EDS #439).

► AADB 2482. Cf. Takacs 2011: 73.

1.11. *fa(?)n- 'k. of large bovid'

Sem. *(w/ya-)pan- 'young bull': Ugr. yp-t 'cow' I Arab. yafan- 'jeune taureau âgé de quatre ans', fan-at- 'vache' I Gz. ta-yfan 'young bullock', Tgr. tä-fin 'giovenco, bue non ancora do-mato', Amh. wäyfän (-äy- a diminutive infix?) 'young bullock, calf of 2-3 years', Gur. *wafan 'young bull, steer': Muher, Masqan, Goggot wäfen, Soddo, Wolane m-ofän, etc.

38 Less likely Pyr. ssr 'Schlachtrind', which may be derived from ssr 'Art des Schlachtens'.

39*s, *c > Dera w, acc. to Stolbova 2009: 28; not in CED.

40 Cf. C. *ci/uw- 'elephant' (unless < Chad. *cVwar- with deleted *-r): Bata cue, Bana ciwd, Higi-Nkafa cuwe, Mwulien cuwa, etc. C. Chad. (Bura-Margi group) terms like *cVwVr- 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana] are usually considered by Chadicists to be < *cVwVn-; in Stolbova 2011 #433, the suggested reconstruction *j/cVwVn- is compared with HEC *jana?Vy-; more likely these are two different roots since, acc. to CED: 28-29, reflexes of *c and *j do not overlap, while forms like Bana ciwd are either to be treated as a separate entry (see 1.10a) or point to a deleted *-r rather than *-n in word-final position; acc. to CED 35, the former is generally less stable than the latter. At the same time, in CED: 44, *-n > -r is postulated for C. Chad. groups 2, 3, 5 and 7, but not for group 4 including Nzangi-Kobochi in which, therefore, -r < *-r is regular which makes the whole idea of *cVwVr- < *cVwVn- less likely. Cf. also C.: Khamir siriya 'Antilopensorte'< *cir-?

41 But Burunge cawadu and Asa sodo id. probably point to *cawad- rather than *cawar-.

42 See the hypothesis on *-r presumably conveying the meaning of a "larger dimension/quantity" in Militarev 2005: 49-52.

Chad. C. *fun- 'buffalo' [Syncerus caffer]: Ga'anda u-fan-a, Higi-Dakwa fun-u, Higi-Kamale n-fun, Fali-Kirya n-fu, Banana à-fun-ta, etc.

Cush. S. *fa?an/m- 'k. of large herbivore': Qwadza fa?amo43 'buffalo' [S. caffer], Asa fa?an-ok 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana].44

▲ Cf. Bantu *-_u 'buffalo' [S. caffer].

► SED II No. 250; AADB 2495.

1.12. *(?a-)fir- 'k. of bovid'

Sem. *parir- (redupl.) and *pa?ur-(met.) 'lamb; young of bovid': Akk. parr-u ll Hatra pr-t? 'ewe or sheep', Syr. parr-a, Mand. par-a 'lamb' I Arab. furar-, farur- 'petit de brebisou de chèvre ou de buffle', farïr- 'petit debuffle, de brebis, de chèvre', furfur- (redupl.) 'petit de brebis, agneau ou petit de chèvre, chevreau ou petit d'antilope', (coll.) 'agneaux ou chevreaux', fur- (pl.) 'chamois' [Capra ibex] ll Hbt. fa?oôr 'male calf (from birth to 5 years)'.

Chad. *(?a-)fir- 'k. of larger bovid' [Tragelaphus, Hippotragus, Syncerus]: W. *fir-: Angas fir 'roan antelope' [Hippotragus equinus] ll C. *(?a-)fir-ay-: Hwona ?ufar-a 'duiker' [Tragelaphus sp.], Bura fir, Kilba fur, Margi fur 'buffalo' [Syncerus caffer], Mbara fàrày 'cattle; dot (bride wealth)'.

Cush. E. *?a-fi/ur- 'small cattle': Yaaku apur 'sheep' ll S. *?a-fi/ur- 'he-goat': Asa ?efer-et, ?ofor-ok, Qwadza aful-atu (-l- < *r).

► Cf. HSED No. 1950; SED II No. 181; Mil. 2009; AADB 2494.

1.13a. *guday- 'k. of larger bovid'

Sem. *gaday- 'kid': Ugr. gdy 'kid'45 I Phoen. gd? 'goat', Hbr. gddi 'kid (of goat or sheep)' I Aram.: Anc. gdh 'goat', Syr. gady-a, Mand. gadi-a I Arab. jady- 'kid', jaday-at- 'gazelle; petit de gazelle' [Gazella gazella].

(?) Berb. N. *-gVnd-uz 'bull, calf':46 Rif a-yenduz 'taureau', Snus a-yenduz, Shenwa, Qabyle a-genduz, Sened a-gendus, etc. 'calf'.

Chad. *ga/uday-: W. *ga/ud-'k. of larger bovid': Hausa gàd-aa 'antelope, duiker sp.' [Tragelaphus sp.], Kariya gud-am, Miya gud-dn-zaku, Pa'a gud-an-cdka47 'Western kob' [Kobus sp.], Ngizim gad-ùwà 'duiker' [Tragelaphus sp.] ll C.*gVday-: Zime-Batna gôdày 'buck'.

Cush. *gad- and *gund- 'k. of larger bovid': E. *gad-am-: LEC *gad-am-: Oromo gad-am-sa 'greater kudu' [Tragelaphus strepsiceros],48 Dirayta gad-an-sa, gad-am-sa 'antelope' I HEC *gud-: Sidamo god-a 'deer, gazelle' ll S.*gwand-: Iraqw gwand-a, Alagwa gwand-o 'ram', Burunge gond-i 'old ram'.

Omot. N. *gayd- (met.): Zaisse gaaidd-é 'cattle', gaid-é-endo 'buffalo' [Syncerus caffer].

► SED II No. 76; AADB 2490.

1.13b. *ga/ud- 'wild pig'

Chad. *gad-: W.: Hausa gàd-u 'warthog' [Phacochoerus africanus].49

Omot. N. *gud-in-: Sheko gudin-e, Wolaita gudun-ta, Gamu gudun-ci, Dace gudun-c, Gofa gudun-ca, Kafa gudin-o, Mao kand (k- < *g-; met.) 'pig'.

43 -m < *-n assimilated to f-?

44 E. Cush.: Dullay: Harso wayfan-akko, Gollango woyfanna 'bull' are likely loans from Amh.

45Akk. (NB) gadu 'male kid' likely < W. Sem.

46 It is not clear whether this unusual form could be a metathesis of the compound form *ged-n-uz, -n- being nota genitivi; for uz see *?i(n)j- and *?i(n)j- 'k. of smaller bovid' 1.4a. (not attested in Berber).

47 The two latter forms seem to represent word combinations of gud + nota genitivi -n- (see fn. 45).

48 HEC: Burji gadam-a 'greater kudu' [Tragelaphus strepsiceros] may be a lw. from Oromo.

49 Cf. Bolewa gedd-o, Mangas gindir, Boghom kindi?, Kiir jindar 'fat'; Ngizim gad-bayak 'be fat'.

▲ Cf. Kanuri godu, Tubu gadu, Bantu *-gudu 'pig', *gidi 'warthog' [Ph. africanus].

► Cf. AADB 3758.

1.14a. *gawr- 'k. of bovid'

Sem. *(?a-)gurr-: Akk. (MA) gurr-atu, agurr-atu 'ewe'.50

Egyp. (MK) dr 'calf' (if < *gVr).

Berb. *-gur- 'small cattle':51 Ghadames a-jur 'bouc' (Naït-Zerrad 2002: 859), Zenaga d-grdrh 'bélier'.

iНе можете найти то, что вам нужно? Попробуйте сервис подбора литературы.

Chad. (a) *(?a-)garw/y- 'kind of bovid (Redunca, Oryx, Ourebia, etc.); animal, game': W. *(?a-)gary-: Hausa âgârë 'a big, male red-fronted gazelle' [Eudorcasrufifrons], Tsagu gare 'reedbuck' [Redunca sp.], Mburku gari 'oryx' [Oryx sp.], Ngizim a-gare 'gazelle' II C. (?a-n-)gary-: Logone gari-a, Makeri ingdrii 'antelope', Buduma rgéri 'gazelle' II E. *gVrw-and *gVwVr- (met.): Tumak gdru, Kwang gowor-to 'antelope', Ndam gàrù 'ourebi' [Ourebia ourebi]; (b) *garaw- 'herd of cattle': W. *gar(V)w-: Hausa gâr-keî 'a herd, flock', Bolewa gaarùw-à 'pack ox', Karekare gaarùw-à 'bull', Tangale kâarw-a 'cattle' II C. *garaw/y-: Bana gàréw-à 'troupeau de bœufs', Gude gérâ-m 'herd of cattle', mà-gérâ 'shepherd, watchman', Musgu gari, gâri 'Stier, Laststier', Mandara gari 'bull', Hursa goragor-a(redupl.), Uzam gwar-a, Matakam r/-gwur 'ram' II E. *garaw-: Bidiya gaaruw-o 'animal', Migama gâarâw 'bête, bétail'; (c) C. *gwar- and *gwargwar- (redupl.) 'ram': Ouldem gwàr-à, Mbuko gwàrgwâr-â, Merey gwaràgwàr-a, Muyang gwdrdgwdr-à, Mada gurgwar-a II E. *gagar- (redupl.) 'small cattle': Sokoro gaâger-o 'Schaf', Mawa gagar 'mouton', Mubi wegr-i (met.) 'chèvre'.

Cush. *garaw- and *gwira?- (met.) 'k. of larger bovid (Taurotragus, Alcelaphus, etc.): N. *garuw-: Beja garuw-a 'male antelope; eland' [Taurotragus sp.] II C. *gar- 'calf': Bilin, Qwara, Kemant gär, Aungi gara II E.: HEC *gur(r)-: Sidamo gur-um?-icco 'gazelle', garr-anco 'Agazen antelope' [T. buxtoni] II S. *gwara?-: Iraqw gwara?-ai 'Hartebeest' [Alcelaphus caama], Burunge gera?-i 'Grant's gazelle' [Nangergranti].

Omot. N. *gaHar-: Wolayta, Dawro gaar-aa 'antelope dekula' [Tragelaphus decula].52

► AADB 2485, 3386, 4152; cf. CED #234, 235, 238; cf. SED II No. 85.

1.14b. *gur- 'wild pig'

Chad. E. *gawr- or *gur-: Jegu gor-or 'Wildschwein', Bidiya gör-inya 'warthog', gerwa (met.) 'Wildschwein', W. Dangla bô-gôr53 'pig doe' (Skinner 1994).

