THE AFRO-ASIATIC BACKGROUND OF WEST RIFT *ḫ, *ḥ, *ʕ, *H, AND *Ɂ Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Gabor Takacs

Institute of Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Dept. of Egyptology, ELTE, Hungary

The Afro-Asiatic background of West Rift *h, *h, *h, and *?

The main goal of the paper is to assert that the rich laryngeal inventory, reconstructed for the West Rift subgroup of Southern Cushitic languages, must be seriously archaic in origin; with direct parallels to each of its constituents in Semitic and Egyptian languages, it can be deemed as retaining the original phonology of Afro-Asiatic, thus underscoring the significant importance of West Rift languages in the task of reconstructing this macrofamily. The hypothesis is supported by numerous etymologies.

Keywords: Afro-Asiatic languages, Southern Cushitic languages, comparative phonology, historical reconstruction

Introduction

As I have demonstrated elsewhere (Takacs 1999; 2001, 55ff.; 2003, 143ff.), the consonantal system of South Cushitic has apparently retained a number of archaic features that make the importance of this remote subbranch (comprising the West Rift, the East Rift languages, Ma'a, and Dahalo in the border area of Kenya and Tanzania) almost unique (along with the equally extraordinary North Bauchi group of West Chadic) in the whole Afro-Asiatic macrofamily from the standpoint of consonantal reconstruction. This is why the pioneer monograph from 1980 by C. Ehret on the historical reconstruction of South Cushitic phonology and lexicon (abbreviated as Ehret) represents up to now — in spite of all its shortcomings — an equally extraordinary treasury of information. The new comparative lexicon of the West Rift languages (Iraqw, Gorowa, Alagwa, Burunge) by R. Kießling & M. Mous from 2004 (referred to below as KM without year) provides us with a fairly solid inner reconstruction of the best known and most reliable group of South Cushitic.

The publication of this magnificent work allows us to tread on a safer path than any time before towards understanding the Afro-Asiatic background of an exciting segment of South Cushitic consonantism (*h, *h, *?, *h, and *?) that has been best preserved just in West Rift and Dahalo. Henceforth, in the light of my permanent research on this noteworthy subbranch, I have re-examined at the Starostin Memorial Conference (Moscow, 25-31 March 2008) how this set of the South Cushitic phoneme inventory relates to the corresponding segments in Semitic and Egyptian, where Afro-Asiatic *h, *h, *?, *h, and *? have been best retained. Since there is a regular correspondence between the WRift, ERift, Ma'a, and the Dhl. "laryngeals", some extra-WRift parallels have also been used and discussed in this paper.

Methodological problems of South Cushitic etymology

Before going into details about the regular correspondences, I have to briefly address a fundamental weakness of the inner and the (luckily not too frequent) extra-SCu. etymologies in all three recent comparative compendia dealing with West Rift (Ehret 1980, Elderkin and

Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 4 (2010) • Pp. 135-166 • © Takacs G., 2010

Maghway 1992, Kießling and Mous 2004). Unfortunately, the authors of these works — albeit in different degrees — have all failed to avoid the very same methodological pitfalls of comparison both in terms of phonology and semantics. It has been especially striking to observe in the latter two works the strong inclination towards far-fetched inner SCu. pseudo-etymologies, which has made Southern Cushitic until now a strangely introverted domain un-comparable with the much higher niveau of comparative Agaw (cf. Appleyard 2006) and East Cushitic (cf. Sasse 1979 and 1982).

The general questions around Ehret's pioneering reconstruction have already been dealt with by reviewers (cf. Hetzron & Talos 1982; Voigt 1983; Zaborski 1984), although a detailed review of this precious and so far unparalleled accumulation of data would be desirable before one gets to completing a new South Cushitic comparative (and etymological) dictionary (for a number of corrected SCu. lexical entries cf. Takacs 2000). The lengthy study by Elderkin and Maghway (referred to below as Eld.-Mgw. 1992) has, unfortunately, on each page of it several false omnicomparativistic West Rift etymologies1 without any reference to the external parallels. The problems are unfortunately rather similar (albeit luckily in a relatively lower degree) also with the most recent lexical comparisons by Kießling and Mous, which can be illustrated with the following instances:

• WRift *fänc-ö "(molar) teeth" [KM 57]: semantically, this is, in fact, not an exact correspondence to "Dullay (sic, for Gollango) /ad'o 'cheek'" as KM 36 claim (following a bad tradition of Cushitic linguistics). Cf. rather LECu.: Saho ad-a "back teeth" [Lmb. 1987, 533] III Om. *ac- "tooth" [Bnd. 1988, 145]. Dullay *?ad(d)- "Backe" [AMS 1980, 232], in turn, fits WRift *?ünc-a "cheek" [KM 2004, 309], which KM falsely regard as a WRift innovation from *?uc "to wrap, twist, wring".

• WRift *fis "to do" [KM 166]: its inner derivation proposed by KM was clearly made due to the ignorance of the external cognates: "may go back to a Pre-WR form */ihis, the status of the final consonant as a lexicalized causative extension is confirmed by the intrusion of the durative suffix in */iimis". It is a pity that KM failed to consider the widely-known cognates of this root, cf. below in the section for SCu. *?.

• WRift *föc "to shrivel, shrink, dry up" [KM 222] can hardly be cognate with ECu. ?aw/ys- "grass" [Sasse 1979, 60] as KM think (aside from the semantical difficulties, WRift *c ^

1 E.g., (1) Irq. & Alg. sap- "to approach" * Irq. cew "near", Brg. cia "near" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 53); (2) Irq. daîàî-m- "to be hot" > dà?rà "ashes" can have nothing to do with Irq. caraqw "dust of ashes", Grw. caraq "dust" (as suggested in Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 53); (3) Irq. horoc- "to snore" has nothing in common with Irq. haha^-üs- "to yawn", Alg. hànjàhanj-ùs "to yawn" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 55); (4) WRift *gu?- "to sleep" is unrelated to WRift

*qat- "to lie down, sleep" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 55); (5) Irq. qaw "to give, bestow" cannot be related to Irq. qëru "intellect" or WRift *hu?- "to know" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 56 arguing that "intelligence is something given"); (6) WRift *qaf- "bark, skin" * Brg. ka?afu "gateway" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 56); (7) WRift *sag- "head" is not comparable with Irq. se?emi "hair" or Dhl. sak- "to plait hair" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 56); (8) WRift *hirf- "to praise" vs. WRift *suf- "lip" vs. *süf- "to swell" are also to be separated (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 57); (9) WRift *haf- "to scrape" * WRift *his- "to rub, scrape" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 57); (10) WRift *himP- "to breathe" has nothing to do with Irq. hi(n)s- "to breathe" (as in Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 58); (11) Irq. pahál "bow-legs" * WRift *pas- "to deviate" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 58); (12) Irq. horormi "shell" is unrelated to WRift *suma "fence" (as suggested in Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 58); (13) WRift *œî- "to strain" * WRift *corh- "to trickle" (as in Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 58); (14) WRift *dawr-"sky" * WRift *raw- "sky" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 60); (15) WRift *du?-üm- "to suckle" is unrelated to Irq. nünü?-"to suck breast" (contra Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 60); (16) Irq. gumama?- "to close" has nothing to do with Alg. gibis "to stop up" (as maintained in Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 60); (17) Irq. tumbarara?-at- "to kneel" * Irq. sakwnene?-it- "to squat" (as in Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 61) etc. The aforementioned lexemes massively confused in this work by Elderkin and Maghway, in fact, represent distinct SCu. (and, eventually, AA) etyma.

ECu. *s). Cf. rather Ar. biconsonantal *Ts "to get dry" [GT] (details below in the section for SCu. *T). KM confused again two distinct etyma. By the way, A. B. Dolgopolsky (1983, 138, #10.10) affiliated the ECu. stem (probably incorrectly) with Sem. *Tis(V)b- "herb(age), grass" [Dlg.], whereby we may assume in the ECu. cluster *-ws- a lenition from *-bs-. For ECu. Taw/ys- cp. better WCh.: NBauchi *(a)was- < **Tawas- (?) "grass" [GT]: Warji wasa-na, Mburku wasa, Kariya wasisi, Miya awasu, Jimbin awasi (NBch.: Skn. 1977, 24).

• WRift *îùnc-a "cheek" [KM 309] cannot be a WRift innovation from *Tuc "to wrap, twist, wring" as KM proposed, since it was inherited from the common Cushitic anatomic terminology, cf. its cognates without the epenthetic *-n-, namely SCu. *Toc- "cheekbone" [Ehret 1980, 278] II ECu. *Tad- "cheek" [GT]: e.g. Gollango Tad- "Backe" [AMS 1980, 195] I Konso ad-a, Dirayta add-a (pl.), Mosiya add-eta "cheek" (Konsoid: Lmb. 1987, 533, #8.b) III Sem. *Tas(as)- "bone" [Lsl. 1945, 233]. For Sem.-Cu. see Dlg. 1987, 209, #103; 1989, 100, #43.

• WRift *càî-a "rock" [KM 36]: KM's astonishing equation with Somali daT-a "sound of a falling stone" is simply a rude error, since the latter evidently derives from Somali daT- "to fall" [Rn. 1902, 124]. Instead cf. rather Saho-Afar day ~ da "Stein, Fels" [Rn. 1890, 127] = da "pebble" [Sasse], in which H.-J. Sasse (1982, 61) rightly surmises an irreg. reflex of his ECu. *dagh- "stone". Future research has to clear up how the cluster *-gh- was resolved in Saho-Afar *-Vy- and SCu. *-VT-. Cf. perhaps also NEg. dh.wt (fem.pl.) "Steinblocke" (NE, Wb V 484, 10) = "Gerollblocke" (GHWb 986), whose -h- is equally irreg.

• WRift *cub "rain" [KM 36] = SCu. *Ciub- "to rain" [Ehret 217, #24] is probably unrelated to ECu. *diub- "to dip in" [Sasse 1979, 30, 61]. A.B. Dolgopolsky (1987, 208, #101) has, besides, long pointed out the correct cognates of the SCu. root: Sem. *hdb (i.e., *hsb) [prefixed *h-] "heavy shower" [GT]: OSA (Sab.) hdb "showers of rain" [Biella Kendrick], Ar. hadaba, impf. -hdib- "faire tomber de l'eau, pleuvoir (ciel), mouiller" [BK II 1425, cf. DRS 443] = "to rain continuously" [Dlg.] < AA *c-b "to rain" [GT].

• WRift *gad-a "forest" [KM 37] * ECu. *garb- "swamp, thicket" [Sasse 1982, 80]. How could one equate SCu. *-d- with ECu. *-rb-? Let alone the semantical difficulties.

• WRift *gawa "peak" [KM 37] = PRift *gawa "above" [GT]: the same is the case with this stem, erroneously equated by KM with ECu. *gub- "mountain" [Sasse 1979, 15]. (1) For the former root cf. AA *g-w (act. *gaw-?) "hill" [GT] > Geez nagagaw "hill" [Lsl. 1987, 391] III Eg. dw [reg. < *gw] "mountain" (PT, Wb V 541-5) > (S) TOOY (indicating OEg. *daw < pre-Eg. *gaw) III SBrb.: ETawllemmet & Ayr a-ggu "être au-dessus de, être sur le dessus de", ETawl-lemmet i-ggi & Ayr a-ggi "lieu élevé, hauteur, élévation" [PAM 2003, 192] I I I Ch. *g-w-y "mountain" [GT]. (2) For ECu. *gub-, in turn, cp. AA *gub- "hill" [GT] discussed in EDE I 400.

• WRift *haw?-ut (med.) "to go away" [KM 134] can hardly be cognate with Oromo ba? "to go out" as KM suggest without any reasoning. Naturally, WRift *h- (= LECu. *h-) has nothing to do with LECu. *b- (= WRift *b-).

• WRift *hampu "wing" [KM 148]: its comparison with ECu. *hubn- "muscle (?)" [Sasse 1979, 15, 58] is semantically unconvincing and, in addition, would be also phonologically irregular (WRift *-p- * ECu. *-b- burdened by a metathesis).

• WRift *hitim (dur.) "to destroy" [KM 154]: I am afraid that it has nothing in common with Somali had- "to steal" as KM envisage, but should be re-analyzed as a haplology for *hit(i)m-im, cognate with Eg. htm "to destroy" (discussed below).

• WRift *huc "to plait, braid, weave, knit, twist" [KM 156] cannot be compared to both ECu. *ha/undur- "navel" [Sasse 1979, 24, 62; 1982, 91] and Somali hid- "to tie" [Abr. 1964, 120] < ECu. *hid- [Sasse 1979, 62]. Only the latter cognate is correct. The WRift-Somali parallel speaks for AA *h-c, whereas the Eg. cognate (hnt3 < *hntr) to ECu. *ha/undur- suggests an underlying AA *h-n-t-r (with *-t-!).

• WRift *hump-a "lungs" [KM 155] cannot be identified with LECu.: Oromo humb-i "trunk of elephant, snout of pig" [Gragg 1982, 217: hence Amh. kun/mbi "trunk"], for which cf. rather perhaps PAgaw *gwamb- "nose" [Apl. 1984, 38] = *[q/h]wamb- [GT, cf. EDE II 577]. Besides, WRift *p * ECu. *b.

• WRift *hUnc "to wash (clothes)" [KM 155] for semantic reasons can hardly have anything to do with LECu.: Somali hundur "dysentery" [Abr. 1964, 124].

• WRift *har(V)m- "horn" [GT] = *hadaqw ~ *hadamu "1. horn, tusk, 2. sg. protruding" [KM 318-9] it has, of course, no connection with ECu. *gas- "horn" [Ss.] as KM maintain. Cf. SCu. *harim- "horn" [GT] below.

• WRift *has-it (med.) "to be silent" [KM 320] can hardly be regarded as an inner development from WRift *has- ~ *his- "to smoothen a surface" (reflected by Irq. his- "to scrape" and Brg. ?ila-has- "to clean a field, rake"!) as KM suggest. Instead, here too, we may safely assume a distinct AA root, cf. Sem. *hs? "to be calm, still" [GT] (discussed below).

• WRift *rawa "sky" [KM 37] * ECu. *rob- "rain" [Sasse 1979, 22] as KM suggest. For the former cf. LEg. rj.t "Himmel" (GR, Wb II 400, 3) III Ch. *r-w "sky" [JS 1981, 234E] (for Eg.-WCh.-Brg.: HSED #2101). The latter root is (as demonstrated long ago by W. W. Müller 1975, 67, #39) cognate with Sem. *rbb "to rain". KM confused two different AA etyma.

The Afro-Asiatic correspondences to West Rift and South Cushitic *h, *h, *h, and *?

Below those West Rift (and sometimes also some other South Cushitic) lexical items will be examined — ohne Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit — that contain these phonemes, primarily in the Anlaut, and whose Semitic and/or Egyptian parallels have been identified (mostly by myself in the course of my current research on South Cushitic historical phonology, ongoing since spring 1998). In rare cases, lone data from some East Cushitic daughter languages (usually equally conservative about *h, *?, *h, and *?, but not *h) have also been considered. Since Berber, Omotic, and Chadic languages are very innovative about these old phonemes (with erosions and mergers), reflexes from these Afro-Asiatic branches will only be quoted briefly, provided the Semitic and/or Egyptian cognates are available.