Cush. C. *gVr-m- 'pig': Aungi gdrm-i, Kunfäl gerim-i (Appleyard 2006: 110).

Omot. N. *gur-it- 'pig': Anfillo gur-ico, Bworo gur-iccà.

► AADB 2683.

1.15. *yawj- 'k. of smaller bovid'

Sem. *yuzâl- 'gazelle' [Gazella gazella]: Akk. huzal-u, uzal-u 'young gazelle' II Aram.: Jud. îwzl, Syr. îuzayl-a''antilope; hinnuleus'54 I Arab. yazal- 'petit de gazelle; gazelle (mâle)'.55

50 Cf. Sab grh 'domesticated animals' (Biella 1982: 76; not in Beeston et al. 1982), Tna. gahret (-h- is non-etymological) 'doe antelope'. Cf. Gz. garha 'tame, break a horse, mule'. Tgr. garwa 'kudu (antelope)' [Tragelaphus sp.] is likely a lw. from Beja.

51 Cf. also Ahaggar a-gûr, E. Wlm. a-gur 'animal castré', Adghaq a-jorh 'castrat (caprin)' (Naït-Zerrad 2002: 878).

52 Lws. from Sidamo?

53 Acc. to CED #234, b- is a prefix in E. Chad.

54 Cf. îwzl? 'porcus'.

55 Cf. Gz. kazal, Tna. kajal 'kind of antelope' (< Arab., acc. to Leslau 1987: 457) and Chad. C.: Bura kajal 'antilope sp.', Fali-Bwagira kajaran 'gazelle'. A variant root?

Berb. *zulay (met. < *yuzal) 'buck': Nefusa zalay 'bélier', Sokna zalay 'grand chevereau', Siwa zalaq, Ghat a-zulay, Ahaggar a-hûlay, Ayr d-zolay 'bouc', etc.

Chad. (no single form reconstructable): W.: Hausa ganjar56 ll C.: Gudur maq-gazaw 'Re-dunca (reedbuck)' [Redunca sp.]57

Cush. C. *?a-gaz-in- 'agazen antelope' [Tragelaphus buxtoni]: Qemant agazen, Aungi agazien-i.

▲Most likely, the root *yawj- was joined with the suffix -al- (later fossilized) at the NAA level, forming Sem. *yuzal-, while the P.Berb. form underwent metathesis.

► Cf. AADB 2634; SED II No. 92.

1.16. *hawr- 'k. of larger bovid'

Sem. *haw(a)r- 'bull, cow': ESA: Sab. hwr-y, Hdr. hwr, Min. hwr (probably) 'cow' I Arab. hawar- 'taureau' (see SED II No. 106).58

Berb. *-Hayr-'calf': Shilh irey (met.) 'veau', Ayr, E. Wlm. e-hdr-i, pl. i-har-an 'jeune bœuf de 2 à 3 ans'.

(?) Chad. *har -: E. *har-: Somrai har-a 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana].59

Cush. E. *hawr-: LEC *hawr-: Oromo hor-ii 'cattle', Konso hor-eeta 'wealth, livestock'60 I HEC *hur-: Burji hur-i 'buffalo' [Syncerus caffer].61

► AADB 4120, 380; cf. Stolbova 2019 #224.

1.17. *kwayr- 'young (small) bovid'

Sem. *ka/irr-'small cattle': Akk. (OAkk) kirr-u (or girr-u) 'a breed of sheep' ll Ugr. kr 'ram' I Hbr. kar '(young) ram' I Aram.: Off. kr 'sheep' (not quite reliable).62

Berb.*karw and *-krar (redupl.) 'young small cattle': Nefusa a-krar'billy-goat', Semlal i-kru 'chevreau', an-kkur, pl. in-ukr-an'bouc', Rif i-karr-i, Qabyle i-kdrr-i 'ram', Ghat a-karw-at 'lamb', Ahaggar ê-krer, pl. a-krâr-en 'bélier', a-kerw-ât, pl. i-kerw-âten 'agneau', etc.

Chad. *kwar- 'lesser bovid (Redunca, etc.); small cattle': W. *kwa/ir-: Kofyar koor 'castrated goat', Angas kwer, Dira kur-e 'reedbuck' [Redunca sp.],63 Gera kwar-à- 'goat',64 Jimbin kwar-iya, Mburku kwaar-i 'meat, animal', Zaar kar-ô 'sheep', Wangday kér-ô 'ram', Kulere kîry-êt 'wild animal; meat' ll C. *kwarkwar- (redupl.): Ouldem kwàkwàr 'taureau' ll E. *ku/ar-: Kera kurki 'taureau', Tobanga (N. Gabri) kar-aq 'goat'.

Cush. E. *kawr- 'goat': LEC: Arbore kaar-iy 'heifer goat', kor-at 'male goat' I Dullay *kawr-: Dobase kor-en-te 'female goat' I Yaaku kurum-a 'young goat; lamb'.

► Cf. HSED No.1432; SED II No. 118; Mil. 2009; Stolbova 2011 #286; AADB 2491.

56 Diri, Jimbin ganjar can be lws. from Hausa; cf. also Kanuri nganjar which may be the source of the Hausa term or, on the contrary, borrowed from it.

57 Musgu salak/g 'gazelle' is a lw. from Berb.?

58 Cf. also Gz. harawaya 'pig, wild boar', Tgr. harawya 'boar', Har. hariyya, Amh. araya 'wild pig', Selti iraya 'pig', Gur. *haraya 'porcupine'. Cush. N. *haraw-: Beja harawya; E.: SA *ha(w)r-: Afar horay, Saho hara 'wild boar' seem to be lws. from Eth. or vice versa.

59 In CED #361, united with C.: Chibak hla 'Stier', Kilba ha-hal-di 'bull', Musgu haluu, hollu, Mbara hùluù "buffalo', where -l- may continue both *r and *l.

60 Cf. Dirayta hor 'multiply (of domestic animals)'.

61 Omot. N.: Malo hari, Oyda (h)arr 'cattle' are from Oromo.

62 Cf. *kÇ")arm-, probably related, with the suffix -m: Amh. kurm-a 'bull (not castrated)', Har. korm-a 'male (animal), brave', Muh. kwarm-a 'the young male of a sheep bigger than tabbwat, male (animal), bull'; cf. also Arab. kawr- 'troupeau nombreux (de chameaux, de bœufs)', 'herd (of camels or gazelles, containing 150-200 animals)'.

63 Also kir 'fattened ram'.

64 Cf. Tangale karwa 'cattle' and kuri 'herd (of cattle)', korné 'to protect, guard, keep, shelter, watch', Dera kérân 'herding' < *kVr- 'to guard, to protect, to shelter' in Stolbova 2011 #259.

1.18. *lawi?- 'k. of large bovid'65

Sem. *lawi?- and *lawli?-(redupl.) 'k. of large bovid (Bos, Syncerus, Connochaetes, etc.)': Akk. (OB on) litt-u (lït-u) 'cow', lalû (lali?-u, lala?-u) 'kid', lulï-mu 'red deer, stag' [Cervus elaphus] y Ebl. li-a-num, li-a-nu-um 'cow' I Ugr. ll?-u 'lamb, kid' I Hbr. lë?-a 'wild cow' [Bos taurus primigenius] (only as a pers. name) I Arab. la?an 'taureau sauvage, buffle' [Syncerus cajjer], lu?lu?- 'antilope' I Tgr. lul-it, pl. lawall-it '(cow) with long, crooked horns', Amh. lil(la)wil 'gnu' [Connochaetes sp.] y Mhr. ldhay-tdn 'cows', Hbt. leé, pl. lhâyta, Jib. le?, pl. lhô-ti, Soq. ?e-lh-eh 'cow', lul-oh 'brébis'.66

Egyp. (Pyr.) iw? 'bull' (if < *lVwV?-).

Berb. *w/yalaH- (met.): Izayan ta-wala 'troupeau de bœufs, sangliers', Ahaggar élah-ei 'mouton à laine'.67

Chad. *laway- 'k. of larger bovid (Tragelaphus, etc.)': W.: Dera la-à 'cow' y C.: Gude la 'cow' (Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow 1994), Kapsiki, Higi-Nkafa le, Higi-Baza lol-e (redupl.) 'gazelle', Higi-Ghye le, Bachama liyey 'duiker'[Tragelaphus sp.] (Stolbova 2005 #57), Masa luway 'troupeau, le betail' (CED #549).

Cush. *lawi?-'cattle': C. *luway-: Bilin luwi, Khamir luwa, Awngi luwa y E. *la?- and *la?la?-(redupl.): SA *la(?)-: Saho, Afar la 'cow, cattle' I LEC *lo?(lo?)- 'cows (coll.)': Somali lo? 'cows (coll.)', Rendille (pl.) loôly-o, Oromo loo-ni 'cows (coll.)', lal-eesa 'she-goat', Konso low-aa 'cows', Dasenech lal-o, pl. lal-i 'cow', etc. I HEC *lal-: Sidamo lal-o 'cows, cattle', laat-to (f.) 'young sheep, lamb' I Dullay *lo?-, pl. *le?- 'cow': Harso, Dipina, Gollango lô?-o, Tsamai lô?-ô-, pl. lë?-ë, etc. y S. *li?-: Iraqw le?-i, Gorowa lee?-i 'goat' I Qwadza le?-amuko 'bull'.

► AADB 301, 2477. Cf. HSED Nos. 1632, 1647, 2595; SED II Nos. 142, 143; Mil. 2009; EDE I 86.

1.19. *mayn- 'k. of large bovid'

Egyp. (MK) mnmn.t (redupl.) 'herd, cattle'.

Chad. W. *mawan-: Boghom mwôq 'ram, sheep' y C.: Uldeme maaq-sa 'cow, bull', Musgu mwuq 'buffalo'.

Cush. *mayn-: C.: Qemant miyan 'young cow'; E.: SA: Saho môynoy 'bull'.

Omot. N. *mën- 'buffalo': Wolaita mien-ta, Male meni, Kachama men-o, Ganjule mën-o, Gimirra men, Dizi (Sheko) mën, Mao (Bambeshi) mène (cf. Kafa mëno 'meat').

► EDE III 293-4: cf. E. Nilotic: Ongamo (pl.) o-mônyi 'bull', Maasai (pl.) il-môqi 'oxen'; AADB 4261.