SCu. *h

SCu. WRift Qwadza Asa Ma'a Dahalo Sem. Eg. AA

*h *h-, *-h- h-, -?- ? h ~ k k, h- (?) *h h *h

• SCu. *?ahw- "to listen" [Ehr.] < an incompatible **îahw- (note: SCu. *T-h is unattested!) "to hear" [GT]: WRift *?ah-as and *?ah-am-is "to hear", *?ahw-es (caus.) "to talk" (GT: lit. *"to make s'one listen") [KM 64] I Asa h-as- "to hear" [Ehr.] I Dhl. ?aga33o [affix ^o] "ear" [Tosco 1991, 127] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 288, #47) II Bed. ?angwil [affix -il] "Ohr" [Rn.], Bisharin ?ankwil "ear" [Almkvist] II Agaw *?anqw- "ear" [Apl. 2006, 59]2 II LECu.: Saho okka, pl. okak "Ohr" [Rn. 1890, 23] = ?okka [Bnd.] = Tokka "ear" [Vergari 2003, 66], Saho-Assaorta Toqqua, pl. Toqqâq "orecchio" [CR] = Tokkwâ [Dlg.: T- "записано ошибочно или вторично"], cf. Afar Tokka "ear-wax (cérumen)" [PH 1985, 61] (Cu.: Crl. 1938 II, 213; Dlg. 1973, 183 with false re-

2 D. Appleyard's (l.c.) reluctance to accept its old equation wih — as "probably not related" — is baseless.

construction; Zbr. 1989, 580, #21; Ehr. 1995, 521, #728) I II Eg. Tnh.wj "die zwei Ohren (als Körperteil des Menschen)" (MK, Wb I 204-5)3 III CCh.: Bura ngga "hören", ngga-ta "hören, fühlen, empfinden" [Hfm. in RK 1973, 93], Chibak qga-ti "hören" [Hfm. 1955, 135], Margi-Wamdiu qga-ri "to hear" [Krf.], WMargi qga-di "to hear", qgà-di "1. to hear, 2. feel" [Krf.] I Higi r)ga-rdi "entendre" [Krf.] (CCh.: Krf. quoted by Jng.-Brt. 1990, 77) I I ECh.: Mokilko ?ânniga "(se) taire" [Jng. 1990, 58] < AA *îaQw ~ *îanQw "to listen, hear" [GT]. For Eg.-Cu. (sine SCu.) see Zhl. 1932-3, 166.

• WRift *?änh "to be satiated" [KM 58] III Ar. nhw: naha I "1. se donner des airs, être fier, bouffi d'orgueil", X "enfler, gonfler" [BK II 1223] II MSA *nhw > Hrs. nhö "to be glad", Mhr. hanhü "to be happy" (MSA: Jns. 1977, 99; 1987, 309) III Eg. nhnh "sich freuen (vom Herzen)" (PT, Wb II 312, 11).

• WRift *?änh-ari (affix *-ar-) "phlegm" [KM 58] III Sem. *nah- "mucus, phlegm" [SED I, no. 197: no AA cognates] III Eg. nh "Speichel" (PT, Wb II 318, 14-15) III CCh.: Tera naha "saliva" [Nwm.] I Mandara nehe [Mch.] etc. (Ch.: JI 1994 II 279) < AA *n-h "mucus" [GT]. For Jbl. nhoh "phlegm" [Jns. 1981, 199] note also Mhr. nahyök "phlegm" [Jns. 1987, 308], whose *-k is not yet explained. Note that a var. root (with an original *-k) has apparently been retained in WCh.: NBauchi *nak- "saliva" [GT]: Warji naniki-na ~ nanàki, Kariya nanaki, Miya ninaki, Siri niki, Mburku nànaka etc. (NBch.: Skn. in JI 1994 II 278) < AA *n-k "saliva" [GT].

• PRift *cahw- "to trap" [GT]: PIrq. *cahweli "caltrop, rope trap" [KM] > Irq. cahweli "trap"

I Qwd. ca?-uko [-?- < *-h-] "bird trap" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 355) III Eg. sht "(Vögel) mit dem Netz fangen" (OK, Wb IV 262-263) = "to trap, snare" (FD 243). The third Eg. root consonant -t is still unexplained. Interestingly, the same problem appears in Eg. sht "flechten, weben" (PT, Wb IV 263) III ECu. *söh- "flechten" [Sasse 1976, 126; 1979, 41].4

• SCu. *döh- "to take away" [Ehret]: WRift *düh "1. to take out, take away, 2. marry" > *dühö "marriage" [KM 100] I Asa duh-um- "to marry" [Ehret] I Dhl. dök- [k reg. < *h] "to take away" [Ehret] = dök- "to seize, take away from" [EEN 1989, 28] = dök- "to take away, kidnap (woman)" [Tosco 1991, 132] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 166, #34): although SCu. *d vs. Sem. *d do not regularly correspond5, this root may be an irregular metathetic match to Sem. *?hd "prendre, saisir" [DRS 15] > esp. Akk. ahazu "1. nehmen, 2. heiraten" [AHW 18].

• WRift *düha, pl. *dühahe "ditch" [KM 100] III Sem.: Geez dahaha "to excavate, hollow out", dahuh "hollow, excavated, concave, chasm, cave", dahaya "to excavate, dig up, hollow out, dig deep, penetrate" [Lsl. 1987, 128, 130] (listed in DRS 245 with -h-l). Leslau's (l.c.) proposal on the relationship of this Geez root to Geez dahaya "grind grain" > madhe "upper millstone" (listed in DRS 245 with -h-l) as well as to Sem. *dhy "to push" has to be declined.

• SCu. *ha?- "to burn" [GT]: Qwd. ha?o "fire" I Ma'a -ka ~ -ha "to be lit, burning", -kako ~ -haho *"heat" I Dhl. kok- (partial redupl.) "to be lit, be burning" (Ehret 1980, 259, #29-#30) II ECu.: (?) Dullay *ha(t)te [suffix -tte?] "fire" [GT after AMS 1980, 241] (SCu.-Dullay: Flm. 1969, 22; Dlg. 1973, 263) III Eg. h.t "fire" (PT, Wb III 217-218).

• SCu. *hab-i "firewood" [Ehr.] > WRift *habiya, pl. *hab-ö "charcoal" [KM 318] I Ma'a lu-habi "firewood" [Ehr.] (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 256, #4) III Ar. hbw > haba I "2. brûler (se dit du feu)" [BK I 537] III (???) Eg. hb.t "Feuer" (NK, Wb III 252, 16)6.

3 For this Agaw-Eg. etymology see Zhl. 1932-33, 166.

4 Albeit for other reasons, but Kießling and Mous (2004, 294) have also suggested a biconsonantal origin for the WRift term, namely a semantically far-fetched derivation from a hypothetic WRift **cahw- (ideophon.) "sudden hopping or snapping movement" based on the comparison of such unrelated terms as PIrq. *cah-üt "to hop", *cahway "grasshopper sp.", and even *cah-ad "to aim at, shoot and hit".

5 Whereas normally SCu. *32 > WRift *d, Qwd. d, Asa 3, Ma'a z, Dhl. d ~ Sem.*d.

6 Unless < hb.t "Richtstätte (an der die Bösen verbrannt werden)" (since MK, Wb III 252).

• SCu. *hal- "to be dry" vs. *hala?- "dry" [Ehr.] > Alg. hala? "dry", hala?ame "barren (of land)" I Ma'a -hala ~ -hala "to be dry", -hala-ti "to dry (sg.)", -hala?e "dry" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 257, #9-#10) III Sem. *hlw > Ar. hala "être vide, vacant" [BK I 626]. For the semantic shift cf. Eg. sw "dry" ~ sw "empty".

• SCu. *harim- "horn" [GT] > WRift *har(V)m- "horn" [GT] = »hadarT ~ *hadamu "1. horn, tusk, 2. sg. protruding" [KM]: Irq. harmo, Grw. harmo, Alg. harimo, Brg. hadaq I Qwd. halin-ko [GT: < *harim-], Asa hadon-k I Ma'a lu-haremu ~ lu-haremu (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 256, #5; WRift: also KM 318-9) III Sem.: Ar. harm- ~ hurm- "pic d'une montagne", ma-hrim- "1. sommet saillant d'une colline, 2. pointe d'une arme" [BK I 565]. For the SCu. vs. Ar. meaning cf., e.g., Armenian sar "Höhe, Gipfel, Abhang", Homeric Greek Kàçqva (pl.nom.) "Köpfe, Bergesgipfel" < IE *ker- "das Oberste am Körper: Kopf, Horn, Gipfel" (IEW 574ff.).

• SCu. *has- "gully, streambed, dry watercourse" [Ehr.] > Irq. hasa "valley or ravine without running water" I Dhl. kaso "furrow (for irrigation or drainage)" (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 256, #6) III Eg. hz (old *-s/*-z?) "Kanal, Brunnen" (XVIII., Wb III 332, 4) = "Sumpfloch, Rinnsal, Bach", cf. hz n mw "Brunnen (am Grab)" (GHWb 619) < AA *h~3 "to bore a hole, dig out" [GT]7 with irreg. SCu. *-s- < AA »-3-.

• WRift *has-ït (med.) "to be silent" [KM 320] can hardly be regarded as an inner development from WRift »has- ~ *his- "to smoothen a surface" (reflected by Irq. his- "to scrape" and Brg. ?ila-has- "to clean a field, rake"!) as KM suggest, cf. Sem. *hsî "calm" [GT]: Ar. hasaîa "to be humble, submissive, faint (voice)" II Geez hasîa ~ hasîa "to be calm, still etc." (Sem.: Lsl. 1987, 266) III CCh.: Glavda ghacaga-ghacaga [gh- < *Q- reg.] "still, calm" [RB 1968, 42] < AA *Q-s-T "calm" [GT].

• WRift *häs- ~ *hïs- "to smoothen a surface" [KM 320] = WRift *his- "to scrape" [Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 57] = SCu. »his- "to scrape" [GT]: cognate with Bed. se-has (caus.) "(ab)reiben, abputzen" [Rn. 1895, 127] III Geez hwasasa ~ hosasa "to sweep" and ES *hss "to sweep" [Lsl. 1987, 266]. It is dubious whether Saho hasay "reiben, frottieren", hesiy "(aus)reiben (z.B. Getreidekörner aus den Ähren, zwei Hölzer um so Feuer machen zu können)" [Rn. 1890, 196]

I Dobase has- "schaben, Leder bearbeiten" [AMS 1980, 191] I Burji hasiy- "to rub, stroke, massage" [Sasse 1982, 88].

• WRift *haw "to come" [KM 320] < (?) SCu. *ha- "to come to" [Ehr. 1980, 256, #2] = *haw-/*hwa?- [GT]: cp. perhaps Ar. hwy: hawa I "6. emporter, enlever", II "tirer vers le coucher" [BK I 651].

• SCu. *ho?- [*x-] "to bend": Irq. hu?-us- "to turn one's back on" I (?) Qwd. hu?umbayo "leather wrapping securing bowstring to bow" I Dhl. ko??-ed- "to fold" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 259) III Eg. h3 [if < *h?]8 "sich beugen" (GR, Wb III 223, 1).

• WRift **hoh- > sg. *hohöqw "hollow form", pl. *hohëri "hollow forms" [KM 323] II ECu.: perhaps Dullay *hoh- "hole" [GT] > Dobase hohr-o & Gollango hohn-o "Loch" (Dullay: AMS 1980, 192) III Sem. *hawh- "hollow" [TG]: Hbr. hâwâhïm ~ hohim (pl.) [< *hawh-] "hole, crevice" [KB 296] = "das Felsspalten" [GB 217] = "hollows, recesses" [Lsl.] I I Ar. hawh-at-"aperture in a wall, small doorway between houses" [Lsl.] II Geez hohat "door(way)" [Lsl. 1987, 260] = höht "hole in the wall" [KB] III WCh.: Angas-Sura *kuk ~ *kok "(i.a.) be empty" [GT 2004, 207]: cf. esp. Angas kok "empty" [Ormsby 1914, 209], Mnt. ku (so, without -k) "empty" [Ftp. 1911, 216]. The non-reduplicated root appears in Sem. *hwy "empty" [GT].

7 Cf. Sem.: Ar. *hz "to sting, pierce" [Zbr.] = "durchbohren" [Eilers]: Ar. hazza ~ nahaza ~ wahaza (for the Ar. biconsonantal root see Zbr. 1971, 71, #113; Eilers 1978, 128; Blv. 1993, 34, #22) III Brb. *y-z "creuser" [GT after Prs. 1969, 84, #565].

8 Is GR h3 to be separated from older Eg. h3b?

• SCu. *hor- "to be in trouble" [Ehr.] > Irq. hore "trouble, calamity" I Dhl. kor- "to be in trouble" (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 259, #26) II ECu. *har- "to become tired or weak" [Sasse 1979, 40] III Sem. *hwr: Ar. hwr: hara "être faible, débile (homme), faiblir, perdre de son intensité (la chaleur)" [BK I 645] II (?) Mehri haur "peu" [Jahn] (Sem.: Lsl. 1938, 192) III Eg. h3j.t [< *hry-t] "Krankheit, Leiden" (MK, Wb III 224), cf. h3w.tj "Personifikation des Todes (?)" (PT, Wb III 227, 2). For ECu.-Ar. cf. Dlg. 1987 MS, #44.

• PIrq. *horöramay "snail shells" [KM 322] = PIrq. *horör- [GT]: Irq. hororami "cowry shell" [Ehret 1980, 259] = horörmi "shell" [Mgw. 1989, 102]:9 < SCu. *hora- "large hard shell of sg." [Ehret 259, #27] III Eg. *h3 [< *hr] "Muschel (nur als altes Schriftzeichen für h3 belegt)" (Wb III 218, 17) = "bivalve shell" (a lost word, preserved only by the hrgl. representing a bivalve shell, EG 1927, 468, L6) III WCh.: Hausa kwaryar "shell (of tortoise)" [Abr. 1962, 594] I (?) Pero kokolo [irreg. -l- < *-r-?] "shell" [Frj. 1985, 36]. For Irq.-Hausa see HSED #2071.

• WRift *hos- [Ehr.] = *hös- "to grind" [Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 57; KM 322]: Irq. & Grw. hos-im-"to grind" [Ehret 1980, 259] = Irq. hos- "to grind" [Mgw. 1989, 102] = -höc-iqw-, a höC-im "to pound" [Wtl. 1953] = *hös- "to grind": hös-im- "to be grinding", hös-iqw- "grinding" [Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 57]10 III Sem.: Akk. hasû "zerkleinern, verstümmeln" [AHW 335] III Eg. hshs "Schutt" (NE, Wb III 339, 7) = "rubble" (DLE II 195) III WCh.: Angas-Sura *gyiës "to grind" [GT 2004, 147]11 I Daffo-Butura gigyàs "zerbrechen" [Jng. 1970, 86] I Ngizim kasu "to break into pieces, shatter" [Schuh 1981, 89] II CCh.: Daba hiz "to grind" [LG], Kola -haz- [-z- < *-z- < *-s-?] "to grind" [Schubert] (CCh.: JI 1994 II, 171) < AA *h-s "to grind into fine particles" [GT]. For Akk.-WRift cf. Mlt.-Stl. 1990, 62.

• WRift *hu? "to know", *hu?-um (dur.) "to watch, observe" [KM 323-5]: cognate with Dullay *hi?- "sehen" [GT]: Harso, Dobase, Gollango hi?-, Gawwada hi?- (Dullay: AMS 1980, 168).

• WRift *huf "to drink alcohol" [KM 323]: cp. Eg. ff.t "Ausströmen, Erguß" (PT, Wb III 273, 15). For the semantic change cf. Sem. *sty "to drink" [GT after Rabin 1975, 87, #19] III Eg. stj "(eine Flüßigkeit) ausgießen" (PT, Wb IV 328-9).

• SCu. *hul- "to be sated, full" [GT]: Ma'a -hu [regular < *-hul] "to be sated (of food), full" [Ehret] I Dhl. kul- "to gorge oneself" [Ehret & EEN 1989, 12] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 260) III NOm.: Gamu kall- "to be satiated" [Sottile 1999, 440] III Eg. nh3h3 [*n-hl-hl] "strotzen (von den Brüsten säugender Frauen)" (PT, Wb II 306, 10).

• WRift *hümpa "fever illness" [KM 323] III Eg. hnfj (fem. < *hnf.t) "1. Feuer, 2. (den Bösen) verbrennen" (LP, Wb III 291, 15-16). Irregular WRift *-p- vs. Eg. -f-.

• WRift *hup "to turn oneself face down" [KM 324]: cp. perhaps (with nasal root extension) Ar. hanafa I "1. (dé)tourner, 2. détourner le museau de la muselière (chameau), 3. tourner la tête et le cou du côté du cavalier" [BK I 641].

9 The Irq. word has nothing do do either with SCu. *hora/*hoda "large" (as supposed by Ehret 1980) or with WRift *sum- "protective enclosure" (as in Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 58).

10 It seems to me more than dubious whether there was any connection between WRift *hos- "to grind" and SCu. *his- "to scrape" [GT] as supposed by Elderkin & Maghway (1992, 57), cf. WRift *his- "to scrape" [Eld.-Mgw.]: Irq. his-it- [x-] "to peel" [Ehret] = his- "to scrape" [Eld.-Mgw.], Alg. his- "to rub" [Ehret] = hisa "to rub" [Eld.-Mgw.] (WRift: Eld.-Mgw. 1992, 57) I Ma'a -hi [regular loss of *-s-] "to scrape off" [Ehret] I Dhl. his- [unexplained h-] "to scrape scales off fish" [Ehret] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 258).

11 Attested in Sura diyees "(Korn) mahlen" [Jng. 1963, 64], Mpn. dies "to grind" [Frj. 1991, 15], Kofyar ees "to grind" [Ntg. 1967, 12], Chip ?ees "mahlen" [Jng. 1965, 166] = ?es (so!) [Stl. 1972 < ?], Mushere ess (so, -ss) "to grind" [Dkl. 1997 MS], Montol ees "to grind" [Ftp. 1911, 217], Goemay ees "to grind" [Ftp. 1911, 217] = es, pl. üas "to grind" [Srl. 1937, 47] = ?ees "mahlen" [Jng. 1962 MS, 7] = ees "to grind" [Hlw. 2000 MS, 8] (AS: Stl. 1972, 181; 1977, 154, #54; 1987, 230, #785).

• WRift *huru? "to roar, blow, rumble" [KM 324] III Sem.: Ar. hrr: harra "produire un bruit avec ses ailes en volant, 2. murmurer", hrhr: harhara "ronfler" [BK I 551, 556] III Eg. hrw "Stimme, Geräusch" (PT, Wb III 324).

• WRift *hUs "scrape, gnaw" [KM 324]: akin to HECu.: Gedeo kuss-, Kambata kuss- "to rub (off)" (HECu.: Hds. 1989, 126). Remotely (as a reflex of a PAA var. root?) related to WRift *ha/is- "to scrape" [KM, Eld.-Mgw.] (discussed above)?

• WRift *hwansä?o "garbage, dirt, refuse" [KM 325] III Eg. hns stinken" (Med., Wb III

301).

• SCu. *hwar- "to stir, mix" [GT] = *hwar- "to stir" [Ehret 1980, 270, #5]: WRift »hwaranhwar "to stir, jumble, mould" [KM 326]: Irq. hwaranhwar- "to stir" [Ehret] = hwara:qhwar- "to jumble" [Mgw. 1989, 102], Brg. hwarahwar-es- "to stir" [Ehret] I Ma'a -kwari "to mix" [Ehret] (Ehret 1980, 270) I I I Eg. h3w ~ h3w [< *hrw] "zerstoßen und in eine Flüssigkeit mischen" (Med., Wb III 361, 8) III WCh.: Pero gburù [*gwuru] "to mix (with oil or water)" [Frj. 1985, 31] II CCh.: Bura gwar "mischen", gwar-ta "vermischen" [Hfm. in RK 1973, 88] < AA *hw-r "to mix" [GT].12

• WRift *hwaya?i "evening" [KM 326]13 III WCh.: Angas-Sura *kwö > *kwo "darkness" [GT 2004, 192] < AA *h-w, whose metathetic var. (AA *w-h) is attested in Eg. wh "dunkel sein" (Med., Wb I 352, 3-4), wh "das Dunkel" (MK, Wb I 352, 6-10), wh.t "Dunkelheit" (MK, Wb I 352, 11) III CCh.: Bura-Margi *-wagu "evening" [GT] > Margi wagù, Wamdiu uwàgu, Hildi ?uwagu, Kilba akù, Gava hawugà (CCh.: Krf. 1981, #122).

• WRift *hwaycä, pl. *hwaycö "switch, flexible stick" > *hwayc-is "whip with a flexible stick" [KM 326-7] III Ar. hwt > hüt- "1. rameau, branche jeune et tendre, 2. cep de vigne", hence hüt-an-at- "grand, d'une belle taille, et souple comme un rameau (homme, femme)", mu-hat-at- "racines de souchet" [BK I 647].

• WRift *hwayla "child, giving birth" [KM 326] III Eg. hnw [reg. < *hlw] "Kind" (MK, GR, Wb III 286, 28).

• WRift *hwere?-es (caus.) "to fry" [KM 327] III Eg. hr.t "Flamme" (NK, Wb III 323, 20; GHWb 613) III WCh.: Sha hwoh [reg. < *hwor] "brennen (intr.)" [Jng. 1970, 285] < AA *hw-r "to burn" [GT].

• WRift *söh "to urinate" [KM 252] III Sem. *shh: Ar. sahha "1. uriner, 2. produire un bruit en coulant, 3. lancer l'urine en long filet", cf. sahsaha "lancer l'urine, etc., en filet" [BK I 1200, 1202]. Irregular WRift *s- vs. Sem. *s- > Ar. s-.

• PIrq. *sähi "gall, bile" [KM]: Irq. sahi "gall-bladder, gall, bile" [Ehret 1980, 179; 1974, 82] = sahi "bile" [Mgw. 1989, 100] = sahi [KM], Grw. sahi "gall, bile" [KM] (WRift: KM 247) < SCu. »sah- [Ehret] III NEg. sh "gall" (XIX. Med., Wb IV 228, 9-11) = sh.w "Galle" (Deines-Grapow 1959, 460-461) = shwj "bitter gall" (DLE III 84) III CCh.: Logone ceki [c-/ts- < *s-?] "Galle" [Lks. 1936, 123] < AA *s-h "gall" [GT]. The Eg.-Irq.-Logone etymology was first suggested by Militarev (1987 MS, #117) and was first published in Orel 1995, 125; HSED #2171. But it has been observed independently also by G. Takacs (1996, 145, #49). Logone ceki comes by partial assim. from *shV, being etymologically connected to PKotoko *shV "bitter": Kotoko shane, Logone sha [Lks. 1936, 119], Buduma cay, cei [Lks. 1939, 93], Afade szâsza [sasa] (CCh.: Prh.

12 To be distinguished from Dhl. Tor- "to stir" [EEN 1989, 14], which is perhaps akin to WCh.: Sha yer "mischen" [Jng. 1970, 289].

13 Its extended version is WRift *hwayra "evening" [KM 326] > i.a. Irq. hwera "night, especially the earlier part of it" [Ehr. 1980, 270, #7 with false comparanda], which I was earlier disposed to affiliate with Eg. h3wj [-3- < *-r-] "Abend" (PT, Wb III 225, 17). Or should we assume the same affix *-r- in Eg. (NB: the Wb III 225 has a hint on the surmised connection of wh vs. h3wj)?

1972, 62, #35.2; JI 1994 II, 27). SCu. *s-, the alternation of s- ~ c- in the CCh. reflexes, and esp. Buduma c-, all point to AA *s-.

• WRift *wah-a "thirst" vs. *wah-ït "to be thirsty" [KM 317]: presumably akin to Sem.: Ar. why: waha "tendre vers, se proposer de, (re)chercher", cf. wahh- "1. peine, fatigue, 2. intention" [DRS 524-5; Dozy II 790; BK II 1503] with a semantic shift "to search" ~ "to desire" ~ "to thirst"14.

SCu. *î

SCu. WRift Qwadza Asa Ma'a Dahalo Sem. Eg. AA

*î *î 0-, -?- ?-, -?- 0-, -?-, -0 î-, -î- *î, *Y î *î, *Y

• WRift *îab "new" [KM 46, so also Ehret 376] and *Sabäkw- "white" [KM 47: fossilized adj. pl. suffix *-kw] = *Tabakw- "white" [Ehret 376: rare adj. derivative suffix *-kw] — as rightly assumed both by Kießling & Mous (l.c.) and Ehret (l.c.) — may indeed derive from a common etymon, whose basic meaning may be close to "white" and which is preserved in Ar. Tbw: Taba I "1. briller, avoir de l'éclat (se dit du teint, du visage)" [BK II 160] III Eg. TbTb "(von den Strahlen der Sonne, die auf das Gesicht scheinen)" (XVIII., Wb I 178, 4) = "to appear, shine" (FD 41) III Om. *ab "sun" [Bnd. 1994, 1157, #80]. For the shift of meaning Ehret (l.c.) quotes PKalenjin *lel "1. white, 2. new" in EAfrica.

• SCu. *îac- [*-tl-] "fat (adj.)" [Ehret 1980, 275] > WRift *Tac-ar (affix *-ar) "fat, thick-set, fully-grown, chubby" [KM 62]: Irq. Tacar "fett", Brg. Tacari "fett" I Ma'a es-amuye [-hl-] "fett" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 275)15 II LECu.: Afar Ted-o "suet, animal fat rendered down and used for water-proofing (graisse de rognon, graisse de boeuf, graisse animale servante à imperméabiliser)" [PH 1985, 59] III Sem. *Tss > Ar. Tidd- "4. ardent et vigoureux à faire qqch., 5. fort, robuste" [BK II 276] I Jbl. Tazz "to be fat" [Jns. 1981, 21] III Eg. Td [reg. < AA *Tc] "Fett" (OK, Wb I 239)16 III perhaps WCh. *[y]ada(-r) "Fett" [Stl. 1987, 222; 1986, 94] < AA *T-c "to be fat" [GT].

• WRift *îada? "to be grey" [KM 47] III LECu. *Tad- "white" [Black 1974, 203]: Saho Tad-o "white" [Welmers 1952, 251] I PSam *Tad "white" [Heine 1978, 99].

• WRift *îag "to eat" [KM 50]: cf. Qwd. ag-, Asa ?ag-im- "eat" I Ma'a -?a [loss of *-C# reg.] "to eat" I Dhl. Tag- "to eat" (SCu.: Ehret 275) III ECu.: Yaaku -ek- [k < *g reg.] "to eat" [Heine 1975, 124; Tosco 1989 MS, 10: Yaaku-Dhl.] III Ar. Tgw: Taga I "1. allaiter (son enfant), av. acc.", III "2. nourrir l'enfant d'un autre lait que de celui de sa mère, mettre un orphelin en nourrice" [BK II 186]. Perhaps also ECu. *TVg- "to drink" [GT]: HECu. *ag- "to drink" [Hds. 1989, 404] I HECu. *Tug- "to drink" [Black 1974, 108] I Dullay *Tuk- "trinken" [AMS 1980, 274].

14 Cf. e.g. (1) IE *ais- "begehren, wünschen, (auf)suchen" > i.a. OIndic es- "wünschen erstreben, suchen" ~ OSlavonic iskati "suchen", iska "Wunsch" (IEW 16; EWA I 270-1); (2) AA *?-b "to desire" [GT] > i.a. Sem. *?by: Hbr. ?by qal "vouloir, désirer ardemment", JPAram. ?äbä "vouloir" Il Hadramaut ?aba "vouloir" (Sem.: DRS 3) III Eg. jbj "dürsten, durstig sein" (OK, Wb I 61, 8) III WCh.: Boghom yip, Kir yip "to thirst" (WCh.-Eg.: OS 1990, 90, #48); (3) AA *l-(w)-b "to love" [GT] > i.a. Sem.: Ar. lwb "dürsten" [Erman] III Eg. 3bj [reg. < *lby or *rby] "wünschen" (MK, Wb I 6-7) III WCh.: Bole-Tangale *lab- "любить" [Stl. 1987, 247].

15 Cf. also WRift *îac "to be mature, fully grown" [KM] > Grw. îac "to be mature", Alg. îac "to be fully grown", îaca "mature", Brg. hiîac "to be strong" (WRift: KM 62). Primarily *"fat, robust"?

16 Eg. îd [if < *îg] has been alternatively compared to ECh.: Mokilko ?ègéy "Öl" [Lks. 1977, 222] (for Eg.-Mokilko cf. OS 1989, 135; 1992, 190), which is less convincing.

• WRift *îâgw "to dig for water, dig a well" [KM 51]: cognate with LECu.: Saho öToge "to bury" [Vergari 2003, 142] = -uTug- "to bury" [Welmers 1952, 150] = (Assaorta dial.) -Tagw-"seppellire" [CR 1913, 39] = Tag "be-/eingraben" [Rn. 1890, 60] = (Irob dial.) yaga "begraben" [Rn. 1878, 137] III Eg. Td [reg. < *Tgw] "hakken, aushöhlen, graben (Fundament, Grab)" (OK, ÄWb I 297) III WCh.: Angas-Sura *hok [*h- < *T- (?), *-k < *-g# reg.] "to dig (with a hoe?)" [GT 2004, 157]. AP: PKuliak *?ug "to dig" [Ehret 1981, 99].

• WRift *îalu, pl. *îalalë "pot" [KM 54]: cp. perhaps Eg. Tn [reg. < *Tl] "Art Gefäß" (OK, Wb I 187, 12).

• WRift *îâmiya, pl. *îamu "1. fruit, 2. boil (disease)" > i.a. Brg. Tamiya "1. fruit, 2. testicle", PIrq. *TamTamimo "testicle" [KM 55-56]: its primary sense may have been *"round, circular object", cf. Ar. Twm: Tam-at- "1. gerbe, botte (de blé, de foin), 2. cône formé par le turban roulé en spirale, 3. tête de cavalier coiffée d'un turban, 4. outre gonflé d'air" [BK II 413]. Noteworthy might be Eg. Tmm "ein tierischer Körperteil (von Gans, Fisch, Wurm u.a.): Ei, Rogen (?)" (Med., Wb I 186, 14-16), although it has been recently rendered as "brain".

• WRift *îânc-ô "(molar) teeth" [KM 57]: this is hardly an inner innovation derived from WRift *Tac- "to be mature" as KM suggest, but rather cognate with LECu.: Saho ad-a "back teeth" [Lmb. 1987, 533] III Om. *ac- "tooth" [Bnd. 1988, 145]: Ometo *ac- & Dizoid *ac/z-u & Aroid *ac-i "tooth" [Bnd. 2003, 122, 219] (Cu.-Om.: Dlg. 1973, 307; Flm. 1969, 26-27; 1974, 90; 1976, 320) III Ar. Tdd "mordre à qqch., saisir avec les dents, et y enfoncer les dents" [BK II 276] III WCh. *H/Taç- "to bite, chew" [Stl. 1991 MS, 7; 1995, 61] < AA *T-(n)-ç "to bite, chew" [GT]. This set of cognates is probably to be separated from SCu.: Dhl. hunç- [h- < *T- would be irreg.] "to chew" [EEN 1989, 27] II HECu. *inc- "to chew" [Hds. 1989, 413], for which cf. perhaps Eg. nhd.t [-d- reg. < *-ç-] "tooth" (OK) via possible met.

• WRift *îânta, pl. *îântô "termite hill" [KM 57]: its connection to Sandawe ?ànta "calabash with wide mouth" preferred by KM is not too likely. Cp. rather Ar. Tuntüt- "1. petite montagne dans le désert, 2. pénible, difficile à gravir (colline)" [BK II 380].

• WRift *îay-i, pl. *îay-ô "flower, blossom" [KM 65] III Eg. T "Erzeugnis des Ackers" (GR, Wb I 159, 14), cf. TTj "Kind (?)" (LP, Wb I 169, 5). Any connection to Ar. Tayiyy- "trop faible" [BK II 416]?

• PIrq. *îayl-â "wedding dance" [KM 65] III Ar. Tayil-at- "2. fille, femme, 3. famille", Tayyal- "femme, enfant ou toute autre personne dont l'entretien est à la charge d'un père de famille", Tiyal- "famille, femme, enfants et toute la domesticité à la charge d'un père de famille" [BK II 423].