1.20a. *mar(ay)- 'k. of large bovid'

Sem. (a) *marVy- 'bull': Akk. (SB) mïr-u 'young bull', (OB) mïr-tu 'cow' y Hbr. marï(?) 'fatted steer'68 I Arab. mariyy-at- 'antilope blanche'.69

Egyp. (Pyr.) m? 'oryx-antilope' [Oryx sp.] (if < *mVr).70

Chad. *ma/uray- 'Kobus sp.': W. *maray: Hausa mààrir-i 'white oryx' [Oryx leucoryx],71 mâârày-ââ 'Western kob (medium antilope)' [Kobus kob], Saya mââriy-â 'antelope', Warji marai, Ngizim mâarày-â 'kob' [Kobus sp.] y C. *mur-: Masa muri 'antilope sp., prob. kob-défassa' [K. ellipsiprymnus] y E.: Toram mur-o 'gazelle'.

65 Cf. Chad. *lVw(h)- 'wild animal(s), meat' (CED #549), likely related.

66 Note non-etymological -h- in MSA.

67 Cf. also dlu 'bull', quoted in EDE I 86 as "Tamasheq", dialect name and source not specified.

68 Usually regarded as derived from the verbal root *mr? 'to be fat', which is less likely in view of the Akk. parallel.

69 Unless 'white, milk-colored' is Arab. miry-at- 'lait qui sort en filet abonant du pis de la femelle' (BK II 1097-8).

70 Cf. also (late) mr.t (if < *mVr-, not *mVl-) 'cow'; cf. also (MK) mr, mry 'Kampftier' with the sign for bull/cow'.

71 Less likely < Arab. mariyy-at- 'antilope blanche' in view of other Chad. data; however, the similarity is somewhat striking.

Cush. E. *mar-: LEC *mar-: Rendille mâar 'male calf', maâr 'female calf', Arbore mâar 'calves' (coll.) I HEC *mar-: Hadiya moor-a 'older calf' I Dullay *mar- 'heifer': Harso, Dihina maar-akkô, Tsamai mar-e II S. *ma(w)r-: Ma'a mor-o 'ox, steer'72 I Dahalo morr-o 'duiker' [Tragelaphus sp.].

Omot. N. *mar-: Gamu mar-a, Dorze mar, Male marr-o 'calf' (probably lws. from E. Cush.)

► SED II No. 153; AADB 2331, 2460; EDE III 26, 393-4; HSED 1728; Mil. 2009.

1.20b. *(?a-)mayr- 'k. of small bovid'

Sem. *?a/i-mmar- 'lamb, sheep': Akk. (OA, OB on) immer-u 'sheep; sheep and goats; ram', (OB on) immer-tu 'ewe, sheep (as a generic term)' I Ugr. ?imr (and ?amr) 'ram' I Phoen. ?mr, Hbr. ?immer I Aram.: Anc., Off. ?mr 'lamb, sheep', Bibl. ?immer 'lamb', Sam. ?mr, Syr. ?emr-a 'lamb', Mand. la/umbr-a 'sheep, lamb' I Arab. ?a/immar- 'lamb'.

Chad. W. *(?a-)mar- 'ram, goat': Tangale mar-a '(castrated) goat', Diri mar-l 'goat', Bokkos maray, Sha àmar-â, Fyer ?amar-a 'ram'.73

Cush. E.: SA *mar-: Saho, Afar mar-u 'ram'.

Omot. *mar(ay)-: N.: Wolayta mar-a 'calf, lamb, kid', Gamu mar-a, Dorze mar, Male marr-o 'calf', màrày-i 'ram', marmar-o (redupl.) 'lamb',74 Koyra mar-a 'ram', Bworo merer-à- 'sheep', etc.75

► SED II No. 5; AADB 2591; EDE III 42, 394; HSED 1729; Mil. 2009.

1.21. *na?iw- 'k. of bovid'

(?) Egyp. (NK) wnwy 'Kalb (als Bezeichnung des Osiris)'.

Chad *naHaw-: (a) W. *na 'cow': Tangale ta-qa I Boghom, Tala, Jimi naa II C. *naw: Lame nâo I Mesme nau, etc. 'cow' I Mandara nâw-è 'goat'.76

Cush. *na?iw-: N.: Beja naa? 'sheep' II C. *naw- 'calf': Khamta, Khamir niw I Kailina naw I Aungi new, Kunfal naw-i77 II LEC *nVw-: Boni nul 'greater kudu' [Tragelaphus strepsiceros].

► AADB 2025, 2530; HSED, 42; Blazek 2003b: 234; Stolbova 2005 #364, 364a; Mil. 2009; CED #585 (comp. with Hbr. and Arab.).

1.22. *saraw/y- 'k. of bovid'

Egyp. (OK) s?? (if < *sVr-) 'Herde'.

Berb. S. *-saraw/y- 'troop, herd': Ahaggar ä-sära, pl. i-särä-tän 'troupe d'animals sauvages', Taitoq a-sera 'troupeau de moutons, de chèvres, d'ânes', Tadghaq ta-säraw-t 'small herd of cows (up to about 30)', ta-säray-t 'large herd (esp. of camels or cattle)'.

Chad. W. *sa(r)sar- (redupl.): Hausa sassar-o 'male red-fronted gazelle' [Eudorcas ruffrons].

Cush. E. *sar(a)w/y- and *sawr-: SA *saraw-: Saho saraaw-ii 'einzweijähriger zur Arbeit noch nicht abgerichteter Stier' I LEC *sary- 'Oryx, Madoqutf: Somali sary-an 'adult male oryx' [Oryx sp.] I Dullay *sawr- 'antelope dikdik' [Madoqua sp.]: Gollango sawr-ô, sayr-ô, Tsamai sawr-o.78

► AADB 299. Cf. Blazek 2003a: 9.

72 Acc. to Ehret 1980, < NS, but in light of other Cush. and AA parallels this seems less likely.

73 And, perhaps, Tala màar, Buli maro, Polchi mar 'goat' unless < *mad-. Cf. also W.: Dwot maariiri 'rhinoceros'; C. *maray 'bull': Mofu-Gudur maray 'taureau engraissé à l'étable', Matakam mari 'bull', Mafa maray 'fête rituelle de taureau; taureau de case sacrifié lors la fête'.

74 Diminutive reduplication?

75 Ongota mar-te 'she-calf' < Tsamai.

76 Cf. also Sem. *naw/y?- 'meat': Akk. (YB) unû 'k. of meat'; Hbr. na? 'raw (flesh)'; Arab. ny? 'être cru, n'être pas cuit (viande)'; Chad. *nay(n) 'meat': W. *nay(n): Mupun nan 'flesh', Galambu nyàa 'meat'; C. *nay(n): Munjuk nèq, Musgu ne, néq, niq 'meat'.

77 Tgr. naway 'cow, possession/fortune' is most likely from Agaw.

78 Omot. S.: Ongota saire 'antelope dikdik' [Madoqua sp.] is from Tsamai.

1.23. *sa?- and *saî- 'k. of large bovid'

Berb.: Ahaggar êsu (< *Hisw, met.) 'bull'.79

Chad. *zaH- 'large cattle, cow': W. *zaHa: Siri zâà-ti, Dott zââ, Buli, Dott zâa 'cow', etc. y C. *za: Tera za, Gude zà, Buwal zà, Sukun za.80

Cush. *saî- or *sa?-: N. *saî-: Beja sa? 'cow' y E. *saî-: SA *saî-: Saho sâî-a 'cattle', Afar sâî 'small stock (animal)' I LEC *saî- 'cow': Somali saî, Jidda sii, Boni sâ?-a, Rendille sah, Oromo sâ?-a, Konso sa-a, Bayso se, Arbore, Dasenech se? I HEC *sa?-: Sidamo sa?-aa, Darasa sa-aya, Kambatta sa?-a, Hadiya saa-yya, Burji saa I S. *sa?-Vy- 'cow': Iraqw, Alagwa, Burunge se-e81 I Asa se-ok I Qwadza sae-ko.

► Cf. HSED #517; AADB 381; CED #831; Mil. 2009.

1.24. *waîil- 'k. of lesser bovid'

iНе можете найти то, что вам нужно? Попробуйте сервис подбора литературы.

Sem. *wa?il- 'mountain goat (Capra ibex, Arabitragus jayakari): Ugr. yîl 'mountain goat' I Hbr. yaîël 'ibex, mountain goat' I Aram.: Syr. yaîl-a 'ibex (?)', Jud. yaîal-a, yaîël-a 'mountain goat, wild goat' [Capra ibex] I ESA: Sab., Qat. wîl 'mountain goat, ibex' [Arabitragus jayakari], Hdr. ?-wîl (pl.) id. I Arab. waîl-, waîil-, wuîil- 'argali, bouc de montagnes' [Ovis ammon]; bouc domestique' I Gz. waîal-a, waîal-a, wa?al-a 'kind of antelope, mountain goat' [C. ibex], Tgr. waîal-a 'elk/élan' (DRS 578) [Cervus elaphus], Amh. waliy-a 'Walia ibex' [C. ibex] y Mhr. wel, pl. waîôl, wayîôl, Hrs. wal, Jib. ebîôz_'Hemitragus Jaykari, mountain goat' [A. jayakari], Hbt. w?aâl, pl. wa?yoôl 'wild goat, oryx'.

Berb. *wulli 'small cattle': Qabyle ulli 'sheep', Ghadames welli, Ayr, E. Wlm. walli, Ahag-gar, Tadghaq ulli 'goat'.

Chad. *wayl- 'k. of lesser bovid': W. *wal-: Jimi wal-arôo 'antelope', Geji wull-i 'gazelle' y E. *wil-: Lele ôl, Kabalai yil-a 'antelope'.

Cush. E. *wiîl- ~ *îawl- (met.) 'k. of lesser bovid': LEC *îawl-: Somali îawl-kii, Rendille hol (h < *f) 'gazelle' y HEC *wiîl-: Sidamo wil-ii'l-icco, pl. wil-ii'le 'young (of sheep, goat)'.

► SED II No. 244; AADB 2470.

1.25. *wad- 'k. of lesser bovid'82

Sem. *wad-: Arab. wad-an- 'mouflon' [Ovis orientalis].

Berb. *a-wdad (part. redupl.) 'Barbary sheep (Ammotragus lervia)': Nefusa a-wdad, Semlal, Izdeg, Ghadames, Ghat udad, Ahaggar udad.

Chad. *wad- ~ *daw- (met.) 'k. of lesser bovid': W. *wad-: Hausa ud-a 'k. of sheep' y C. *daw/y: Mofu dâw 'goat', Zime-Batna dèy 'duiker' [Tragelaphus sp.].

Cush. E. *?id-'sheep': SA *?ayd- 'sheep': Saho ayd-o 'sheep (coll.)', Afar id-a 'ewe' I LEC *?idad- (redupl.): Bayso idado 'sheep'.83

79 Perhaps also P. Berb. *isa-n (pl.) 'meat' which may alternatively originate from AA *sV?- 'meat'.

80 In CED #831 (where z is rendered as fy), the above forms are united with the forms in s- (rendered by I) with the following comment: "The word for 'cow' shows irregular voiced reflex (fy) in a number of Ch Biu-Mandara languages. Most probably, fy- originates from nfy < PCh*ni- (note n- as a pref. of sing.);" this ingenious explanation "reconciling" the reflexes of two different AA laterals (Chad. s/l < AA *c and Chad. z/fy < AA *s) is opposed by an alternative solution proposed herein.

81 ? is < *?, not < *f in W. Rift languages.

82 Cf. also miscellaneous terms that are somewhat similar and probably eventually related: Sem.: Akk. (lex.) dudu (< *dawd-, partial reduplication?), (OA, SB) a/etudu 'wild sheep (male)'; Off. Aram. (hapax in Frah) ?ndwt (*?V-n-daw-t?) id. (cf. SED II No. 44) and Cush. *?ad(d)Vy- (?): E. *?addi 'large cattle': SA.: Afar addi 'young heifer', HEC: Hadiya addi-cco, Sidamo adde, Burji addi 'heifer'; S. *de?- (met.?); S.: Qwadza de?- 'to herd', Ma'a de 'cow, cattle'. Cf. Blazek 2003b: 244 (Beja da 'newly born calf' and the E. and S. Cush. forms are probably not related, since Beja d does not continue *d).

83 Difference in the first radicals and stem patterns makes cognation with the present root questionable.

▲ Cf. Sum. udu 'sheep' (EDS #2678).

► AADB 2531.

1.26. *(?a-)w/yan- 'k. of lesser bovid'

Chad. (?a-)yan-'goat': W. *yan-: Siri yâàn-i I E. *?ayn- 'goat': Birgit ?àyn-éy, Migama î:n-â, Jegu ?àyn-éy (té-én-ô, pl. ?één 'he-goat').84

Cush. *(?a-)w/yan-: N.: *?an-: Beja an-o 'sheep' II LEC *wan-: Somali wan, pl. wanan 'ram', Rendille onô 'sheep' I HEC *?ayn-: Burji ayâan-e 'gazelle'.85

Omot. S. *yVn- 'sheep': Dime iin, (?) Ongota hoona (h- probably renders ?).

► AADB 2530.

1.27. *war- 'k. of larger bovid'

Egyp. (MK) wr.t 'göttliche Kuh', wr 'Steer', in dem Ortsnamen.

Berb. *wVrw- (< *?arw): Semlal ta-uru-t 'troupeau (de bœufs)', Azilal ta-wru-tt 'troupeau'.

Chad. W. *war-: Hausa wariyy-a 'a k. of antelope',86 Dera wor-e, Kariya wur-ù, Warji ruwe (met.) 'cow'.

Cush. E.: HEC *war-: Sidamo war-aamo 'older calf'.

► HSED 2527; AADB 2497.

2. Camels and equids

2.1.*dawk- 'k. of equid'

Sem. *kawd-an- (met.) 'mule': Akk. (OAkk. on) kudanu (kudannu) I Ebl. gu-da-num <kuda-num> I Ugr. kdn-t I Aram.: Off. kwdn, Palm. kwdn, Syr. kudan-ya, küddn-ä I Arab. kawdan-, kaw-dan-iyy-.87

Chad.: W. *daw(a)k- 'horse': Hausa dok-l, Karekare doku, Miya duwak-d, Burma dok, Ngizim duk-à, etc. II C. *(n-)dok: Tera doh 'stallion', Pizimdi-Hina n-dok 'pony' II E. *dawk-: Dangla dewk-i 'antilope-cheval' [Hippotragus equinus].

Cush. S. *dak-et-: Iraqw dak-eti, Alagwa dek-eti 'zebra' [Hippotigris sp.].88

► SED II No. 124; AADB 2639; cf. HSED 667.

2.2. *gayl- 'camel'

Sem. (a) *?a-gayl- and *gilgal- (redupl.) 'k. of equid': Akk. (OAkk. on) agal-u, agall-u 'an equid' (CAD a1 141), 'Reitesel' (AHw: 15) I Ebl. ag-lum = ANSE.NITA.KUR (a donkey) I Tgr. gdlgäl 'foal (mule, horse)', Tna gdlgdl 'puledro di cavallo o mulo non ancora domato' (Bas-sano 1918: 815), Amh. gdlgäl 'the young of domestic animals (goat, sheep, horse, donkey)'; (b) *gimal- (met. < *gayl-am-)89 'camel': Hbr. gamal I Aram.: Off., Palm., Nab. gml, Syr. gaml-a I Sab. gml I Arab. jaml-, Jamal- I Gz. gamal I Jib. gül (pl. gmihl), Soq. gimâl.

84 Cf. Can. *Han(y)-: Tenerife ana, hana, jana 'sheep'.

85 Cf. also Afar ana?-to 'lamb (female)' (non-etymological -f). Sem. Gur.: Cha. onä, Eza onnä 'young male goat or sheep' must be from Cush.

86 Cf. also warari 'a vicious bull' (Skinner 1996: 283).

87 Likely related is Tgr. mäkada, name of the small Abyssinian horse.

88 Cf. irregular variant forms (variant roots?): C.: Bilin, Khamir ddhwara, pl. ddkwal, Aungi ddywari, etc. 'donkey'; E.: LEC: Oromo donkoro 'stupid, fool', (Bararetta dial.) dongorra 'donkey'; S.: Iraqw, Gorowa, Alagwa, Burunge dakwai 'donkey', Qwadza dagwagwai-ko (Dolgopolskiy 1973: 275), dakwakway-iko (Ehret 1980: 345). Cf. also Chad. C. *zVngw- 'donkey' (Stolbova 2009 #530).

89 Cf. a similar process in *himär- < *hayr-äm-(2.4).

Berb. *gilgal- (redupl.): Ahaggar a-gelgâl-i 'chameau de charge commun et lourd'.90

Cush. E. *gayl- 'camel': SA *gal-: Saho, Afar gal-a y LEC *gayl-: Somali geel-a (coll.), Boni g'ââl, Rendille gaal, Oromo, Baiso gaal-a, Arbore gaal, Elmolo gal-te.91

► AADB 2508; cf. SED II No. 79.

2.3. *hi/ul(l)- 'k. of equid'

Sem. *hil(l)-ay- 'colt, foal': Akk. (OB) ilulay-u 'ein Kamel?' y Tgr. hel-e 'camel (poet.)', Tna. hawl-a 'donkey's colt or foal of about two years' y Hrs. me-heley-ot 'she-camel with fully-grown young'.

Berb. S. *hulil (redupl.) 'wild ass, foal': Ghat a-hulil 'âne sauvage' [Equus asinus], Ahaggar a-hâhul 'jeune chameau non castré', Ayr, E. Wlm. a-hulel, pl. i-hule-tan 'poulain, ânon'.

Cush. E. *?i-hVll- (redupl.) 'k. of equid': LEC *(?i-)haw/yl-: Rendille é-hel, Arbore holl I Dul-lay *(H)all-: Gollango ooll-ô 'Pferd' y S. *hVllV?- (met.?): Dahalo helle?-a 'zebra' [Hippotigris sp.].92

► AADB 2462.

2.4. *ha/ir- 'wild ass'

Sem. (a) *hayur- 'ass, camel': Arab. huwar-, hiwar- 'petit de chameau récemment né, ou jusqu'à l'époque du sevrage'93 y MSA *hayr-, pl. hayor:94 Mhr. hayr'male donkey', hïr-ït 'female donkey', Hrs. hayr 'donkey', hayr-ët 'she-donkey', Hbt hâyr, pl. hyeér (m.), hiiri-it, pl. hiyôr-ta (f.) 'donkey, ass', Jib. (Kathïri dial.) a-hyer 'male donkey'; (b) *himar- 'wild ass, onager, donkey' (met. < *hayr-am-):95 Akk. (OAkk. on) imër-u 'donkey, male donkey' y Ugr. hmr; Hbr. hamor 'he-ass' I Aram.: Off. hmr 'donkey, ass', f. 'she-ass', Palm. hmr 'donkey, ass', Syr. hmar-a 'asinus', hmar-ta 'asina', Mand. hamar-a 'pack-animal, ass, donkey' I Sab., Min. hmr 'ass; wild ass, onager' [Equus asinus, E. hemionus], 'domesticated ass' I Arab. himar- 'âne; âne sauvage, onagre' [E. asinus, E. hemionus], himarat- 'ânesse'96 I Gur. *amar 'donkey': Cha. Gog. amar, Sod. amar, Wol. umar, etc.97

Cush.: N. *har-: Beja har-e 'camel' (Blazek 2003b:13)98 y E. *ha(y)r- 'wild ass, donkey': SA *hayr-: Saho her-a 'female donkey' I LEC *harr-: Oromo harr-ee, Konso harr-eta, Dirayta harr-et 'donkey', Dullay *har(r)-: Gawwada, Dobase, Golango harre, Harso har-iccé 'ass' [Equus asinus].99

► SED II Nos. 98, 106; AADB 2463, 4120.

2.5. *kwar- 'wild ass or camel'100

90 Cf. Zenaga a-zij (< *a-gil) 'âne'.

91 HEC *gal-: Sidamo, Darasa gaala, Burji gaali; Dullay *kal- (< *gal-): Gawwada kaal-hô (< *käl-k-), Harso, Di-hina, Gollango kaalâ probably from Oromo. Omot.: Dache, Zaysse gaale, Yemsa gaala, Kafa gallo, Dizi (Sheko) gaale 'camel' perhaps also from Oromo, probably via HEC.

92 Omot. N.: Zaisse ollo, wollo, Ganjule ollo 'horse' are probably lws. from Dullay.

93 Tgr. hawar 'young (of camel or donkey)' is likely an Arabic loan. Berb.: Ahaggar awra, pl. iwerân 'chameau dans sa 1ère année', Ayr, E. Wlm. awara, pl. iwaran 'chamelon de quelque mois' are probably Arabisms.

94 Erroneously related to Sem. *îayr- 'donkey' in SED II No. 50, analyzed as forms with the definite article h-. However, this article occurs only in "words with an initial radical ?...and certain...monosyllables with an initial w or y radical" (Johnstone 1987: 163-4). There seems to be no cases of the h-article replacing initial etymological ?- in either Mhr. or Jib.

95 Cf. a similar process in *gimal- (< *gayl-am- (2.2).

96 Cf. also ahmür-, yahmür 'onagre' [Equus hemionus].

97 Cf. Mhr. hamür 'to tame, break (a horse)', Hrs. hemor 'to tame, break (a riding beast)', Jib. hör 'to tame, break, domesticate (an animal)'.