• SCu. *ÎEc2- [*-tl-] [*-C2- < *-ç-] "unripe, raw" [GT after Ehret 277]: WRift *Tëc "to be unripe" [KM 102] > Irq. & Alg. Tec I Ma'a isé (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 277): related to Bed. yada? "feucht, nass, unreif sein" [Rn. 1895, 241] I I LECu.: PSam *Taydi "unripe" [Heine]: Somali Taydïn ~ Tedin, Rendille hedi [h- < *T-] (Sam: Heine 1978, 77) III Sem.: Ar. yadda I "être plein de vigueur, de jeunesse (se dit d'un homme, d'une plante)", II "être dans la bien-être, prospérer", yadd- "frais, tendre, nouveau, plein de vigueur et de santé (homme), tout jeune, né récemment (veau, etc.)", ydw: yada "être entier, complet et en bon état" [BK II 473-4, 477] III Eg. Td "wohlbehalten, unversehrt, intakt sein" (MK, Wb I 237-238, so also GHWb 165)17, orig. *"fresh" (?) [GT] I I I WCh.: Diri yada "unripe, wet" [Skn. 1977, 47] < AA *y-(y)-c "fresh" [GT].18

17 The comparison of Eg. Td to Sem.: Ar. Talaga (Alb. 1918, 238; Ember 1930, #5.a.14; Clc. 1936, #137; Vrg. 1945, 135, #9.b.2, 146, #24.a.1) or to Sem. *Tzz "to be strong, powerful" (Ward 1962, 412, fn. 3; 1968, 69) cannot be accepted, since the Eg. root was neither *Tnd nor was Eg. d a reflex of Sem. *z.

18 Lit.: Hodge 1968, 27 (Eg.-LECu.-Ar.); Dlg. 1987, 209, #104 (LECu.-Ar.-SCu.).

• WRift *îët < **îaw-it (med.) "to descend" [KM 101] = **Ta[(w)h]-it (???) [GT] III Ar. Twh II: Tawwaha "2. faire halte, s'arrêter à la fin de la nuit, après avoir voyagé pendant toute sa durée, 3. être arrêté, retenu dans un endroit" [BK II 415]. For the semantic shift cf. Eg. hnj "1. niederschweben, sich niederlassen auf, 1. Halt machen bei etwas" (OK, Wb III 287).

• WRift *îïs "to do" [KM 166] II LECu.: Saho is- ~ is- (so, no *T-) "to do, make" [Sasse] = ise "to make, do" [Vergari 2003, 107], Boni as- "to prepare, make" [Sasse] I HECu. *ass- (var. *iss-) "to do" [GT, cf. Sasse 1982, 107; Hds. 1989, 51] III Sem. *Tsy "to make, do" [GT] > Ug. Tsy G "to make, process, work" [DUL 190], Hbr. Tsy qal "to make, manufacture" [KB 890] II OSA: Sab. Ts1y "1. to make, do, 2. acquire, buy" [SD 20] = Madhabi Ts1y "1. faire, 2. prendre possession de qqch." [Arbach 1993, 17]. The Sem.-Alg. etymology was first suggested by A.Ju. Militarev (1986, 74).

• WRift *Söc "to shrivel, shrink, dry up" [KM 222] III Ar. Tsw ~ Tsy "1. se durcir et sécher (se dit des plantes), 3. se durcir, contracter une peau dure par suite du travail (se dit des mains)", also Tys IV "sécher, perdre sa verdure (se dit des céréales)" [BK II 258, 420] (WRift *c = Ar. s < AA *c reg.).

• SCu. *îoc- "cheekbone" [Ehret 278] I I ECu. *Tad- "cheek" [GT]: e.g. Gollango Tad-"Backe" [AMS 1980, 195] I Konso ad-a, Dirayta add-a (pl.), Mosiya add-eta "cheek" (Konsoid: Lmb. 1987, 533, #8.b) III Sem. *Tas(as)- "bone" [Lsl. 1945, 233].

• WRift *Sös "to curse, insult" [KM 222] may eventually derive from AA *T-s "to call, ask" [GT] > Eg. Ts "rufen" (MK, Wb I 227, 4) = "to summon" (FD 48) III ECu.: (?) Yaaku -es-"to beg sy." (tr.) [Heine 1975, 121] = -is- "to pray" [Ehret 1987, 117, #491] III WCh.: Bole ?ees-"rufen" [Lks. 1971, 133] I Boghom yi:s "rufen" [Smz.] (WCh.: JI 1993, 140; 1994 II, 58). The Eg.-WCh. parallel was suggested already in OS 1992, 193; Orel 1995, 100, #8. For the semantic shift in WRift cf. the same change of meaning in SCu. *waT- "to curse, revile" [Ehret] < AA *w-T "to shout" [GT].19

• SCu. *îora "ashes" [Ehr.] > WRift *Tura "ashes" [KM 310] I Asa wura-to [wu- < *?u- < *Tu-] "ashes" [Ehr.] I Ma'a i?ora "ashes" [Ehr.] (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 279, #34) I I (?) ECu. *Tar- "steam, smoke" [Ss. 1982, 161] (S-ECu.: Ehr. 1987, 117, #493) III Eg. T3j "Feuersglut" (LP, Wb I 166, 9).

• WRift *îuc "1. to wrap, 2. twist, wring" [KM 311]: cf. HECu. *unçiç- (?) [epenthetic *-n-?] "to twist" [Hds.]: Hadiya inçiç-, Kambata inçïçç-, Sidamo hünc- (HECu.: Hds. 1989, 159), which indicates that WRift *Tuc < *Tuç here. A reflexation with non-glottalized AA *-c- has been retained by Ar. Tanasa I "plier, courber", III "mettre la bras autour du cou de qqn. et le saisir" [BK II 384].

• SCu. *îum- "to stop (intr.)" [GT]: Irq. Tom- "to stop (intr.)" I Ma'a -?uma "to stand, come to stop", -?umati "to stop (tr.)" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 278) III Eg. wTm.t [Belova's law: < *Tum] "Verhinderung, Einschränkung" (XVIII., GHWb 185)20.

• SCu. *Sur- "strength" [GT]: Irq. & Alg. Turu I Ma'a ?u [reg. < *?ur] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 279) III Eg. T3 [< *Tr] "great" (OK, Wb I 161-162).

19 Cf. Sem.: Ar. waiwaia "to shout" [Ember 1930, 32] III Eg. w?3 [< *w??] "Böses reden, schmächen, schmächlich reden" (MK, Wb I 279, 14-17) = "to curse" (FD 57) III PCu. *wa?-/*wä?- "to yell" [Ehret] > Bed. wu? "to cry out" [Ehret] II ECu. *wai- "to shout" [Sasse 1979, 42] II SCu. *wä?- "to curse, revile" [Ehret]: Asa wa?-am-[Ehret] I Dhl. wä?- "to insult, curse" [EEN 1989, 43] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 313; Cu.: Ehret 1987, #585) vs. WRift *?ö?-(different ablaut pattern of the same root?) "to call, warn" [KM 219] III Ch. *wa "to call" [Nwm. 1977, 23]. The AA comparison was first suggested in Mlt. 1984, 157.

20 The meaning of the NEg. hapax is corroborated by the regular SCu. reflex. We may postulate an underlying Eg. verbal root *w?m "to hinder, keep up, stop", whose Coptic reflex has already been identified by W. Westendorf (KHW 271) in (S) oy^MMe > oyMMe "einschränken, verringern", refl. "sich zurückhalten, nachsichtig sein, nachgeben".

• WRift *îurufi "lizard (sp.)" [KM 310]: presumably related to Ar. Tadrafüt- (< VTdrf with inetymological *-s- + additional -t, cf. pl. Tadarifu, dimin. Tudayrifu) "sorte de lézard sur lequel les démons voyagent" [BK II 280].

• PRift *baî- "to excel, exceed" [Ehr.] > WRift *baT "to surpass, exceed, win" [KM]: Irq. baT- "to excel, exceed" [Ehr.] = baT "to surpass, defeat" [KM], Grw. baT "to surpass, exceed, win" [KM], Alg. baT- "to overcome" [Ehr.] = baT "to surpass, exceed, win" [KM], Brg. baT "to surpass, exceed, win" [KM] I Qwd. ba?-at- "to increase in size" [Ehr.] (WRift: KM 66; SCu.-Orm.: Ehret 1980, 338) II LECu.: (?) Oromo bay-e "plenty, abundant" [Ehr.] = bây?-ê "many, much" [Hds. 1989, 96] III Sem. *byy "das Maß überschreiten" [GB]: Hbr. bTy qal "(das Wasser) anschwellen, d.i. überkochen machen (Feuer)", nifal "anschwellen, sich vorschieben (v. einem Mauerstück)" [GB 106] II Ar. byy: baya "das Maß überschreiten (auch von einer Wunde)" [GB] = "1. sortir des bornes, 2. dépasser ses droits, abuser, opprimer" [DRS 76] < AA *b-Y-(y) "to exceed" [GT].

• WRift *boî- "antisocial behaviour" [KM] > Irq. biTiri "greed", Alg. biTa "adultery", Brg. biTa "madness, lunacy" (WRift: KM 73) III Sem. *bTw > Ar. baTw- "crime", baTa "commettre un crime, un péché", Thamudic bTw "commettre un crime", OSA bTw "attaquer par surprise, se révolter" (Sem.: DRS 74).

• WRift *boî- "black" [GT]: Irq. boT-â, Brg. boT-i (WRift: Flm. 1969, 22, #6; KM ) III Ar. bYt ~ bYs (root ext. -t vs. -s?): baYita "être tacheté de noir, grisâtre", cf. baYs- "couleur noire" [DRS 76: isolated in Sem.] III WCh.: Fyer bwû [< *bwiH < *Vb-w~Y?] "black" [Jng. 1968, 9, #91] I cf. Bole bu?um "black" [IL in JI 1994 II, 28]: < AA *b-Y "black" [GT].

• WRift *daîarâ "ashes" [KM 78] II ECu. *darT- [met. < **daTr-?] "ashes" [Sasse 1979, 16] III Sem.: Ar. daTira I "1. fumer beaucoup (se dit du bois vert, quand il ne brûle pas bien), 2. fumer et ne pas donner de flamme (se dit d'un briquet consistant en une espèce de bois qui s'allume par le frottement)" [BK I 700] = "fumer sans donner de flamme" [DRS 293: isolated in Sem.]. In the light of ECu. *-rT- and the Ar. cognate, the derivation of the WRift term from *daT- "to burn, roast" does not seem fully evident.

• WRift *dabaî "to circumcise" [KM] = "to deprive" [GT] > Irq. dabaT "to lack", Brg. dabaT "to circumcise" (WRift: KM 80) III Ar. daTaba I "repousser, éloigner" [BK I 698].

• SCu. *deî- "to be fat" [Ehret]: WRift *duTiya "fat, oil", pl. *duTay "pieces of fat" [KM 99] > Irq. deT-eta "fat, lard" [Ehret] = déé?ëta "fat", cf. dî?i "oil" [Wtl. 1953] = diTi "oil, fat" [Mgw. 1989, 112], Burunge dô?ïë & dogi?a "Fett" [Mnh. 1906, 331] I Asa da?-ara "heavy" [Ehret] I Dhl. deTT-em- "to be fat" [Ehret] = deT-em- "to be fat" [EEN 1989, 28] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 165, #22) I I I Sem. *dTdT "to move with heavy steps, with difficulty" [GT]: Ar. daTdaTa "courir d'un pas lourd" II Amh. da (da) ?alä "marcher lentement, avec difficulté, parler difficilement" (Sem.: DRS 289-290) III (???) OEg. *dh [reg. < *dT] attested only late as LEg. th "fett, gemästet (von Ochsen)" (GR, Wb V 325, 15).

• WRift *gaîaw "to watch, observe" [KM 111] III Eg. wdT [reg. < *gwT] "offenbar sein" (LP, Wb I 406, 15).

• WRift *kiî "to return", *kiî-is (caus.) "to bring back" [KM 175] III Sem.: Ar. kTT IV "retenir qqn. et l'empêcher d'aborder qqch.", kTkT: kaTkaTa "2. retenir, contenir qqn. et l'empêcher d'aborder qqch." [BK II 906, 908].

• WRift *kwaîi ~ *kwaîay "hare" [KM 187]: perhaps connected to Sem.: Ar. kwT: kaTa "reculer de peur, et s'éloigner de qqch." [BK II 944].

• WRift *liî "to hate" [KM] > Irq. liTay (m) "paying back, hate among neighbours, revenge", Alg. liT "to hate", Brg. liT "to be unhappy" (WRift: KM 194) II LECu.: (?) PSomali *neT- [unless < *neTeb-] "hassen" [Lmb. 1986, 445] III Eg. nTT.w [< *lTT] "médisance (?)" (CT IV 20c, AL 78.1995) = "slander (?)" (Osing) > Dem. lT "Strafe, Verleumdung" (DG 260:10) = "pun-

ishment, slander" (CED) > (SALB) A<\ "Neid, Bosheit, Verleumdung" (KHW) = "envy, slander" (CD 134b) = (SB) W vs. (F) \e "1. envie, méchanceté, 2. calomnie" (DELC 93; Eg.-Cpt.: KHW 74; Osing 1978, 187) III WCh.: Angas ka-la (prefix ka-?) "accusation" [ALC 1978, 23] < AA *l-î "to slander from hatred" [GT].

• SCu. *loî- "to bring to" [GT]: Brg. luî- "to apply", Alg. luî- "to apply" I Qwd. lo?- "to give" I Dhl. loî- "to bring to" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 206) II Agaw: Qwara le "geben", caus. lä-s "bringen" [Rn. 1885, 92] III Eg. jwî [< *lwî] " beschenken mit (m)" (XVIII., Wb I 51, 8) = "to reward" (FD 13) ^ jwî "Belohnung" (GR, Wb I 51, 10) < AA *l-w-î "to hand over to" [GT].

• PIrq. *naîay "child" [KM 214]: cp. perhaps Ar. naîî- "faible, débile, infirme (se dit d'un homme)" [BK II 1291].

• WRift *niî "to move in a circle" [KM] attested in Brg. nïniî-id "to encircle" + WRift *niî-im "to dance" [KM 217] > Brg. niî-im "to have sexual intercourse" has a striking parallel with similar semantic development in Sem. *nîy > Akk. *n?ï/ù D "aufhetzen, aufstacheln, aufputschen, anregen", epis nu??ûti "jemand, der die Leute mit Witzen o.dgl. anregt, Witzmacher" [Soden 1955, 388-9] II Ar. nîy: naîâ I "3. exciter", X "1. courir çà et là et porter son cavalier on ne sait où" [BK II 1300] III Eg. nîw "sich Gauklerweise herumziehen" (PT 702a, ÜKAPT VI 138) = "to caper with" (AEPT 132) = "to cavort (?)" (Allen 1984, 570) = "bondir (??)" (Jacq 1986, 31) = "herumtollen" (GHWb 395; ÄWb I 600), cf. nîw.tj "fahrender Gaukler" (AÄG 107, §247; ÄWb I 599) > (?) nîw "s'accoupler" (late NK, AL 77.2005) = "sich paaren" (GHWb 395). Cf. also Sem.: Hbr. nwî "to quiver, wave, move unsteadily" I I ES: Tna. naînâîe "to shake, make fall, reverse" (Sem.: Lsl. 1958, 33). The PT hapax and the LEg. verb have been connected by Satzinger (2003, 222). Eventually, the underlying AA root may have primarily signified an excited rhytmical circular motion.

• Rift *poî- "to clean" [Ehr.] > Brg. boî-em-is- I Qwd. po?- (Rift: Ehr. 1980, 340, #2): presumably a met. of AA *î-b "to be clean" [GT] > Sem.: Akk. G ebebu "to be clean, pure", D ub-bubu "to clean, purify" [AHW 180-1] III Eg. îb.w "purification, purity" (OK, FD 40), wîb "(to be) pure" (OK, FD 57) = "reinigen, rein sein" (Wb I 280-2) III CCh.: PHigi *y[a]b- [met. < *Hab-] "to wash" [GT]: Higi-Nkafa yabu-, Kapsiki yabu-, Fali-Gili 'yeba-, Higi-Ghye yaba- I Bachama yabwa "to wash" I Kuseri ubau "to wash" (CCh.: Krf. 1981). A widely accepted AA etymology.21

• SCu. *waî- "to spill out, flow" [Ehret] > WRift *waî "to vomit, flood, gush out" [KM 312] I Qwd. wa?a-muko "river" [Ehret] I Ma'a -wa "to urinate" [Ehret] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 313): cognate with ECu. *wa/iî- "water" [Sasse 1982, 186] > LECu.: cf. e.g. Afar waî "river" [Mkr. 1987, 298] I HECu. *wa?-a "water" [Hds. 1989, 423]. There was also an AA var. root with *y-, cf. LECu. *yaî- "to flow away" [Sasse 1982, 192] III Eg. jîj "waschen" (OK, Wb I 39)22. A.B. Dolgopolsky (1988, 631, #17) affiliated ECu. *yaî- with the Sem. *hyî assuming a secondary prefix *h- (for which, however, cf. rather SCu. *ho[î]- "to pour" [GT] below). It is entirely plausible that PAA *w-î ~ *y-î ~ *h-î were ultimately related.

SCu. *h

SCu. WRift Qwadza Asa Ma'a Dahalo Sem. Eg. AA

*h *h -h- ?-/h- (?) h-, -h-, -0 h *h h > h *h

21 For Eg.-Akk.: Alb. 1918, 222, fn. 1; 1923, 67; Holma 1919, 37; Ember 1930, #5.a.17; Blv. 1991, 88, #16; 1993, 53, #16. For Eg.-CCh.: OS 1992, 200.

22 For the shift of meaning cf., e.g., PIE *plew- "rinnen, fliessen" > i. a. Gk. nXvvrn "ich wasche", OHGerm. flouwen, flewen "waschen, spülen", Lith. plauju (caus.) "wasche, spüle" (IEW 835-6).

• WRift *böh "heap, bundle" [KM 75] III WCh.: Waja à buw-à [irreg. b-?] "to pile up, heap up (past)" [Kwh. 1990, 240] < AA *b-w-h "to heap up" [GT]: remotely cognate to the reflexes of AA *p-(w)-h "to heap up" [GT] > Eg. ph.t "die Garbe des Korns" (OK, Wb I 533, 11) = "gerbe" (AL 78.1489) = "der Garbenhaufen (des Korns), Kornmiete" (GHWb 287) III NBrb. *a-ffa < **a-fwaH "stack of sheaves" [GT]: Mgild a-ffa, pl. i-ff-an "stack of grain-sheaves" [Harries 1974, 222] I Iznasen & Rif & Senhazha ta-ffa, pl. ta-ffiw-in "meule de gerbes à dépiquer" [Rns. 1932, 297] I Qabyle ta-ffa, pl. ta-ffw-in "tas de bois" [Dlt. 1982, 189] II CCh. *pa (?) "to pile up" [GT]: Margi pa "to pile up, fold" [Hfm. in RK 1973, 134, #123, #131, #135] I Bana pà "ramasser, rassembler" [Hfm. in Brt.-Jng. 1990, 86].

• WRift *cëh-a "dry dung" [KM]: Irq. ceha "dry cowdung" [Ehret 1980, 355], Grw. ceha "dry dung" [KM], Alg. ceha "cow dung" [KM], Brg. cëhô "dung of sheep and goats" [KM] (WRift: KM 296) III Eg. sh.w (pl.) "Dreck" (NE, Wb IV 211, 12).23

• WRift *cuhiya "finch", *cuh-ä "finches" [KM 302] III Eg. sh.t "Art Vogel (der geopfert wird)" (XXII., Wb IV 209, 8).

• WRift *cah-as (caus.) "to forbid, prevent" [KM]: Irq. cah-as "to keep cattle herd together, prevent cattle from going astray", Alg. cah-as & Brg. cacah-as "to forbid, prevent" (WRift: KM 2004, 275) III Sem.: (?) Ar. dhw II "2. faire paître les bestiaux" [BK II 12] (unless < "pleine jour") III NBrb.: Tamazight Vd: ta-da (no pl.) "protection, alliance instituée entre deux tribus, surtout contre les vols" [Tf. 1991, 86] (not found in Qabyle, Tuareg).

• WRift *cëh "to build, do, prepare", *cehitu "building, constructing", cehima "character, nature" [KM 282] I I I Sem.: Ar. syh: I "1. faire qqch. avec le plus grand zèle, être très-sérieusement occupé de qqch.", III "1. s'appliquer avec assiduité etc.", IV "2. faire qqch. avec le plus grand soin" [BK II 1295].

• WRift *fäfah < **fahafah "to intrigue, persuade" > esp. Brg. hifafah "to tell or give away secrets, tattle, blab" [KM 103] III Sem.: Ar. fhw II: fahha "2. indiquer qqch. par des allusions, faire une allusion à qqch.", fahwa- and fuhawa?- "sens (des mots, des paroles, d'un discours), intention, ce que l'on se propose dans une phrase, dans un discours", cf. perhaps fahfaha "3. être sincère dans son amitié" > fahfah-at- "bavard, loquace" [BK II 551, 549].

• WRift *fëh-is (caus.) "to tear, slit" [KM 106] III Sem.: Ar. fyh: faha "1. être vaste, spacieux (p.ex. la caverne), 2. répandre" > esp. fayah- "incursion, invasion de l'ennemi qui se répand dans toutes les parties du territoire" [BK II 644]. The primary sense of the underlying AA root (*f-y-h) might have been *"to open wide".

• WRift *gah "to shake off, throw off" > *gagah "to let fall, drop off", *gah-at "to scold, rebuke" [KM 112] I I I Sem.: Ar. gwh: gaha "2. dévier, s'écarter de la ligne droite", II "déchausser (le pied), c.-à-d. en ôter la chaussure" [BK I 350] III Eg. wdh [reg. < *wgh < *gwh via Belova's law] "(den Säugling) entwöhnen" (PT, Wb I 409, 14).24

• WRift *guhulay "knobbed club" [KM 121]: its semantically dubious equation with Bed. gulhe "upper arm" (suggested by KM) cannot be accepted. Instead, I would rather think of a basic sense *"huge round knob". Cp. Ar. gahl- "(outre) ronde, pleine", gayhal- "gros, massif, imposant" [DRS] = gahl- "grande outre à eau", gayhal- "1. rocher, pierre énorme, 2. grand, énorme (se dit de toute chose)" [BK I 257] II MSA: Jibbali gihal- "tonneaux" [DRS], Sqt. ghel "devenir fort" [Lsl. 1938, 108] (Sem.: DRS 112).

23 Is NEg. sh.w just the met. of OEg. hs [*has] "Exkremente, Kot" > (S) EOC (PT, Wb III 164) III (???) Bed. hüs [irreg. -s] "dünner Kot" [Rn.] = "liquid faecal matter" [Rpr.] (Bed.-Eg.: Zhl. 1932-3, 170)?

24 Semantically, less likely seems an equation of the Eg. root with Sem.: Hbr. ghy: gohi (qal part. with suffix) "der mich hervorzieht" [GB 137] II Ar. gahha "to draw" [Zbr.], cf. also ghw: gaha I & VIII "arracher, déraciner, extirper" [BK I 257-8] I MSA: Jbl. wgh: egëh "to snatch, take by force", sagëh "to snatch from" [Jns. 1981, 288, 69] (Sem.: Zbr. 1971, #53).

• SCu. *h[ay]d- "to be fat" [GT] = *hed- [Ehr.] > Irq. har-em-is- [-r- reg. < *-d-] (caus.) "to fatten" I Dhl. hed- "to be fat", héddune "fat (person)" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 301, #16) III ECu. *hayd- "fat" [Sasse 1979, 46]. Irreg. SCu. *-d- vs. ECu. *-d-.

• WRift *haf-a "sticks of the roof construction of a house" [KM 146]: cf. Dobase hap-e "kleiner Zweig" [AMS 1980, 163].

• WRift *haf "to spread" [KM 146] > cf. esp. Grw. haf "to cover, lay on top": equated by KM with Oromo ?af "to spread". GT: cf. also Ar. haffa "couvrir de tous côtés d'un voile, d'un rideau (une litière, etc.)" [BK I 455].

• WRift *hagili > only Irq. hagli "string of beads" [KM 331] III Ar. hagl- ~ higl- ~ higil-"anneau, boucle d'entrave, entrave" [BK I 384]. KM's comparison with LECu.: Somali harg-o "rope" may only be valid provided -rg- < *-lg-.

• WRift *ham- "to be lost", *ham-is (caus. suffix *-is-) "to extinguish" [KM 147-8] = "to be spoiled" [GT]25: Brg. hamu "to be spoiled, lost", ham-is- "to spoil, lose the use of", Alg. ham-is-"to get lost, forget" (WRift-LECu.: KM l.c.; Ehret 1980, 334, 379) II ECu. *ham-/*hum- "bad" [Sasse 1979, 38]: cf. PSam *hum "bad" [Heine 1978, 64] III Eg. hm.t "Übel, Unglück" (GR, Wb III 80, 12) III Sem.: (?) Geez hamäyä "to speak ill of" [Lsl. 1944, 55-56]. For Eg.-ECu. see Ta-kacs 1995, 161, #c; 1996, 90, #c.

• SCu. *hame "father's brother" [Ehret]: Ma'a hame "my uncle" I Dhl. hame "father's brother" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 299) I I Bed. hamo "father/mother-in-law" [Rpr.] III Eg. *hm [palatalized< *hm] attested as sm "father-in-law" (fem. sm.t "mother-in-law") ^ Cpt. (S) ^OM "father-in-law" (OK, Roquet 1977; Vcl. 1990, 53; Ward 1996, 43, fn. 8) III Sem. *ham- "father-in-law" [GT]. The Sem.-Eg. match has already been known.26 Perhaps Cu. < Ar.?

• WRift *hämpu "wing" [KM 148] was equated by KM with ECu. *hubn- "muscle, limb", which is both semantically and phonologically (WRift *-p- ^ ECu. *-b-) unlikely. Cp. rather Eg. hp "vielleicht ein Wort für Hand (?)" (NK, Wb III 69, 17).

• WRift *hapë, pl. *hapapu "soil, ground, earth, land" [KM 149] III Sem.: presumably Ar. hifaf- "côté (d'une chose)", haff-at- "côté, bord, marge", haf-at- "bord, marge, extrémité" [BK I 455-6, 516] III Eg. hp.tj "1. als Bez. der Welt, 2. (vereinzelt) als äußerste Grenze eines Gebietes", hphp "das Äußerste der Welt", cf. t3 m hp.t=f "die Erde in ihrer ganzen Ausdehnung" (GR, Wb III 69).

• WRift *haraci "weather" [KM 150]: cp. perhaps Ar. hars- "âge, moment, temps" [BK I 407]. Cf. Hungarian ido "time" ~ ido(jaras) "weather".

• SCu. *has- "tendon (bow string)" [Ehr.]: Irq. hasini "spinal cord" I Asa ?asu-k "tendon (bow string)" I Ma'a lu-hasi "tendon (bow string)" I Dhl. haso "tendon (bow string)" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 300) III Eg. hs [GT: GW hs3] "Faden, Schnur (z.B. zum Aufreihen von Perlen) " (NE, Wb III 166, 4) = "thread, cord, string" (DLE II 139).

• PIrq. *hasäm-a "problems, trouble" [KM 150]: cf. perhaps Ar. husüm- "malheureuses (nuits)", ma-hsüm- "mal nourri et qui ne grandit pas (enfant)" [BK II 427].

• PIrq. *has "to worry" [KM 150]: cf. Ar. hws VII "3. faire attention, appréhender, s'inquiéter de qqch.", hys I "avoir peur, être effrayé", perhaps also hsy III "2. faire attention", V "3. avoir honte devant qqch.", VI "éviter qqch., se garder de qqch." [BK I 513, 526, 436].

• WRift *hay- ~ *haw- "row, family line" [GT] = *hayi "row, line" [KM]: Iraqw hai "1. a patrilinear clan, 2. loosely, one's kinsfolk" [Wtl. 1953, 87] = hay "kinsfolk, clan" [Ehret] = hayi

25 WRift *ham- is to be separated from WRift *hamu-: Alg. hamu "hardship, distress", Irq. hamuso?o "unlucky person" (contra Ehret).

26 Lit.: Erman 1892, 116 (Cpt.-Sem.); Chn. 1947, #127 (Eg.-Sem.-Bed.); Ward 1968, 69 (Eg.-Sem.); Rsl. 1971, 303 (Eg.-Sem.); Blv. 1989, 16, #11 (Eg.-Sem.).

"line, clan" [KM] III Eg. whj.t ~ whw.t [reg. < *huy/w-] "Familie, Sippe" (MK, Wb I 346, 9) III Sem. *hayy- "clan" [GT]: Hbr. hay "family, kinsfolk" [KB 309] II Ar. hayy- "tribal community, descendants of one father" [Smith/KB] = "tribu (grande subdivision)" [BK I 523]. From the same root derives the isogloss of the following entry. Lit. for the AA etymology: Ember 1911, 93; Vrg. 1945, 138, #12.a.1; Mlt. 1984, 16 (Eg.-Sem.); HSED #1256 (Eg.-Iraqw). The reconstruction of SCu. *ha- "relative, kin" [Ehret 1980, 299] is baseless.

• WRift *he?-ës- (caus. suffix -es-) "to finish, bring to an end" [KM 152] III Sem.: Ar. hwy: hawa "réunir, rassembler" [BK I 522] III Eg. shwj (caus. prefix s-) "to collect, assemble" (MK, FD 258). For the semantic shift in WRift cf. Eg. kmm "to complete" > "to put an end to" (MK, FD 286).

• ERift *hel- "to clean" [Ehret]: Asa hil-us- [h reg. < *h] "to strain, filter" II LECu.: Somali hal- "to wash" (Cu.: Ehret 1980, 335) III Eg. h3.tj "Bleicher, Wäscher" (OK, GHWb 501; cf. Wb III 7, 7): nomen actoris of an unattested *h3 [< *hl] "to clean white" [GT]27 III Sem. *hll: Akk. ellu [*hall-u] "clean, pure", Syr. hll pael "to wash, clean", Aram. of Targum hll "abspülen", pael "waschen, abspülen". For Sem.-LECu.-ERift see Dlg. 1987, 198, #24; 1988, 631, #18.

• WRift *hitim (dur.) "to destroy" [KM 154] III Eg. htm "vernichten, beseitigen (Unreines, Durst), vertilgen" (OK, ÄWb I 911). Not yet clear whether the equation of Eg. htm with Ar. htm (supported by a number of Egyptologists28) is correct.

• WRift *hiya?a "male relative, male sibling" vs. **hiya?a?ö > *hi?ö "sister" [KM 154] > i.a. Irq. hiya "brother" [Ehr. 1980, 299] = hiya? "brother, cousin" [KM] I I I Sem.: Sqt. hiyo "fraternité" [Lsl. 1938, 172]. Ultimately related to AA *h-y "clan" [GT] (dealt with s.v. WRift *hay- ~ *haw- "family line" above)?

• WRift *hos "to scratch, rub" [KM 155] II LECu.: Oromo hösa "to caress, stroke (animals to calm down)" [Gragg 1982, 214] III Sem.: Ar. hws III "1. exciter, pousser qqn. contre qqn. ou à qqch." [BK I 513].

• WRift *hümb-ät "to crawl" [KM 155] III Eg. hnm.w [nm < *nb reg.] "crawler", hnmnm "to creep" (CT, DCT 338).

• Alg. hungululay "kite" [Ehr. 1980, 302, #25 with false Dhl. cognate] III Eg. tnhr [< *knhl] "Art Falke" (OK, Wb V 384, 12) III WCh.: Angas-Sura *kalaq < *kalaq ~ *keleq ~ *kiliq (?) [reg. < *k-l-h-n] "falcon, hawk" [GT 2004, 171]29 I Dera kalinje [-3e < *-ge] "kite" [Krf.] I Burma caqlèt [< *kVlVq- via met.?] "kite" [Krf.] II CCh.: Pidlimdi kilengirti "hawk" [Krf.] etc. (Ch.: Krf. 1981, #202, #203).