98 Cf. harri 'mount (anything that can be ridden)'.

99 Wolamo hariya, Gofa haare, Gamo, Dorze, Cancha, Kullo hare, Malo, Dache, Zayse hare, Kachama haarre, Ari harra 'donkey' - likely lws. from Oromo.

100 Cf. NAA *kawr- 'load, carry a load': Sem.: (a) Arab. kwr 'porter qqch. sur son dos', II 'empaqueter (des bagages)' (BK II942), (b) 'pack saddle, bat': Hbr. kar 'bât (de chameau)', Arab. kür- 'selle de chameau', Tna, Tgr. kor,

Sem. *kwVrr- and *kwVrkwVr- (redupl.) 'she-camel': Hbr. kirkar-at 'she-camel' (redupl.) I Arab. kurr- 'anon, poulain' (DRS: 1283)101 lAmh. kwdrkwdr, Wolane kurkur 'interjection one uses when calling a donkey' (redupl.) II Hobyot kookdr (redupl.) 'female camel (from 2 to 3 years)'.102

Berb. S. *-kirkar (redupl.): Ayr, E. Wlm. i-kdrkar (pl.) 'camels'.

Chad. *kwar-: W. *kwar- 'wild ass, donkey': Chip kor-o, Bolewa kor-o, Ngizim kwar-a, etc. II C. *kwar- 'ass': Tera kor-o, Hwona, Margi, Gude kwar-a, Banana kwdr-a103 II E. *kur- 'ass': Ndam kur-o, Kwang kur-a, etc.

Cush. *ku/ar-: N. *kar-: Beja kar-ee-see 'Kamellaus' (see 'louse') II E.: LEC *(?Vn-)kur-: Somali kor-on 'castrated camel; barren she-camel', Rendille in-kuraarr-u 'donkey colt, young donkey'.

Omot. N. *kur- 'donkey': Chara kur-a, Kafa, Mocha, Anfillo kur-o, Gimirra, Dizi (Sheko) kur.

► AADB 2468.

2.6. *pira?- 'k. of equid'104

Sem. *para?- 'onager, wild ass' [Equus asinus, E. hemionus]: Akk. (OB on) paru 'Onager, Maultier' II Hbr. para(?) I Sab. fr? I Arab. fara?-.

(?) Egyp. (18 Dyn.) rnp (met. < *pr-n?) 'young horse'.

Chad. W. *pirr- 'k. of equid': Gerka pirr-i 'mare' II C. *pur-: Bura pur-u 'white horse'.105

Cush. *fi/ar- 'k. of equid': N *firr-: Beja firr-at 'she-camel just foaled' II E. *far-: SA *farar-(redupl.): Saho, Afar farar 'horse' I LEC *faraw: Somali, Arbore faraw 'zebra' [Hippotigris sp.].106

▲ Seems like a genuine Proto-Afrasian term for a kind of equid.

► SED II No. 176; AADB 2503.

3. Largest herbivores107

3.1. *da(n)gœ(Vr)-'elephant' [L. africana]

Chad. E. *dugur-: Gabri dugur-ù, Sokoro dogol (-l < *-r?).108

Amh. kor-aca, Arg. kor-acca 'selle' (DRS 1202), Amh. karkar 'louage des bêtes de somme' (DRS 1276); Chad. (a) *kVr-, kVrkVr- 'load, carry a load' (CED #446): W.: Bolewa, Karekare karài 'load', Ngizim kakarâ 'load', kàkaru 'carry a load', Bade karày 'goods', Duwai karkarà 'load carried on the head', C.: Bura kari 'goods, possessions', Fali-Kirya kwàr 'to unload', E.: Tumak gar 'carry; a load' (g- < *k- is regular), (b) W.: Hausa ta-karkari 'pack ox'.

101 Cf. kawr- 'troupeau nombreux (de chameaux, de bœufs)'.

102 Note a striking similarity both in form (reduplication) and meaning (she-camel) in Hbr. and Hbt. Cf. also Amh. karkar 'louage des bêtes de somme'.

103 Cf. Nzangi kara, Bata-Zumo kara 'horse'.

104 There are several (five, to be exact) somewhat similar triconsonantal roots in which it is not easy to distinguish between chance similarity and borrowing from suppletive stems such as Somali faras and pl. fardé, Bilin fardâ and pl. fariz, bâdrà and pl. bâzir, Khamir bazra and pl. baris. Two of them are well represented in Sem. (*pird-and *paras-), nearly all in E. Cush and all in C. Cush while a few Chad. and Omot. parallels are most likely loanwords; notably, they seem to have no parallels in Beja, S. Cush., Egyp. and Berb. Surprisingly, all of them mean 'horse', which apparently excludes their PAA status. This entangled situation is worth a separate piece of research, which the authors are planning to publish soon.

105 Hardly named after its color, since there seems to be no corresponding color name in the available Bura lexicon.

106 Omot. N. *far- 'horse': Wolayta, Zala, Dawro, Gofa, Gamu, Chara far-a < SA?

107 Some examples from individual languages are quoted after Blazek 1994; however, distribution of the forms among different entries, based on regular consonantal correspondences, is in most cases quite different from this highly valuable collection of data.

108 Also duger or dukur 'rhinoceros'. Cf. Dangla dugulo, Migama diqillu 'trunk' and W. Saharan: Daza dugugul 'trunk of elephant'.

Cush. S. *dangw-: Iraqw dangw-.

Omot. *dang-Vr-: N.: Zaise dongor, Kafa dangiy-o II S.: Ari dangór, Hamar donger.

► AADB 2519. Cf. Blazek 1994: 199.

3.2. *duhr- 'elephant'

Egyp. (late) dnhr (met. < *dhr-n?)'elephant' [Loxodonta africana].

Chad. W.*dor-in-'hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius]: Hausa dorin-a, Mupun dorin-a, Miya dorin-á, Tsagu dorán-a (the last three words can be lws. from Hausa).

Omot. *duHur- 'elephant' [L. africana]: N.: Dizi (Nao, Maji) dor, (Sheko) door I S.: Dime duur-o.

► AADB 2524; cf. Blazek 1994: 199.

3.3. *fil- 'a proboscidean mammal'

iНе можете найти то, что вам нужно? Попробуйте сервис подбора литературы.

Sem. *pil- and *pVlpVl- (redupl.): Akk. (OB) pil-u I pB. Hbr. pil I Aram.: Syr. pil-ä, Mnd. pil(-a) I Arab. fil- 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana] I Gz. falfal 'water buffalo; elephant' [Syncerus caffer; L. africana].

Chad. *pil-: C. *pil-: Bura pili-ngir109 'aardvark' [Orycteropus afer].110

Cush. S. *fil-: Iraqw fil-a, Alagwa fil-i, Burunge fil-u 'aardvark' [O. afer] I Qwadza fil-imbayo 'honey-badger' [Mellivora capensis].

► Cf. SED II No. 173; AADB 2528. Cf. Blazek 1994: 196.

3.4. *gumar-~ *garyam-'hippopotamus'

Chad.: C. *garyam-n1 'hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius]: Musgu geryam, Vulum, Mbara gariyam, Masa gáryam, Banana garyam-ba II E. *girim-: Tumak girim, Birgit girím-tí.

Cush. *gumar-112 'hippopotamus' [H. amphibius]:113 C. * gumar-i: Khamir gumär-i, Khamta gumar, Qwara gumär-e, gumar-i, Kemant gumar-i, Aungi gumär-t I E. *gumar-: Saho gumar-e, Afar gumar-i I HEC: Qabenna gomarr-a, Tembaro gumorr-a.114

▲ Cf. NS *^gwí:r 'large horned or tusk herbivore' (Ehr. #514) and *qgwí:rént 'hippopotamus' (ibid. #515).

► AADB 2526; cf. Blazek 1994: 202-3.

3.5. *lab?- 'k. of largest herbivore'

Egyp. irb? (< *?V-lbV?-?)115 'rhinoceros (?)' [Diceros bicornis].

Chad. W. *lab-: Tangale lab-ata y E.: Mokilko ?élb-í (met.?) 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana].116

109 Blench, 2009 :141 (draft printout); ngir ideof. describes large number of people or birds sitting in one place.

110 Cf. also W. *pil: Gwandara piil 'spear grass' [Heteropogoncontortus], Angas piil 'elephant grass' [Pennisetum purpureum]. It is an important element of forage for elephants in Africa, hence its name "elephant grass".

111 The metathesis is probably due to folk etymology, cf. Chad. C. *gar- 'bull': Musgu gari '(big) bull', Muskum gerré, Vulum gari'bull' and PAA *yVm- 'water'. Cf. Blazek 1994: 204.

112 Blazek also refers to Militarev's Ms. from 1987, in which Berb. *a-gumar 'horse' is compared to this Cush. term, referring to a well-known connection between horse and hippopotamus. However, the expected semantic development is reference to a hippo as "(river) horse" metaphorically; the reverse meaning shift is hard to imagine, which makes the Chad-Cush. comparison, already problematic because of metathesis, even less probable.

113 Borrowed in Eth. as *gwamari 'hippopotamus' (note also Gz. gamar, Amh. gumarr-e 'large monkey'). Blazek (1994: 202) quotes Gordon's interpretation of Ugr. gmr as 'a kind of animal capable of fighting ferociously' (Gordon, 1965: 380), calling it "a promising Semitic cognate". In Olmo Lete and Sanmartín 2003, however, gmr is glossed as 'champion, fighter' with Sem. cognates.

114 Cf. Omot. N.: Kullo gomár-a 'hippopotamus', isolated, likely a lw. from HEC.

115 Otherwise < *?V-rbV?- comparable to E. Cush. *?arb- 'elephant'.

116 Cf. Mokilko ldllib-d 'trunk'.

Cush. HEC *la?ab-(met.?): Hadiya, Kambatta loob-a 'hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius].

► AADB 2513. Cf. HSED #1662; Blazek 1994: 203.

3.6. *pir- 'k. of largest herbivore'

Sem.: Akk. (OB on) pir-u, per-u 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana].117

Chad. *pir-: W.: Hausa fyar-ma 'a young female elephant' II C.: Margi pir, Sukur n-ver-i (< *n-per-i) 'elephant'.118

Cush. E. *pury-: Yaaku puria?, pl. puri-ain 'rhinoceros' [Diceros bicornis].

► AADB 4259.

3.7. *wars- 'rhinoceros'119

Sem.: Eth. *hawris- 'rhinoceros' [Diceros bicornis]:120: Gz. haris,121 Tna., Tgr. haris, Amh. haris,

awraris.122

Chad. C. *warz-: Mbara wi(r)z-i, (?) Gidar wals-ya (-l < *-r and *z > s influenced by l?) 'bull'.

Cush. E. *wors- 'rhinoceros' [Diceros bicornis]: LEC *wors-: Oromo worse-sa,123 Konso ors-ayta (also 'hippo' [Hippopotamus amphibius] acc. to Black), Gidole ors-ayt, Dirayta ors-ayt (also 'gnu' [Connochaetes sp.]) I HEC *wors-aT-: Hadiya orsaT-ado, Burji wors-a I Dullay *wVrs-VT-: Gollango, Harso orsaT-ado IYaaku orse?.

▲ The resemblance of all these forms can hardly be accidental, though the origin of Eth. *h- is far from clear. It could have been explained by *h- > 0- in some of the non-Semitic languages quoted, but *h is expected to be preserved as h or h in Hadiya, Gollango and Yaaku. It could be suggested that the Eth. term may go back to the compound form *hdyaw 'alive, living'124 + *waris- paralleling ?arwehoras 'animal / beast + rhinoceros' > ?awrahars > ?awraris (above). Cf. especially Proto-North Caucasian *wHarAwd 'pig, piglet'.

► AADB 2529; cf. Blazek 2003b: 270, Blazek 1994: 201.

3.8. *3ag(w)- 'k. of largest herbivore'125

Egyp. (MK) z?g.t (met. < *?zg or ? renders -a-?) 'ein Fabeltier'.

Chad. W. *(n-)3ungw-(met. < *jagw-n-): Diri, Pa'a juqgw-a, Siri jiqw-a 'hippopotamus' [Hippopotamus amphibius], Dwot n-dzugh-u 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana].

Cush. E. *zag-am-: Yaaku sogom-ei 'elephant' [L. africana].126

Omot. N. *?a-zag-ay 'hippopotamus' [H. amphibius]: Kacama azage, Koyra azzage, azzagi, Ganjule azage.

117 Usually regarded as a by-form of pil-u (see in 3.3) due to its sound Sem. etymology, indisputable in light of Gz. falfal (cf. discussion in SED II: 228).

118 Cf. W.: Kofyar feer, Warji farai, parai, Karya par, Miya a-par 'horn'; C.: Daba falam (-l can be < *-r), Buwal far-am, etc. 'horn'.

119 The reconstruction of *-s (not *-c) is based on the Mbara form alone.

120 There is also Syr. hars-um-a 'proboscis; labia bovis' which matches the Eth. noun phonetically, but semanti-cally seems not close enough to be related.

121 Also haris, horas, ?arwehoras, ?awrahars, ?awraris.

122 Arab. haris- is a lw. < Gz.; E. Cush.: Saho haris < Mod. Eth.

123 < *worse-ta; cf. Bayso worsesa, borrowed from Oromo.

124 < Sem. *hyw/y 'to live' (> Hbr. hayya 'animals, beasts', Syr. hayyut-, Hbt. haywuun 'animal').

125 Cf. the similar SAA root *jakan- 'elephant' [L. africana]: Cush. E.: Saho, Afar dakaan-o (< *dakan- or *jakan-), LEC: Somali dagon (< *dakVn- or *jakVn-), Dahalo dokom-i, dokom-i (< *dVkVm- or, perhaps, *jVkVm-; the Dahalo reflex of AA *5 is not clear — see Takacs 2011: 119); Omot. N. *zak(kV)-nV: Kacama, Koyra zakk-a, Gofa zakk-i, Ganjule zakk-a, Yemsa zakn-o (the Omot. terms may otherwise have been borrowed from Bantu *nzok 'elephant').

126 s in Yaaku may reflect *z < *3 /3.

► AADB 2521. Cf. HSED 2658; Blazek 1994: 204.

3.9. *Juna?- 'elephant'

Chad. *Juna?- 'elephant' [Loxodonta africana]: W. *Jawn-: Ngizim Jaun-ak II C. *Juwan-: Tera Juwan, Sukur Juwan II E.: *Juna?: Nanchere Jena?, Gabri Jen-u, Kabalai, Dormo Jun-o.

Cush. *Juna?- 'elephant' [L. africana]: C. *JaHun- (met.): Bilin, Qwara, etc. Jan-a, Khamir zohon, Aungi ziyon-i II E.: HEC *Jana?-: Darasa dana?-e, Kambatta zan-o, etc. II S.: Dahalo dannab-a127 'female elephant'.

► AADB 2522. Cf. HSED #2658; Blazek 1994: 199.

Discussion

Given the above genealogical classification of Afrasian, only those roots whose reflexes are attested in both SEBC and CO branches can be labeled PAA; attestation in Semitic makes this status incontestable. In case of faunistic terms, though, this principle cannot be strictly followed, since the retention of PAA animal names depended on availability of the denotata in the area where the respective language speakers had migrated.

There are two opposing views on the ancestral home of the Afrasians. Alexander Militarev's Levantine hypothesis is supported by Blazek (2013), and a similar view is held by the archaeologist Peter Bellwood (2013). The idea of an African homeland, originally put forward by Igor Diakonoff (1981; later, however, he would lean more towards the Levantine hypothesis, cf. Diakonoff 1998) is promoted in various works by Christopher Ehret (e.g., Ehret 2011) and Roger Blench (e.g., Blench 2006) and, to a certain degree, shared by George Starostin (Starostin 2017).

The hypothesis according to which Proto-Afrasians may be associated with the highly developed Natufian and Post-Natufian Epipaleolithic culture of hunters and gatherers (12,500-9,500 BCE) is based on several main arguments. First, some of the multiple reconstructed terms128 point to incipient agriculture rather than foraging.129 For such an early period, both are typical of West Asia, the South Levant in particular, rather than of East or North Africa. Second, the whole picture of PAA culture reconstructed from the PAA lexicon (referring to social and economic differentiation, some terms relating to trade, weaponry, building and dwelling, etc.) features a society highly developed for that period which, again, implies the Levant rather than East or North Africa. Third, there are at least several dozens of hypothetical cultural isoglosses between the non-Semitic Afrasian daughter proto-languages (Berber, Chadic, Cushitic) and, on one hand, Sumerian (Militarev 1995) and, on the other, North Caucasian (Militarev & Starostin 2007), speaking in favor of ethnic and cultural contacts between

127 If analyzed as danna-ba, this would be another case of Dahalo d (usually < *d) as a reflex of *$/■$, besides mcftade 'in *ma?i(n)j- 'k. of ungulate' (1.5b.)

128 Ca. 30 in Militarev 2002; the number has more than doubled with a lot of newly processed data, especially Chadic —publication of a new list is forthcoming.

129 Since the 11th millennium is regarded by modern scholarship as too early a period for incipient farming, the following scenario could explain the inventory of terms referring to farming and formally qualifying for Proto-Afrasian status: PSA speakers moved southward from the Levant to the north and, later, south Arabia (from where they moved to East Africa supposedly by or in the 8th mill.), while PNA speakers stayed in the Levant and created the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A culture which set farming in motion in the 10th mill.; some of the farming practices and terms could have passed from them to Proto-South Afrasians who were still located in Arabia, creating the illusion of Proto-Afrasian farming terminology when, in fact, it is representing only the PNA (PSEBC) stratum.

the corresponding speaking groups which could take place in West Asia in the period between the split of PAA and migration of most of its daughter proto-languages to Africa.130

Counter-arguments rely on the repertoire of the PAA zoonyms denoting numerous African wild bovids (including most "antelopes"), elephants, rhinoceroses, hippopotami, crocodiles and odd-toed ungulates (except for onager) and large carnivores (lion, leopard, wolf, jackal, etc.). African animals did not inhabit the Levant during the warmer Preboreal phase of Holocene, which includes the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (ca. 9,500-8,500 BCE, see Table 1), though the names of these animals are technically reconstructed on the PAA level. Regular consonantal correspondences between the reflexes of these roots point to their PAA origin, though the primary meaning of PAA terms is hard to specify considering the length of time that has passed since the PAA split.

Climate of the Levant in the era of the Natufian culture (ca. 12,500-9,500 BCE) was unacceptable for tropical mammals. The Natufians hunted only the following ungulates: gazelles [Gazella gazella, G. subgutturosa], deer [Cervus elaphus, Damadama], ibex [Capra ibex], aurochs [Bos primigenius], wild boar [Sus scrofa] and onager [Equus hemionus].131 A corresponding set of wild animal names has been reconstructed for Proto-Semitic (see SED II) whose Urheimat was most likely situated in West Asia, including the Levant, whereas for PAA as many as ca. 50 terms for wild ungulates have been reconstructed, most of them presumably representing various species. Such a variety of ungulate species is typical of the North East African sub-equatorial fauna, which has essentially remained unchanged since the end of Pleistocene.

Many terms denoting tropical African "antelopes"132 and largest animals such as elephant, hippopotamus, and rhinoceros, are to be formally considered PAA as well. These PAA roots are usually well reflected in Chadic (less so in Berber and Egyptian), Cushitic, and/or Omotic, but poorly attested in Semitic, whose original habitat being West Asia, the terms for "largest herbivores" sometimes refer to mythical animals ('monster', 'fabulous bull' and the like), while those for other ungulates usually denote various species of cattle, sheep and goats, asses,133 horses and camels.

Another group of PAA zoonyms relevant for the Urheimat problem is represented by predators. There are 8 reconstructed terms for canines including 'dog' (*kawit-, *kwihan-, *KVj/3im-), 'k. of wild canine' (*?away-, *?aw/ys-, *bawih-, *kur(-ay-), *wans-), 4 undifferentiated terms 'k. of canine or hyena' (*?a/usk-ay-, *ba?Vs-, *gVd-*wahr-), 9 terms for felines including 'lion' (*labi?-), 'leopard or lion' (*ba?y-), 'k. of (wild) feline' (*Tariw-, *ba?is-, *da(?/y)m-, *giwar-, *layc-, *mary-, *sawr-), and one undifferentiated term 'k. of feline, hyena or viverra' (*?a3ur-).134 These considerations should rather stimulate searching for the PAA homeland in the East African area, a hypothesis already voiced by several scholars, including Igor M. Diakonoff and others.

130 As for Sumerian-Afrasian (non-Semitic) suggested isoglosses, all of them have a PAA origin and, on chronological grounds, can only be loanwords into Sumerian from various intermediate proto-languages of different Afrasian branches. It is possible that another (extinct and unattested) branch of AA in Mesopotamia could function as a substratum under Sumerian; this assumption by Militarev (1995) was accepted as probable by Diakonov (1996).