• SCu. *kwah- "to be tired, have a rest" [GT]: WRift *kwah-as "to have a rest" [KM 186] > Alg. kwah-as- "to rest" I Ma'a -kwaha "to be tired", kwahamu "tiredness" (SCu.: Ehret 1980,

27 Semantically a little bit weaker is the possibility of comparing Eg. *h3- to Sem. *hwr: Syr. hewar "white", Ar. ?ihwarra "to be intensely white" (Sem.: Rabin 1975, 89, #98).

28 Ar. hatama "casser, écraser, broyer" [BK I 452] = "to break, destroy" [Ember] > hatm-at- "(year of) dearth, drought, sterility", hutam-at- "a vehement fire that breaks in pieces everything that is cast into it (as name of the fourth stage of Hell)", hutam- "what is broken in pieces, perishing" [Lane 594-5]. For Eg.-Ar. see Albright 1918, 238, #68; Ember 1930, #10.a.29, #14.a.26, #25.b.7; Vergote 1945, 143, #21.b.5. Note that the inner Eg. derivation from tm "vollständig sein" by a prefix h- (Sethe 1910, 80, fn. 2; Vycichl 1936, 110) can be regarded as semantically satisfactory. Th. Schneider's (1997, 204, #75) hazardous equation with Hbr. îtm (hapax, meaning obscure) is even worse, not to mention that Eg. h * Sem. *î.

29 Attested in Angas kalüq "hawk (Hs. sirna)" [Flk. 1915, 207] = kàléq (KS) "falcon sp. (not eaten by the qkàn-càn people, who live among all Angas)", kalaq ~ qkaléq (K) "falcon", nkàléq "Milan" [Jng. 1962 MS, 16, 28], Sura qkaliq "Falke" [Jng. 1963, 78], Mupun nkaléq "kite, hawk" [Frj. 1991, 44], Kofyar koeloeng [kalaq] "hawk" [Ntg. 1967, 18], Mushere kaleq "hawk" [Dkl. 1997 MS] = keleq "hawk" [Jng. 1999 MS, 7], Chip nkiliq "kite" [Krf.], Goe-may keleng (so, -e-) "a hawk" [Srl. 1937, 97] = kiltq "kite" [Krf.] = kaleq "kite" [Hlw. 2000 MS, 16].

266) I I I Sem.: Ar. kihkih— kuhkuh- "1. vieille femme décrépite, 2. chamelle très-vieille", kuhuh- (pl.) "vieilles femmes décrépites" [BK II 869-870] III Eg. khkh "alt, hinfallig, gebrechlich werden" (XIX., Wb V 138, 10-12).30

• WRift *kwah "1. to throw, 2. forge" [KM 186] III Sem.: Ar. kwh: kaha I "2. plonger qqn. dans l'eau ou le jeter dans la poussière", III "2. jeter des gros mots, des injuries à la tête de qqn." [BK II 941].

• WRift *leh- "to search" [GT]: Irq. Mêh- (sic, -h-!) "to look for" [Wtl. 1953, 91] = leleh- "to seek" [Ehr. 1980, 205] = leleh- "to search, look for" [Mgw. 1989, 117], Alg. leh- "to choose" [Ehret] (WRift: Ehret 1980, 205, #21) III Eg. nhj [*%?] "wünschen, erbitten" (MK, Wb II 288289) I I I WCh.: perhaps NBauchi *le?- < **leh- (?) [GT]: Warji le?y- ~ la?la?a ~ le?ale?a "to hunt" [Skn. 1977, 27]3i. From AA *l-h "to search for" [GT].

• WRift *sëh-â "tsetse-flies", sg. *seh-imo [KM 247] III (???) Eg. shjh.t "ein Insekt" (Med., Wb IV 210, 13).

• WRift *suhi, pl. *suhay "deserted homestead" [KM 263]: perhaps related to Ar. shy: saha "1. ouvrir, 2. être ouvert", sahan "large, spacieux, ample" [BK I 1200].

• WRift *wärah- "to pass" [KM 315] III Eg. w3h [reg. < *wrh] in: w3h-s "vom Passieren des Wassers durch die Rinder" (OK, Wb I 257, 6) = "den See (s) Passieren (durch die Rinder)" (ÄWb I 304).

• WRift *yähay "shower of rain" [KM 328] III Sem.: Ar. haya- ~ hayä?- "pluie" [Lane 681; BK I 523] III Eg. hw.t "rain" (PT, Wb III 49). For Eg.-Ar. see Ember 1916, 74; 1930, #14.a.15; Mlt. 1987, 105. Eg. hw.t "rain" is to be combined also with Eg. hwj "fließen" (since MK, Wb III 48).

Irregular WRift *h < AA *h

• WRift *häla "well, waterhole" [KM 147]: Ehret has h- in the Anlaut, whereas KM consistently h-, cf. Irq. halaq, pl. haleli "well" [Ehret] = halangw ~ hala "well" [KM] etc. Its comparison with LECu.: Rendille har "hollow where water collects in the rainy season" [PG 1999, 136] (suggested by KM)32 seems less probable than that with ERift: Qwd. hali-to (sic, h-/x-) "waterhole" [Kohl-Larsen] = *hali-to [Ehret] I Dhl. helel-ad- "to flow" [Ehret] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 306) < SCu. *h/h[a]l- "(to flow from a) well" [GT] III Sem.: Ar. hll V: tahallala "sourdre, jaillir (se dit de l'eau d'une source, des larmes qui coulent des yeux)", VII "1. être versé par torrents, se répandre (se dit de la pluie), 2. être baigné de larmes (se dit des yeux), 3. répandre, verser, faire tomber de la pluie", hall-at- and halal- "première pluie de la saison" [BK II 1434; DRS 415]33 III (?) Eg. hn.w [reg. < *hl-w] "Welle, Flut" (NE, Wb II 481, 10-11) III SBrb.: Ahaggar tâ-hâla, Tawllemmet tâla [contracted < *ta-hala] "small brook, spring" (SBrb.: Mlt. 1991, 165) III WCh.: perhaps Goemay hal "watery" [Srl. 1937, 74] < AA *hal- "to flow (primarily of water from its source?)" [GT].

• WRift *haw "to be weak" [KM 150] III Sem. *hwy: Tigre hawa "se faner" [DRS 386].

• SCu. *haw-/*häy- "husband" [GT] = *ha- (sic) [Ehr.] > WRift *hawata, pl. *-e "husband" [KM 150] I Dhl. ha^o [-3- reg. < *-y-], pl. ha?i "husband" [Ehr.] = ha^o, pl. haîi ~ ha^öma "man,

30 Cf. perhaps Eg. khw "keuchen (vom ermatteten Herzen)" (Med., Wb V 138, 5; GHWb 887) unless it is of onomatopoetic origin.

31 For the semantic shift "to search for" > "to hunt", cf., e.g., the entry for Eg. bhs in EDE II 284.

32 Cf. also Eg. h3j [reg. < *hly] "fließen, fluten vom Nil" (GR, Wb III 13), h3j.t "bewässerte Stelle an einem Brunnen in der Oase" (NK, Wb III 13, 11).

33 D. Cohen (DRS 415) listed this Ar. hll under Sem. *hll III as a distinct root, carefully separating it from Sem. *hll II with the basic sense "to appear on the horizon".

husband, judge" [EEN 1989, 26] (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 299, #2) II Bed. hiyi (comm.), hiy-ob/ot (acc.) "husband, wife" [Rpr.] III Eg. hj (written OK h, MK hj, NK h3j) "Gemahl, Gatte" > (SB) reflecting old [*hij] (OK, Wb II 475, 10) < AA *hiy- "husband" [GT], whereby SCu. *-a/a- is also irregular. For Bed.-Eg. see Ember 1917, 21; Cohen 1947, #92; IS 1971, 241, #100; Mlt. 1986, 72; OS 1992, 169; HSED #1174.

• WRift *hawi "grass (sp.)" [KM 151] I I LECu.: Afar haway (h-!) "herbs, spices" [PH 1985, 120].

• WRift *hay-ut "to travel" [KM 151]: cp. perhaps LECu.: Saho hay "get moving!" [Ver-gari 2003, 96].

• WRift *hô?, pl. *ho? "nice, good" [KM 154] > Irq. hoho "good, beautiful, fine", Brg. ho?inay "goodness", Alg. ho "goodness" (WRift: Ehret 1980, 302, #28 with false reconstruction) III Sem. *hy? [DRS]: Ar. ha?a "être beau, bien fait, d'une forme élégante, de belle apparence", ha?u?a "être beau, bien fait, d'une forme élégante", hayyi?— hayï?- "beau, bien fait (homme)", hay?-at- ~ hi?-at- "4./2.belle forme" [BK II 1463; Dozy 781; Fagnan 1923, 182] II Sqt. hiyoh "splendide (?)" [Lsl. 1938, 142] III NBrb.: Tamazight heyya "être bien, bon, satisfaisant, meilleur, de bonne qualité" [Tf. 1991, 227: not borrowed from Ar.]34 (Sem.-Brb.: DRS 398).

SCu. *H (?)

There is a group of three Eg.-SCu. cognates, where on the SCu. side Ehret did not reconstruct either *?- or *h-. SCu. *H- is attested in the Anlaut only and can be isolated on the basis of a regular correspondence of WRift *0- ~ Dhl. h-. The Eg. cognates have ?-, but the SCu. reflexes are not evident: they do not fit within the regular reflexations of either SCu. or *h-. Henceforth, these SCu. reflexes point neither to or *h. Therefore, I have marked this initial "laryngeal" with the symbol *H-. It is unclear at the moment why we have a second set of correspondences for what we would normally expect to represent SCu. *?-. Sem. lexical evidence would be needed to decide whether this phenomenon has anything to do with the distinction of vs. *y in Sem.

SCu. WRift Qwadza Asa Ma'a Dahalo Sem. Eg. AA

*H *0- 0- ? ? h- ? î- ~ h- (1x) *î/*Y (?)

• SCu. *Ham- "to nibble" [Ehr.]: Qwd. am- "to chew" I Dhl. ham- "to toss a portion of food in the mouth" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 297) II Bed. ?äm "gierig fressen, essen" [Rn.] II LECu.: Somali ?ün [-n# < *-m#] "to eat" [Abr.] III Eg. ?m "verschlucken" (OK, Wb I 183-184) III WCh.: Pa'a ?mma "to eat" [Jng. 1967, 198] II ECh. *?aym- "to eat" [GT]: Somray ?am I Sokoro ayme I Dangla eme, Mokilko ?oomi, Migama ?äyme etc. (ECh.: JI 1994 II, 119, 121) < AA *?-m "to eat" [GT].35

• SCu. *Har-/*Här- "goat" [GT]: Irq. & Brg. & Alg. & Grw. ara [pl.] "goats" I Qwd. ali-to [*-r-] "goat" I Dhl. heri ~ eri "goat, sheep" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 297; 1974, 73; Flm. 1969, 29) III Eg. ?r "goat" (Med., Wb I 208, 10) III WCh.: Kulere war "he-goat" [Jng.] II ECh.: Lele öre (pl.)

34 The position of NBrb.: Qabyle e-hwu "plaire, être agréable" [Dlt. 1982, 295] is dubious (Dlt.: < Ar. hw? vs. DRS: ~ Sem. *hy?).

35 Lit. for this AA etymology: Mnh. 1912, 233; Behnk 1928, 139, #16 (Eg.-Somali); Zhl. 1932-1933, 166 (Eg.-Bed.); Chn. 1947, #60 (Eg.-Bed.-Somali); Djk. 1965, 44 (Eg.-Bed.-Somali); Dlg. 1970, 623, #74 (Eg.-Bed.); HSED #1064 (Eg.-Qwd.).

"goats, caprin" [WP 1982, 74; JI 1994 II, 167] III (?) Guanche: Tenerife ara "goat" [Mlt.]36 < AA *[Wyw]ar- "goat" [GT].37

• SCu. *HUl- "to smell bad" [GT]: Qwd. ol- "to be rotten" I Dhl. hul- "to smell bad", hüll-a "odor" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 298) III Eg. ?w3 [< *?wl] "verderben, faulen" (PT, Wb I 172, 3-4), var. hw3 [< *hwl] "faulig sein" (PT, Wb III 50) ^ hw3.w "Fäulnissgeruch, Gestank" (Med., Wb III 51, 6-7).

SCu. *h < AA *h

SCu. WRift Qwadza Asa Ma'a Dahalo Sem. Eg. AA

*h *h h-, -h- ? h- h- *h h *h

• WRift *bahut "to be stupid, foolish" [KM 68] < **bahut-ut (med. suffix *-ut) via haplol-ogy [GT] III Sem. *bht > Ar. bahita ~ bahuta "être stupéfait" (borrowed into NSyr. bähit) [DRS 50 pace BK I 170]. Cf. perhaps also AA *b-h-t "to oppose, quarrel with" [GT] > Sem.: Ar. bahata "calomnier, assaillir" [DRS 50] III LEg. bht "Widersacher o.ä." (GR, Wb I 467, 11) III WCh.: Hausa baabaatuu [partial redupl. < *bah(t)baht-] "quarrelsome talking" [Abr. 1962, 51].

• SCu. *böh- "hole" [Ehr.] = *böhw- [GT] > WRift *boho? "to be full of holes" vs. *bohöqw "valley, hole in the ground" vs. *bohönta ~ *-ö "pitfall), hole in the ground" [KM]: e.g., Irq. bôhoq, pl. bôh?i "hole" [Wtl. 1953] = bohoç "hole" [Ehr.] = bohö^w, pl. boh?e "hole" [Mgw. 1989, 111], Alg. bohunda "hole" [Ehr.] (WRift: KM 74-75) I Dhl. bow-i [< *bohw-] "small hole not in the ground" [Ehr.] = böw-i "1. nostril, 2. small hole" [EEN 1989, 34] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 139) II LECu.: Afar böh-a "hole, puncture", böh-äte "to be perforated, punctured" [PH 1985, 73] I HECu. *böh-e "ditch" [Hds.]: Burji bö?-e "ditch", Hadiya böhe?-e "ditch", Kambatta böh-uta "ditch", Sidamo bö?-e "aqueduct", bu??-a "well", bu?-e "well, spring of water" (HECu.: Hds. 1989, 51, 355) III Sem. *bhw/y "to be empty" [GT]: Hbr. bohü "Leere" [GB 85] = "emptiness, wasteness" [KB 111] I Ar. bahw- "2. plaine, vaste étendue de pays, 3. cavité de la poitrine, 4. (pl. buhiyy-) cavité (du ventre où repose le foetus)", bahiya "être vide (maison sans meubles), déchiré (tente)", bähin "1. vide, 2. dont le creux ou l'orifice est spacieux" [BK I 174] = bahw- "espace dégagé, trouée, etc." [DRS] (Sem.: DRS 47) III NBrb.: Tamazight (Ayt Hadiddu) a-buhu "trou, orifice, ouverture" [Tf. 1991, 12] III Ch. *mbuhwa (?) "empty room" [GT] > WCh.: Tangale bwâ "hole" [Krf.], Gera bùwa "hole" [Krf.], Kirfi boyo [-y- < *-h-] "hole" [Krf.], Galambu bo àma "well" (act. *"hole of water") [Schuh 1978, 157] (Bole-Tangale: Kraft 1981, #266) II CCh.: Chibak mbwa ~ mbwà "Zimmer, Raum" [Hfm. 1955, 125, 136] I Mofu-Gudur mbuwa "aisselle" [Brt. 1988, 199], Mafa mbahaw "aisselle" [Brt.-Bléis 1990, 245] < AA *b-h-w "to be empty (of space)" [GT]. The Tamazight-Hbr. etymology was first suggested by K. Naït-Zerrad (DRB I 38).

• WRift *had "1. to pass, proceed, 2. accompany", hence: *had-a "accompanying", *had-is (caus.) "to give" [KM 129] = SCu. *had- "to go along with, accompany" [Ehret 305, #9]: the same semantic shifts are attested in the AA cognates, cf. Sem. *hdw [DRS]: Aram. (Tar-gum) ba-hade "avec, chez", la-hade "à, vers, en direction de" II Ar. ?ahdä bi- "présenter", Eg. Ar. hada, häda "offrir", Maghrebi Ar. hdä "continuer, ne pas cesser de" I Mehri hadü retrouver le droit chemin, tourner la page" (Sem.: DRS 374) III WCh.: PGoemai *hët (?) "to push, move" [GT 2004, 156].