131 See Mithen 2003; Lev et al. 2020.

132 "Antelopes" comprise a miscellaneous group within bovids, encompassing Old World (mostly African) ruminants that are not bovines, sheep, or goats.

133 In this connection it is worth mentioning that the only species of odd-toed ungulates attested in the Levant is the onager, whereas Africa was home to several species of wild equids.

134 The detailed elaboration of these terms is prepared for publication by the same authors as well as reconstruction of other PAA zoonyms including monkeys (4 terms — none in Semitic), other mammals (8 terms, a selection), birds (11, a selection), reptiles (9, a selection), water reptiles and amphibia (4, a selection), fish (5, a selection).

Linguistic families Disintegration of language families (year BCE)135 Palaeoclimatic periods (Europe, Western Asia) Palaeoclimatic periods: approximate dates (year BCE) Significant archaeological cultures in Levant Archaeological cultures: approximate dates (year BCE)

Pleistocene

Oldest Dryas (cold) 12,000-11,600 Kebaran (Epipaleolithic, wildcrafting and hunting) 16,000-10,500

Bolling-Allerod interstadial (warmer/colder/ warmer) 12,600-10,900 Early Natufian (Epipaleolithic, wildcrafting and hunting) 12,000-10,800

Proto-Afrasian 10,500 Younger Dryas136 (colder) 10,900-9,640 Late Natufian137 (Epipaleolithic, developed wildcrafting and hunting) 10,800-9,500

135 Approximate glottochronological dates.

136 See Platt et al. 2017.

137 See Grosman 2013: 622-627.

Linguistic families Disintegration of language families (year BCE)138 Palaeoclimatic periods (Europe, Western Asia) Palaeoclimatic periods: approximate dates (year BCE) Significant archaeological cultures in Levant Archaeological cultures: approximate dates (year BCE)

Holocene

Proto-Sem.-Eg.-Berb.-Chadic 9,000 Preboreal (warmer) 9,640-8,500 Pre-Pottery Neolithic A139 (local origin, beginning of agriculture) 9,000-8,000

Proto-Cush.-Omotic 8,800 Pre-Pottery Neolithic B140 (Anatolian origin, agriculture and beginning of cattle breeding) 9,000-7,000

Proto-Eg.-Berb.-Chadic 7,800 Boreal141 (cool, dry, rising temperature) 8,500-6,900

Proto-Cushitic 7,500

Proto-North-Central Cushitic 6,800 Atlantic142 (warm, moist, maximum temperature) 6,900-3,700 Pottery Neolithic143 (agriculture and cattle breeding) and several subsequent neolithic cultures (developed agriculture and cattle breeding) 7,000-5,000

Proto-Berb.-Chadic 6,500

Proto-East Cushitic144 6,000

Proto-Omotic 6,000

Proto-Chadic 5,500

Proto-South Cushitic145 4,800

Proto-South Omotic146 4,600

Proto-Semitic 4,600

Proto-North Omotic147 4,200

Table 1. Comparative dates of Proto-Afrasian and Afrasian language families, palaeoclimatic periods and synchronous archaeological cultures in Levant

138 Approximate glottochronological dates.

139 See Chazan 2017: 197, Kuijt & Finlayson 2009: 10966-10970.

140 See Chazan 2017: 197.

141 See Dansgaard et al. 1989: 532-534.

142 See Rasmussen et. al 2005.

iНе можете найти то, что вам нужно? Попробуйте сервис подбора литературы.

143 See Goring-Morris & Belfer-Cohen 2013.

144 Including Yaaku.

145 Including Ma'a and Dahalo.

146 Including Ongota.

147 Including Dizi and Mao.

Solid retention of PAA roots denoting representatives of African fauna in Proto-Chadic contrasts with weaker integrity in Egyptian and Proto-Berber and largely relict reflexation in Proto-Semitic. This may be explained by the latitudinal arrangement of the proto-languages descending from PSEBC dialects. The aggregate area of the latter probably stretched from Northeast Africa up to the Levant. The Cushitic and Omotic homelands would be situated in East Africa further to the south than the PSEBC homeland.

Appendix: Alphabetic index of reconstructed roots

*?ar(a)w/y- 'k. of larger bovid' 1.1a.

*?ar(a)w/y- 'k. of lesser bovid'l.lb.

*?ayl- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.2.

*?ajVw- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.3.

*ii(n)y and *?i(n)y 'k. of smaller bovid' 1.4a.

*ba/i?- ~ *ba?ba?- 'k. of lesser bovid (Tragelaphus

silvaticusiy 1.5. *balay/w- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.6. *baray- ~ *bayar- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.7. *cawi?- 'k. of bovid' 1.8. *ca?iw- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.9a. *cawir- 'male large bovid or herbivore' 1.9b. *da(n)gw(Vr)- 'elephant' 3.1. *dawk- 'k. of equid' 2.1. *duhr- 'elephant' 3.2. *(?a-)dury- 'k. of bovid' 1.10. *ja(?)n- 'k. of large bovid' 1.11. *jil- 'a proboscidean mammal' 3.2. *(?a-)jir- 'k. of bovid' 1.12. *ga/ud- 'wild pig' 1.13b. *gawr- 'k. of bovid' 1.14a. *gayl- 'camel' 2.2. *guday- 'k. of larger bovid' 1.13a. *gumar- ~ *garyam- 'hippopotamus' 3.4. *gur- 'wild pig' 1.14b.

*yawj- 'k. of smaller bovid' 1.15. *ha/ir- 'wild ass' 2.4. *hawr- 'k. of larger bovid' 1.16. *hi/u(l)l- 'k. of equid' 2.3. *kwayr- 'young (small) bovid' 1.17. *kwar- 'wild ass or camel' 2.5. *lab?- 'k. of largest herbivore' 3.5. *lawi?- 'k. of large bovid' 1.18. *ma-?i(n)j- 'k. of bovid' 1.4b. *mayn- 'k. of large bovid' 1.19. *mar(ay)- 'k. of large bovid' 1.20a *(?a-)mayr- 'k. of small bovid' 1.20b. *na?iw- 'k. of bovid' 1.21. *pir- 'k. of largest herbivore' 3.6. *pira?- 'k. of equid' 2.6. *saraw/y- 'k. of bovid' 1.22. *sa?- ~ *saî- 'k. of large bovid' 1.23. *waîil- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.24. *wad- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.25. *(?a-)w/yan- 'k. of lesser bovid' 1.26. *war- 'k. of larger bovid' 1.27. *wars- 'rhinoceros' 3.7. *Jag(w)- 'k. of largest herbivore' 3.8. *juna?- 'elephant' 3.9.

Abbreviations

AA Afrasian = Afro-Asiatic Copt.

Akk. Akkadian Cush.

Amh. Amharic Dem.

Arab. Arabic E. Wlm

Aram. Aramaic Ebl.

Berb. Berber Egyp.

Bibl. Biblical Aramaic End.

Ch. Chaha Enn.

Chad. Chadic ESA

Names of languages

Coptic ESud East Sudanic

Cushitic Eth. Ethiopie

Demotic Ez. Eza

East Tawllemmet G°g. Gogot

Ebla Gt. Gyeto

Egyptian Gur. Gurage

Endegen Gz. Ge'ez

Ennemor Har. Harari

Epigraphic South Arabian Hbr. Hebrew

Hbt Hobyot NE New Kingdom Sab. Sabaic

HEC Highland East Cushitic NS Nilo-Saharan Sam. Samaritan

Hrs. Harsusi OAkk Old Akkadian Sel. Selti

Jib. Jibbali OB Old Babylonian Sem. Semitic

Jud. Judaic Aramaic Off. Official Aramaic SNil South Nilotic

LEC Lowland East Cushitic OK Old Kingdom Soq. Soqotri

Mand. Mandaic PAA Proto-Afrasian Sum. Sumerian

MB Middle Babylonian PCO Proto-Cushitic-Omotic Syr. Syriac

Mhr. Mehri Phoen. Phoenician Tgr. Tigre

Min. Minaean PSEBC Proto-Semitic-Egyptian- Tna. Tigrinya (Tigray)

MK Middle Kingdom Berber-Chadic Ugr. Ugaritic

Ms. Masqan Qat. Qatabanian Wol. Wol.

MSA Modern South Arabian S.Cush. Southern Cushitic YB Young Babylonian

Muh. Muher SA Saho-Afar

Terminology

coll. collective k. kind redupl. reduplication

dial. dialect lw. loanword m. masculine

dissim. dissimilation met. metathesis sg. singular

f. feminine pers. personal sp. species

gen. generic (term) pl. plural subst. substantive

id. idem pref. prefix suff. suffix

Other notational symbols

II separates branches within a language family I separates subbranches or groups - denotes morphemic boundaries148

Abbreviations of sources

DRS = Cohen et al. 1970-1993 EDE = Takacs 1999, 2001, 2008 EDS = Parpola 2015 HSED = Orel & Stolbova 1995 Mil. 2009 = Militarev 2009 SED II = Militarev & Kogan 2005

AADB = Militarev & Stolbova 2020 AHw = von Soden 1965-1981 BK = Biberstein-Kazimirski 1860 CAD = Brinkman et al. 1956-2010 CED = Stolbova 2016

References

Appleyard, David. 2006. A Comparative Dictionary of the Agaw Language. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe. Bassano, Francesco da. 1918. Vocabolario tigray-italiano e repertorio italiano-tigray. Roma: Casa editrice italiana & C. de Luigi.

Beeston, Alfred F. L., Mahmud Ali Ghul, Walter W. Müller, Jacques Ryckmans. 1982. Sabaic Dictionary. Louvain-la-

Neuve, Éditions Peeters; Beyrouth, Librairie du Liban. Bellwood, Peter. 2013. First Migrants. Ancient Migration in Global Perspective. Chichester: Wiley - Blackwell. Biberstein-Kazimirski, Albert de. 1860. Dictionnaire arabe-français. Vol.1-2. Paris: Maison-Neuve et Co. Biella, Joan C. 1982. Dictionary of Old South Arabic. Sabaean Dialect. Harvard Semitic Studies, 25. Chico (CA): Scholars Press.

148 In some cases, especially in Chadic lexemes, boundaries drawn between the stem and affixes and between the affixes may not be exact, since ideal morphemic analysis requires more detailed knowledge of each individual language's morphology and morphophonemics than possessed by the authors.

Bittner, Maximillian. 1917. Studien zur Shauri-Sprache in den Bergen von Dofar am Persischen Meerbusen. Wien: Hölder.

Blazek, Vaclav. 1994. Elephant, Hippopotamus and Others: On Some Ecological Aspects of the Afroasiatic Homeland. Asian and African Studies 3/2: 196-212.