36 Unless < PGuanche *ta-hah-an coll. "sheeps" as suggested by Militarev (1991, 168, fn. 4).

37 Lit.: OS 1992, 182 (Eg.-Ch.); HSED #1112 (Ch.-Eg.-SCu.).

• SCu. *ham(a[d])- "to ripen" [GT: ultimately bicons.?] = *hamad [Ehr.] > WRift *hamad "to ripen" vs. *hamana [KM: < **hamad-ina] "ripeness" [KM 130] I Dhl. hamad- "to ripen", hamade "ripe" [EEN 1989, 14; Tosco 1991, 135] (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 305, #7-#8) III Sem.: Tigre Vhmhm "mûrir, porter de la sémence" [DRS 422]. Cognate to the following root?

• WRift *ham- "to be warm" [GT] = *häm- "to be(come) hot" > *ham-e, *hämi, and *hameriya "heat", *ham-is (caus.) "to cook, burn, set fire to" [KM 130-1] (WRift: also Ehret 1980, 299) III Eg. hm "heiß sein, brennen" (XVIII. Mag., Wb II 489, 15) < AA *h-m "to be warm, hot" [GT]. For Eg.-Irq. see HSED #1285 (with false reconstructions). Cf. WRift *hum-im "to cook" [KM 144]?

• WRift *hamac "to stir" [KM 131]: cf. Ar. hamasa I "1. réunir, ramasser, rassembler", VIII "2. se remuer, s'agiter avec bruit, se mêlant les uns aux autres (se dit du peuple rassemblé en foule)" [BK II 1447].

• WRift *hara?u "dew" [KM 133] III Sem. *hr? > Tigre har?a (intr.) "tremper dans l'eau, être très humide, s'amollir" [DRS 447]. Cf. also Sem. *hrr > Ar. hurr- "grande quantité d'eau ou de lait" etc. [DRS 459].

• WRift *har-ä "at once, at first" [KM 132] II ECu. *hor- to be in front" [Sasse 1979, 62].

• WRift *haw?-ut (med.) "to go away" [KM 134] II LECu.: Saho haw-erhe "to go away", haw-ise "to take away" [Vergari 2003, 95] III Eg. hwhw "davonlaufen (von den Füßen)" (MK, Wb II 485, 1).

• WRift *hay (exclam.) "excuse me, sorry for you" [KM 134] III Sem. *hwy: Hbr. hoy, Syr. haway "ah! malheur!" I Ar. haway-ka "gare à toi!" etc. (Sem.: DRS 386).

• WRift *he "this" [KM 135] = SCu. *ha "this", cf. *ho "this referred to", *hu "that" [Ehret 1980, 304, #1 & 309, #39 & 310, #46]: this is a common AA deictic morpheme, cf. ECu.: e.g. Gollango ha-ma "1. dort(hin), 2. hierher" [AMS 1980, 201] III Sem. *ha "demonstrative element" [GT] (Sem.: DRS 346) III WCh.: Angas-Sura *ha "this" [GT 2004, 151], etc.

• Dhl. hel- "to seize, catch hold of" [Ehret 1980, 307] = hel- "to hold, seize" [EEN 1989, 15] I I LECu.: Sam *hel- "to get" [Heine]: Somali hel-, Rendille hel-, Boni hel- (Heine 1978, 63; Sasse 1979, 40) III Eg. h3j [< *hly] "(den Gegner) annehmen" (MK, Wb II 475, 1) III WCh.: Angas eel ~ el (hill) "to seize, snatch" [Flk. 1915, 175] = ?el (P) "ergreifen, schnappen" [Jng. 1962 MS] II CCh.: Gisiga hal "nehmen (Hirse, Erdnüsse)" [Lks. 1970, 123] < AA *h-l "to seize" [GT].

• WRift *hële?-es (caus.) "to winnow, sift grains by tossing" [KM 135]: cp. Sem.: Tigre Vhyll: helälä "jeter", helälib ~ helälit wäda "jeter rapidement l'un après l'autre" [DRS 402].

• WRift *hïmp "to breathe" [KM 137] III Eth.-Sem.: Tigre hanfa?a "haleter, reprendre haleine, se reposer", cf. hanfofayät "forte tempête" [DRS] III SBrb.: Ahaggar hanaff-at "être essouflé; pousser des petits gémissements plaintifs" [Prs. 1969, 60, #307]. Tigre-Ahaggar: DRS 435.

• SCu. *hir- "to sew" [GT] = *her- [Ehr.] > WRift *hir-it "to sew" [KM 142] I Ma'a -hi "to sew" [Ehr. 1980, 307, #28] (but Dhl. has hud- "to sew" [Ehr. 1980, 310, #48 with false etymology]!): cp. perhaps Sem. *hyr: EDathina hayyar "préparer, mettre en ordre", Palest Ar. hayyar: "effilocher la laine pour faire le feutre" (Sem.: DRS 405).

• SCu. *hoî- "to divine" [Ehr.] > Brg. hoî- "to curse, heal" I Asa ho?- "to divine" I Ma'a -ho?i "to divine" (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 310, #45) III (?) Ar. hwî: hâîa "être inquiet, troublé comme qqn. qui a peur, 2. être agile, vif, 3. attaquer qqn.", hûî- "inimitié, hostilité", mi-hwaî- ~ ma-hwâî- "tumulte, vacarme des combats" [BK II 1458; DRS 390: isolated in Sem.].

• SCu. *ho[î]- "to spill" [Ehr.] > Asa ho?- "to pour" I Ma'a -ho?o ~ -ho?omi "to vomit", -ho?oti "to purge" (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 310, #44) I I I Sem. *h(y)î "to flow" [Dlg.] > esp. OSA (Sabaean) hyî "1. couler, s'écouler (eau), 2. aller, s'étendre (limites), 3. offrir un sacrifice",

mhyî "libation (?)" [SD 57], Ar. hîî I: haîîa "vomir", hwî I: hâîa "4. avoir un vomissement", II "causer un vomissement à qqn., faire vomir", V "s'aider pour vomir, se faire vomir", hawî- ~ huwâî- ~ hayîùî-at- "vomissement", hyî I: hâîa "3. couler et se répandre, 10. vomir" [BK II 1428, 1458, 1467-8] (Sem.: DRS 390, 404, 439).

• SCu. *hopi "stalk" [Ehret] > WRift *hopi-na "handle" [KM 142]: Brg. hopi-na "handle, haft" I (?) Ma'a ihopi "leaf" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 309) I I LECu.: Oromo hof-a "stalk, stem" [Ehret] = hof-a "1. kind of spear for throwing, made of sharpened wood only; 2. stalk (millet or corn; looks like sugar cane)" [Gragg 1982, 211] = hoff-a "stalk" [Bitima 2000, 146] (SCu.-Oromo: Ehret 1980, 309) III Eg. hpw.tj "Art Gestell (auf dem die göttlichen Vögel zu hocken pflegen)" (PT, Wb II 489, 8) = "hpwty-pole" (Faulkner, AEPT 259) = "Kletterbaum (auf dem die göttlichen Vögel zu sitzen pflegen)" (GHWb 492; ÄWb I 749) < AA *hVp- "stalk" [GT].

• Dhl. hollo "1. with, 2. and" [EEN 1989, 16; Tosco 1991, 135] III Sem. *hl > Hrs. hel, helt "with, in the company of, at", em-hel "from amongst", Mhr. hal "to, with, in the company of, in(to) the presence of, at" (MSA: Jns. 1977, 51; 1987, 155).

• PRift *ho-t "to dwell, live at, in" [KM 143] < **haw-at (refl.) [GT] < SCu. *haw- "to stay" [Ehret 1980, 381] II Bed. hay "sein, existieren", hay "lebendig" [Rn. 1895, 132] = hai(y) "to be (on the first of the new moon)", hay-am (refl.) "to appear (heavenly body only, esp. new moon)" [Rpr. 1928, 200] II LECu.: Somali hay "sein, esse" [Rn. 1902, 211], Rendille -hai "to be" [Zbr. 1975, 72] III Sem. *hwy "to be(come)" [GT] > Akk. ewû, hence emû "devenir" II Hbr. haya, BAram. & Syr. hawa "être, devenir, survenir" etc. (Sem.: DRS 386) III SBrb. *Vh2-hi-hi "être dans" [Prs.] = *i-h[a] (pf. int.) [GT]: Ahaggar i-ha, Taneslemt & Tawllemmet & Ayr & Ghat i-ha (Prs. 1969, 43, #119). Cf. also the isogloss (AA *y-w "to be" [GT], var. to AA *h-w?) of Eg. jw [irreg. < *hjw?] "sein" (OK, Wb I 42-43) III WCh.: Daffo-Butura yo "sein, to be" [Jng. 1970, 223]. For the AA etymology see Ember 1911, 89; 1930, §4.g.2 (Eg.-Sem.); Behnk 1928, 138, #5 (Eg.-Sem.-Bed.); Cohen 1947, #94 (Sem.-Eg.-Brb.-Cu.); Mlt. 1986, 72, #3.a.2.a (Sem.-Cu.); Blz. 1989, 217 (id. + Rendille); Ctv. 1988, 76 (Eg.-Sem.).

• PRift *hu?- "to fall" [GT] = PRift *hu- "to fall" [Ehret 1980, 381] > WRift *hü? "to fall" [KM 143]: Irq. hü- [Dlg.] = hu- [Ehret], Grw. & Alg. hü- [Dlg.] = hu- [Ehret], Brg. hu- [Ehret] I Asa hu?- [Ehret] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 381; Dlg. 1973, 243) III Sem. *hww/y "to fall" [DRS 385] III SBrb.: Ahaggar i-hi "tomber dans/sur" [Prs. 1969, 43, #120] < AA *h-w "to fall" [GT].38

• WRift *hub "to carry, bring" [KM 143] > i.a. Iraqw & Gorowa hüw "to carry, bring", hüwa (f) "load", hüwa "burden, luggage" II (?) Bed. hawiye [-w- reg. < *-b-] "pack-saddle" [Rpr. 1928, 200] III Sem. *whb "to give" [GT] > i.a. Hbr. yahab "fardeau", cf. Ar. ?uhb-at-"équipement" (Sem.: DRS 508) I I I WCh.: Pa'a hwà-hwa (redupl., m), pl. hwà-hwi "load" [MSkn. 1979, 180] (Pa'a hwV- weakened < NBch. *hbV-?) < AA *h-b (orig. *hub?) "to bring, carry load" [GT].

• PIrq. *hucay "big earthen pot" [KM 145]: cp. Sem.: Palest. Ar. hiss "poterie" [DRS 463] III Bed. hayis "to make pottery-ware" [Rpr. 1928, 201].

• WRift *hünguru?u "central pillars of the house" [KM 145]: cp. Sem. *hngr: Tigre han-gora "lance de bois (jouet d'enfant)" [DRS 431].

• WRift *hur-im (dur.) "to cook" [KM 145] cannot be compared with LECu.: Somali kar "to become boiled" as KM did (WRift *h- ^ Somali k-), for phonological reasons (WRift *h- ^ ECu. *k-). Instead, cf. ECu. *hUr- "to kindle" [GT] > PSam *huri "schüren (Feuer)" [Heine 1977, 292] = "to kindle" [Heine 1978, 63] I Dullay *hor- [GT] > Dobase hor-as- (caus.) "kochen",

38 Etymological lit. for this AA widespread AA root: Erman 1892, 114; Ember 1913, 116, #53; 1930, #3.e.2; Alb. 1927, 224; Clc. 1936, #21; Chn. 1947, #93; Vcl. 1958, 374; 1990, 49; Ward 1969, 265, fn. 5; Mlt.-Stl. 1990, 66; OS 1992, 200; HSED #1163.

Gollango hör- "wärmen" (Dullay: AMS 1980, 162, 202) III Sem.: Ar. hara?a I "4. cuire trop les viandes, au point qu'elles soient en charpie", hari?a "être en charpie pour avoir été trop cuit (se dit des viandes)" [BK II 1409] II ES: Tna. harhar bälä "être en flammes" [DRS 451] III Eg. h3 [reg. < *hr] "rösten (in den Bez. für Brotsorten)" (NE, Wb II 475, 9) = "Glut", Tq n h3 "Röstbrot" (GHWb 486) < AA *h-r "to cook (?)" [GT]. Any connection to ES: Tigre hwr "ripe" [DRS]?

• SCu. *loh- "to carry load" [GT]: WRift *löh- "to migrate, carry goods", *löh-is "to carry, move house" [KM 195] > Irq. loh- "to move hose", loh-is- "to carry load", Alg. loh-is- "to carry load" I Qwd. loh-is- "to move house" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 206) III Eg. jwh [< *lwh] "beladen mit etwas" (Westcar, Wb I 56, 17-19) III WCh.: Suroid *le "load" [GT]: Sura lee "Last" [Jng. 1963, 72], Mupun lée "load" [Frj. 1991, 33] < AA *l-[w]-h "to carry load" [GT].

• SCu. *wah- "to drink" [Ehret] > WRift *wah- "to drink" [KM 313] I Qwd.-Asa wa-t-(continuative suffix -t-) "to drink" [Ehret] I Ma'a -waha "to drink" [Ehret] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 313, #19) III ES *wh- > Geez wahaha "devenir aqueux", Amh. wuha "eau", wähayyä "devenir aqueux" (ES: DRS 507, 509). For the semantic shift cf. e.g. IE *akw- > Latin aqua "water" ~ Tok-haric AB yok-tsi "to drink", Hittite ekuzi "(s)he drinks" (IEW 23).

Irregular WRift *h < AA *h

• WRift *dabäh "to search, look for" [KM 80] III Eg. dbh "bedürfen, (er)bitten" (PT, Wb V 439-440). This new etymology discards all previous suggestions for the affiliation of our Eg. root39.

• WRift *habac "to spread, open mouth" [KM 129] III Eg. hbd [reg. < AA *hbc] "vom Öffnen des Mundes" (CT, BD, Wb III 67, 8) = "to open the mouth" (CT, DCT 327) = "*öffnen (Mund, um Nahrung aufzunehmen), aufsperren" (CT, ÄWb II 1651)40. Note that Eg. hpd "öffnen (nur vom Mund gebraucht)" (BD, Wb III 72, 12) represents a secondary variety (variation

of -b---p-, shift of -d > -d41). Any connection to Ar. habada I "2. tirer à soi avec force la corde

de l'arc, et la lâcher, en sorte qu'elle produise un son" [BK I 368] < common AA *h-b-c "to spread out (?)" [GT]?

• PRift *hac- "to be full" [GT] = *hac- [Ehret 1980, 81, #2] > WRift *hac "to be full" [KM 134] I ERift *hac- "to be full" [GT] > Asa has- "to be full" [Ehret], Qwd. hacumo "much" [Ehret]: a doubly irreg. cognate appears in Ar. hasa?a "remplir, bourrer, farcir de qqch.", hasi?a "être rempli" (de qqch.)" [BK I 435]. Note that Rift *h- * Sem. *h-, neither Rift *c corresponds to Sem. *s.

• WRift *hac "to stick, fasten, pin" > *hac-im "to set a trap", *hac-ir-o "trap" [KM 133-4]: its comparison with ECu. *hid- "to tie" [Sasse 1979, 36, 59] (not "to fasten", suggested by KM) is unconvincing. Instead, one might be inclined to compare it with ECu. *has- "to hold, keep" [Sasse 1979, 39, 62], but the reconstruction of this latter form is not well-founded (the reflexes listed by Sasse belong in fact to distinct AA roots). Cf. perhaps Ar. hassa I "8. traquer, cerner, entourer de tous côtés et ne pas laisser d'issue (augibier, à la bête)" [BK I 430]?