Blazek, Vaclav. 2003a. Semitic tawar- 'Bull' and Its Relatives. In: M. L. Bender, D. Appleyard, G. Takacs (eds). Selected Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistics Studies in Memory of Igor M. Diakonoff: 7-12. München: Lincom Europa.

Blazek, Vaclav. 2003b. Fauna in Beja Lexicon. In: Ilya Smirnov (ed.). Studia Semitica: Fs. for Alexander Militarev: 230294. Moscow: Russian State University for the Humanities.

Blazek, Vaclav. 2013. Levant and North Africa: Afroasiatic linguistic history. In: Peter Bellwood (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration. Vol. 1. Prehistory: 125-132. London: Blackwell.

Blench, Roger. 2006. Archaeology, Language, and the African Past. Lanham: Altamira Press.

Blench, Roger. 2009. A Dictionary of Bura. Available at: www.rogerblench.info/Language/Afroasiatic/Chadic/Central/ Bura/Bura%20dictionary%202010.pdf [Accessed 28.12.2020].

Brinkman, John A., Miguel Civil, Ignace J. Gelb, A. Leo Oppenheim, Eruca Reiner (eds.). 1956-2010. The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute, the University of Chicago. Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.: Oriental Institute; Glückstadt, Germany: J.J. Augustin Verlagsbuchhandlung.

Chazan, Michael. 2017. World Prehistory and Archaeology: Pathways Through Time. 4th edition. London: Routledge.

Cohen, David, et al. 1970-1993. Dictionnaire des racines sémitiques ou attestées dans les langues sémitiques. Fasc. 1-2. Paris: Mouton. Fasc. 3-5. Leuven: Peeters.

Conti Rossini, Carlo. 1913. Schizzo del dialetto Saho dell'Alta Assaorta in Eritrea. Roma, Tip. della R. Accademia dei Lincei. V. XXII, Fasc. 5.

Dansgaard, Willi, James W. C. White, Sigfüs J. Johnsen. 1989. The abrupt termination of the Younger Dryas climate event. Nature 339: 532-534.

Diakonoff, Igor M. 1981. Earliest Semites in Asia: agriculture and animal husbandry according to linguistic data (VIIIth-IVth milennia). Altorientalische Forschungen 8: 23-74.

Diakonov, Igor M. 1996. Shumery i afrazijcy glazami istorika [Sumerians and Afrasians through the eyes of an historian]. Vestnik Drevnej istorii 4: 81-88.

Diakonoff, Igor M. 1998. The earliest Semitic society. Linguistic data. Journal of Semitic Studies 43 (2): 209-219.

Dolgopolskiy, Aaron B. 1973. Sravnitel'no-istoriceskaja fonetika kusitskix jazykov [Comparative-Historical Phonetics of the Cushitic Languages]. Moskva: Nauka.

Ehret, Christopher. 1980. The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Ehret, Christopher. 2001. A Historical-Comparative Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe.

Ehret, Christopher. 2011. History and the Testimony of Language. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Erman, Adolf, Hermann Grapow. 1957-1971. Wörterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache. I-V. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag

Grosman, Leore. 2013. The Natufian Chronological Scheme - New Insights and their Implications. In: Ofer Bar-Yosef, François R.Valla (eds.). Natufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia: 622-637. New York: Berghahn Books.

Johnstone, Thomas M. 1987. Mehri Lexicon and English-Mehri Word List. London / New York: Routledge.

Jungraithmayr, Herrmann, Dymitr Ibriszimow. 1994. Chadic Lexical Roots. Vols. I-II. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Goring-Morris, A. Nigel, Anna Belfer-Cohen. 2013. The Southern Levant (Cisjordan) During the Neolithic Period. In: Ann E. Killebrew, Margreet Steiner (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant: c. 8000-332 BCE: 141-163. Oxford University Press.

Kuijt, Ian, Bill Finlayson. 2009. Evidence for food storage and predomestication granaries 11,000 years ago in the Jordan Valley. In: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 106 (27): 1096610970.

Lanfry, Jacques. 1973. Ghadamès. Vol. II. Glossaire (Parler des Ayt Waziten). Algérie: Fort-National, Fichier de documentation berbère.

Leslau, Wolf. 1987. Comparative Dictionary of Ge'ez (Classical Ethiopic). Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Lev, Ma'ayan, Mina Weinstein-Evron, Reuven Yeshurun. 2020. Squamate bone taphonomy: A new experimental framework and its application to the Natufian zooarchaeological record. Nature Scientific Reports 10. Available at: https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-020-66301-5 [Accessed 28.12.2020].

Militarev, Alexander. 1995. Sumerians and Afrasians. Journal of Ancient History 2: 113-127.

Militarev, Alexander. 2002. The prehistory of a dispersal: Proto-Afrasian (Afroasiatic) farming lexicon. In: Peter Bellwood, Colin Renfrew (eds.). Examining the Farming/Language Dispersal Hypothesis: 135-150. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.

Militarev, Alexander. 2005. Root extension and root formation in Semitic and Afrasian. Aula Orientalis 23(1): 83-130.

Militarev, Alexander. 2009. Proto-Afrasian Lexicon Confirming West Asian Homeland: Pastoralism. Journal of Language Relationship 1: 95-106.

Militarev, Alexander, Leonid Kogan. 2005. Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Vol. II: Animal Names. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.

Militarev, Alexander, Olga Stolbova. 2020. Afroasiatic Etymology Database. Available at http://starling.rinet.ru [Accessed 28.12.2020].

iНе можете найти то, что вам нужно? Попробуйте сервис подбора литературы.

Mithen, Steven. 2003. After the Ice: A Global Human History, 20,000-5000 BC. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Motylinski, Adolphe de Calassanti. 1904. La dialecte berbère de R'edamès. Paris: E. Leroux.

Naït-Zerrad, Kamal. 1998, 1999, 2002. Dictionnaire des racines berbères. Paris-Louvain: Peeters Publishers.

Nakano, Akio. 1986. Comparative Vocabulary of Southern Arabic: Mahri, Gibbali and Soqotri. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa.

Olmo Lete, Gregorio del, Joaquín Sanmartín. 2003. A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition. Leiden-Boston: Brill.

Orel, Vladimir, Olga Stolbova. 1995. Hamito-Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Leiden / New York / Köln: Brill.

Parpola, Simo. 2015. Etymological Dictionary of the Sumerian Language. Part 1. Lexical Evidence. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns.

Platt, Daniel E., Marc Haber, Magda Bou Dagher-Kharrat, Bouchra Douaihy, Georges Khazen, Maziar Ashrafian Bonab, Angélique Salloum, Francis Mouzaya, Donata Luiselli, Chris Tyler-Smith, Colin Renfrew, Elizabeth Matisoo-Smith, Pierre A. Zalloua. 2017. Mapping Post-Glacial expansions: The Peopling of Southwest Asia. Nature Scientific Reports 7: 40338. Available at: https://www.nature.com/articles/srep40338 [Accessed 28.12.2020].

Rasmussen, Sune O., Bo M. Vinther, Henrik B. Clausen, Katrine K. Andersen. 2005. The Greenland Ice Core Chronology 2005 (GICC05). Early Holocene section. IGBP PAGES/World Data Center for Paleoclimatology Data Contribution Series # 2006-119. NOAA/NCDC Paleoclimatology Program, Boulder CO, USA.

Reinisch, Leo. 1890. Wörterbuch der Saho-Sprache. Wien: Alfred Hölder.

Reinisch, Leo. 1902. Die Somali-Sprache. Wörterbuch. Wien: Alfred Hölder.

Skinner, A. Neil. 1996. Hausa Comparative Dictionary. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.

Soden, Wolfram von. 1965-1981. Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Starostin, Sergei A. 2000. Comparative-historical linguistics and lexicostatistics. In: Colin Renfrew, April M. S. McMahon, Robert Lawrence Trask (eds.). Time Depth in Historical Linguistics. Vol. 1: 233-259. Cambridge: The McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.

Starostin, George. 2017. Macrofamilies and agricultural lexicon. Problems and perspectives. In: M. Robbeets, A. Savelyev (eds.). Language Dispersal Beyond Farming: 215-233. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Stolbova, Olga V. 2005. Chadic lexical database. Issue I: Letters L, N, NY, R. Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences.

Stolbova, Olga V. 2009. Leksicheskaja baza dannyx po chadskim jazykam. V. 3.Sibil'anty i sibil'antnyje affrikaty. [Chadic Lexical Database. Issue III. Sibilants and Sibilant Affricates.] Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences.

Stolbova, Olga V. 2011. Leksicheskaja baza dannyx po chadskim jazykam. V. 5.Vel'arnyje. [Chadic Lexical Database. Issue IV. Velars.] Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences.

Stolbova, Olga V. 2016. Chadic Etymological Dictionary. Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

Stolbova, Olga V. 2019. Leksicheskaja baza dannyx po chadskim jazykam. V. 5. [Chadic lexical database. Issue V.]. Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences.

Takács, Gábor. 1999. Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian. Vol. 1: A Phonological Introduction. Leiden / Boston / Köln: Brill.

Takács, Gábor. 2001. Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian. Vol. 2: B-, P-, F-. Leiden / Boston / Köln: Brill.

Takács, Gábor. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian. Vol. 3: M. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

Takács, Gábor. 2011. Studies in Afro-Asiatic Comparative Phonology: Consonantism. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

А. Ю. Милитарев, С. Л. Николаев. Праафразийские названия копытных в свете проблемы афразийской прародины

В статье представлена первая порция полного тезауруса праафразийских зоонимов, подготовленного авторами: более ста названий копытных, включая полорогих, свиней, эквидов и верблюдов, а также крупных травоядных (слонов, гиппопотамов и носорогов), отражающие максимально полную (на современном уровне наших знаний) картину этих видов фауны в период накануне распада праафразийского языка (11 тыс. до н.э., по глоттохронологии) и в зоне обитания праафразийцев, две различные точки зрения на локализацию которой - Левант и Восточная Африка - также обсуждаются авторами.

Ключевые слова: афразийская прародина; афразийские (афро-азиатские) языки; этимология зоонимов; реконструкция культурной лексики.

PROTO-AFRASIAN NAMES OF UNGULATES IN LIGHT OF THE PROTO-AFRASIAN HOMELAND ISSUE Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Аннотация научной статьи по языкознанию и литературоведению, автор научной работы — Militarev Alexander Yu., Nikolaev Sergei A.

Похожие темы научных работ по языкознанию и литературоведению , автор научной работы — Militarev Alexander Yu., Nikolaev Sergei A.

Текст научной работы на тему «PROTO-AFRASIAN NAMES OF UNGULATES IN LIGHT OF THE PROTO-AFRASIAN HOMELAND ISSUE»