39 Cf. (1) Rn. 1890, 21, n. 10; Müller 1907, 301, n. 1; Clc. 1936, #458; Vcl. 1958, 373; IS 1964, 6, #19; Hodge 1981, 406; SISAJa III, #59, Mlt.-Stl. 1990, 58: ~ Sem. *-dbah- "to sacrifice" [Frz.]; (2) Rsl. 1971, 290: ~ Akk. Vsb?3/4 > sa/ebû "wünschen" [AHW 1073]; (3) Dlg. 1966, 87, #8.16; 1973, 230; 1983, 131 (followed by Blz. 1989, 210): ~ ECu. *deb-"(to be) thirst(y)" [Sasse 1982, 62].

40 An alternative comparison with Sem. *hbs > Ar. habasa "frapper" [BK II 1381; DRS 363] would be semanti-cally much weaker.

41 For these changes cf. e.g. Ward 1975, 64f.; Peust 1999, 135, §3.12.4 and Vycichl 1990, 46.

• SCu. *hap- "to put up, put above, put on top of" [Ehr.] > Irq. hape "roof" I Ma'a -hapari "to cover" I Dhl. hap- "to suspend" (SCu.: Ehr. 1980, 304, #4) III Sem. *hp "to hide, shelter" [Zbr.]: i.a. Hbr. hpp qal (with Tal) "to shield" [KB 339], MHbr. hpp polel "to bend over, cover" [Jastrow 1950, 492] I Ar. haffa "7. envelopper de qqch., 9. couvrir de tous côtés d'un voile, d'un rideau etc." [BK I 455] (Sem.: Zbr. 1971, #91) III SBrb.: Ahaggar t-êf-it [*ta-yaf- < *ta-Haf-] "linceul" [Fcd. 1951-2, 299].

SCu. *?

SCu. WRift Qwadza Asa Ma'a Dahalo Sem. Eg. AA

*? *? 0-, -?- 0/?-, -?- ?-, -?-, -0 0/?-, -w-(?) *? j-, -3- *?

• WRift *?ah-as (caus.) "to hear" [KM 64]: cognate to PAgaw *?anqw- "ear" [Apl. 1989 MS, 4] II LECu.: Saho okk-a [Rn.] = ?okkw-a (sic, ?-) [CR] = okk-a "ear" [Zhl.] = okk-a [Bnd.] (Cu.: Crl. 1938 II, 213; Dlg. 1967, 5; 1973, 183; Zbr. 1989, 580, #21) III Eg. Tnh.wj (dual, epenthetic -nas in Agaw?) [?nh < *jnh reg.] "die zwei Ohren" (MK, Wb I 204-5). For Cu.-Eg. cf. Zhl. 1932-33, 166.

• WRift *?ako "old man": Irq. & Grw. aako "old man" I Asa akuya "grandparent (in address)" (Ehret 1980, 377) II ECu. *?akak-/*?akk- "old man, grandfather" [Sasse 1982, 21, 24] (Cu.: Flm. 1969, 11; Apl. 1994, 3) III Eg. jk "alt, bejahrt" (BD, Wb I 34, 4).42

• NWRift *?äk-ö "old man" [KM 51] = PRift *?ak-o "old man" [Ehret 1980, 377]: related to ECu. *?akak-/*?akk- "old man, grandfather" [Sasse 1982, 21, 24] (Cu.: Flm. 1969, 11; Apl. 1994, 3) III Eg. jk "alt, bejahrt" (BD, Wb I 34, 4). For AA *?- ~ Eg. j-, cf. EDE I 81-83.

• SCu. *?al- "girl" [Ehr.]: Qwd. elanko, Asa eleto I Ma'a m?aleta (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 284) III (?) Eg. jr.wt [reg. < *?l-wt] (pl.) "Bez. für Frauen" (PT, Wb I 114, 15).

• SCu. *?ani "I" [Ehret 1980, 283] I I I Bed. ane "I" [Rpr.] I I Agaw: Awngi an "I" [Hetzron] II ECu. *?ani/*?anu "I" [Sasse 1982, 26] III SOm. *in-ta "I" [Flm. 1976, 315] III Eg. jnk "I" (OK, Wb I 101) III Sem. *?an- "I" [GT], etc. A well known AA root with abundant literature (cf. EDE I 82).

• SCu. *?ar- "old (of things)": Irq. ar-?ad [Ehret: *?ar-?ar-at- contracted] I Ma'a -?eraru I Dhl. jar- [irreg. *y- < *?-] "to grow old" (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 287) III Eg. j3wj [*?rwy] "to be old" (OK, Wb I 28, 13) III CCh.: Mwulyen i?iri, Bachama ?iyrey "old" (CCh.: OS) < AA *?-r "to be old" [GT]. For CCh.-Eg. see HSED #84.

• WRift *?asa "fire" [KM 61] III Sem. *?iss-(at)- "feu" [DRS 35]: irregular correspondence. Normally, WRift *s = Sem. *s.

• SCu. *?asi [*-hl-] "fat, oil" [GT]: Qwd. asi-to I Dhl. asi (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 285) III (?) Eg. js "sort of oil" (OK, Wb I 130, 15; cf. GHWb 101). Eg. -s < AA *-s in final position? Otherwise, Eg. s ~ SCu. *-s are not regular.

• SCu. *?ila "eye" [Ehret]: Irq.-Brg.-Alg. ila I Qwd. ili-to, Asa ?ila-t I Ma'a i?ila I Dhl. ?ila (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 291) II ECu. *?il- "eye" [Sasse 1979, 5, 22; 1982, 104] II Agaw: Hamir al, Qemant [y]al, Bilin ?al [irreg. < *?-] "eye" I Awngi all "eye" (Agaw: Apl. 1991, 20) III Eg. jr.t [< *?l-t?] "eye" (OK, Wb I 106-7) III CCh. *?il- "eye" [GT]: Lamang (Hitkala) iri & (Waga dial.) ili [Meek] = ili [Lks.], Vizik ili, iri [Wolff] I Alataghwa il-yia [Wolff] I Buduma yil [Lks.] = yel

42 The Eg. root is to be read jk, BD -3- being purely orthographical (influenced by an association to Eg. j3w "old"?), cf. the "old man" det. of MK jk "quarryman" and jk.w "Steinbruch" (Wb I 39).

[Cyffer], Gulfei el [Wolff], Logone (pl.) ?al [Bouny] = al (pl.) [Nct./Lks.] (CCh.: Wolff 1971, 65; JI 1994 II, 126-127) < AA *?il "eye" [GT].43

• PRift *kwala?- (sg. stem), *kwa?al- (pl. stem) "widow" [GT]: WRift *kwa?ala?ö, pl. *kwa?eli "1. widow, 2. poor or unmarried woman" [KM 186] > Iraqw kwalo?o, pl. kwä?eli, Gorowa kwälo?o, pl. kwä?eli, Alagwa kwalo?o, pl. kwä?eli ~ kwa?al-ito?o, Burunge kwalo?o, pl. kwä?eli ~ kwa?al-ito?o I Asa kala?-ayi "widow" (SCu.: Wtl. 1958, 26, #116; Zbr. 1978, 375) III Eg. h3r.t [reg. < *h?l-t] "widow" (MK, Wb III 363, 4) < AA *qw-?-l "widow" [GT].

• SCu. *ro?- "to go away" [GT]: Ma'a -ro "to leave" [Ehret] I Dhl. ro?- "to go/pass by" [Ehret] = "to go" [EEN 1980, 40] (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 220) II ECu.: Yaaku -re?e "to run away" [Heine 1975, 132] = re?- "to run away" [Tosco] (Yaaku-Dhl.: Blz.-Tosco 1994 MS, 3) III Eg. rwj [-j reg. < *-?] "fortgehen, verlassen" (OK, Wb II 406-7) = "to go/pass away, depart, leave" (FD 147)44 < AA *r-w-? "to leave" [GT].

Summary

In the light of the lexical parallels examined above, we can safely maintain that West Rift (and, henceforth, South Cushitic) *h, *h, *?, *h, and *? represent a very archaic segment of the phoneme inventory, having retained presumably the same articulation they had in Afro-Asiatic.

Abbreviations of languages

AA: Afro-Asiatic, Akk.: Akkadian, Alg.: Alagwa, Ar.: Arabic, Aram.: Aramaic, (B): Bohairic, BD: Book of the Dead, Brb.: Berber, Brg.: Burunge, C: Central, Ch.: Chadic, Cpt.: Coptic, CT: Coffin Texts, Cu.: Cushitic, Dhl.: Dahalo, E: East(ern), Eg.: Egyptian, ES: Ethio-Semitic, GR: Greek and Roman period, Grw.: Gorowa, Hbr.: Hebrew, Hrs.: Har-susi, Irq.: Iraqw, Jbl.: Jibbali, Mag.: Magical Texts, Med.: Medical Texts, Mhr.: Mehri, MK: Middle Kingdom, MSA: Modern South Arabian, N: North(ern), NE(g.): New Egyptian, NK: New Kingdom, OK: Old Kingdom, Om.: Omotic, OSA: Old South Arabian, PT: Pyramid Texts, Qwd.: Qwadza, (S): Sahidic, S: South(ern), Sab.: Sabaean, Sem.: Semitic, Sqt.: Soqotri, Ug.: Ugaritic, W: West(ern), XVIII.: 18th Dynasty.

Abbreviations of author names

Abr.: Abraham, Alb.: Albright, AMS: Amborn & Minker & Sasse, Apl.: Appleyard, BK: Biberstein Kazimirsky, Blv.: Belova, Blz.: Blazek, Bnd.: Bender, Brt.: Barreteau, Clc.: Calice, CR: Conti Rossini, Crl.: Cerulli, Dkl.: Diyakal, Dlg.: Dolgopolsky, Dlt.: Dallet, EEN: Ehret & Elderkin & Nurse, Ehr.: Ehret, Eld.: Elderkin, Flm.: Fleming, Frj.: Frajzyngier, Frz.: Fronzaroli, Ftp.: Fitzpatrick, GT: Takacs, Hds.: Hudson, Hfm.: Hoffmann, IL: Institute of Linguistics, IS: Illic-Svityc, JI: Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow, Jng.: Jungraithmayr, Jns.: Johnstone, JS: Jungraithmayr & Shimizu, KB: Koehler & Baumgartner, KM: Kießling & Mous, Krf.: Kraft, Kwh.: Kleinewillinghöfer, Lks.: Lukas, Lmb.: Lamberti, Lsl.: Leslau, Mgw.: Maghway, Mkr.: Mukarovsky, Mlt.: Militarev, Mnh.: Meinhof, MQK: Mous & Qorro & Kießling, Ntg.: Netting, Nwm.: Newman, OS: Orel & Stolbova, PAM: Prasse & Alojaly & Mohamed, PG: Pillinger & Galboran, PH: Parker & Hayward, Prh.: Porhomovsky, Prs.: Prasse, RB: Rapp & Benzing, RK: Reutt & Kogan, Rn.: Reinisch, Rns.: Renisio, Rpr.: Roper, Rsl.: Rössler, Skn.: Skinner, Srl.: Sirlinger, Ss.: Sasse, Stl.: Stolbova, Stz.: Satzinger, Tf.: Ta'ifi, Vcl.: Vycichl, Vrg.: Vergote, WP: Weibegue & Palayer, Wtl.: Whiteley, Zbr.: Zaborski, Zhl.: Zyhlarz.

43 The literature on this widespread AA etymology has been most recently surveyed in EDE I 83.

44 The comparison of Eg. rwj with Brb. *r-w-l "to flee" (Möller 1921, 196; 1924, 42; Hintze 1951, 84, #429) is not acceptable for semantical reasons. Besides, O. Rössler (1952, 131, #8) correctly identified Brb. *r-w-l with Ar. hrwl: harwala "schnell gehen".

Literature

Abraham, R. C.: Dictionary of the Hausa Language.2 London, 1962., University of London Press.

Abraham, R. C.: Somali-English Dictionary.2 London, 1964., University of London Press Ltd.

AÄG — Edel, E.: Altägyptische Grammatik. Roma, 1955., Pontificium Institutum Biblicum.

AECT — Faulkner, R. O.: The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts. Vol. I—III. Warminster, 1973-8., Aris & Phillips Ltd.

AEPT — Faulkner, R. O.: The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. I. Oxford, 1969., Clarendon Press.

AHW — Soden, W. von: Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. I-III. Wiesbaden, 1965-1981., Otto Harrassowitz.

Albright, W. F.: Notes on Egypto-Semitic Etymology. II // American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 34/4 (1918), 215-255.

Albright, W. F.: The Principles of Egyptian Phonological Development // Recueil de Travaux Relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes 40 (1923), 64-70.

AL I-III — MEEKS, D.: Année lexicographique. Égypte ancienne. Tome 1-3 (1977-1979). 2ème édition. Paris, 1998., Cy-bele.

ALC 1978 — Angas Language Committee (in Cooperation with Nigeria Bible Translation Trust): Shèk nkarq kè shaktok mwa ndan Ngas. Ngas-Hausa-English Dictionary with Appendix Showing Some Features of Ngas Grammar. Jos, Nigeria, 1978., Nigeria Bible Translation Trust.

Allen, T.G.: The Inflection of the Verb in the Pyramid Texts. Bibliotheca Aegyptia, vol. 2, fasc. 1-2. Malibu, 1984., Undena Publications.

AMS — Amborn, H. & Minker, G. & Sasse, H.-J.: Das Dullay. Materialen zu einer ostkuschitischen Sprachgruppe. Berlin, 1980., Reimer Verlag.

Appleyard, D.: The Internal Classification of the Agaw Languages. A Comparative and Historical Phonology // Bynon, J. (ed.): Current Progress in Afro-Asiatic Linguistics. Amsterdam, Philadelphia, 1984., John Benjamins. Pp. 33-67.

Appleyard, D.: Agaw and Omotic Links. The Evidence of the Lexicon. MS. Paper presented at the 2nd International Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Torino, November 1989. Proceedings forthcoming.

Appleyard, D.: Agaw Vocabulary Comparative Notes. MS. London, 1989. 24 p.

Appleyard, D.: Preparing a Comparative Dictionary of Agaw. MS. Presented at the III. Kuschitisten- und Omotisten-kongreß (Berlin, March 1994). 4 p.

Appleyard, D.: A Comparative Dictionary of the Agaw Languages. Köln, 2006., Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.

Arbach, M.: Le madabien: lexique — onomastique et grammaire d'une langue de l'Arabie méridionale préislamique. Tome I. Lexique madabien comparée aux lexiques sabéen, qatabanite et hadramawtique. Thèse de doctorat. Université de Provence Aix Marseille I, Centre d'Aix, septembre 1993. 128 p.

ÄWb I — Hannig, R.: Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I. Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit. Hannig-Lexica 4. Mainz am Rhein, 2003., Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

ÄWb II — Hannig, R.: Ägyptisches Wörterbuch II. Mittleres Reich und Zweite Zwischenzeit. I-II. Hannig-Lexica 5. Mainz am Rhein, 2006., Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Barreteau, D.: Description du mofu-gudur. Langue de la famille tchadique parlée au Cameroun. Livre II. Lexique. Paris, 1988., Éditions de l'ORSTOM.

Barreteau, D. & Jungraithmayr, H.: Les verbes monoradicaux dans les langues tchadiques // Jungraithmayr, H. & Tourneux, H. (eds.): Études tchadiques. Verbes monoradicaux suivis d'une note sur la negation en haoussa. Actes de la XIIème réunion de Groupe d'Études Tchadiques LACITO-CNRS-PARIS. Paris, 1990., Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Pp. 37-214.

BELOVA, A. G.: Refleksy semitskih sibiljantov v drevneegipetskom // Meroé 4 (1989), 9-21.

Belova, A. G.: Struktura semitskogo kornja i semitskaja morfologiceskaja sistema // Voprosy Jazykoznanija 1 (1991), 79-90.

BELOVA, A. G.: Sur la reconstruction du vocalisme afroasiatique: quelques correspondances égypto-sémitiques // Mukarovsky, H. G. (ed.): Proceedings of the Fifth International Hamito-Semitic Congress. Band II. Wien, 1991., Afro-Pub. Pp. 85-93.

Belova, A. G.: K voprosu o rekonstrukcii semitskogo kornevogo vokalizma // Voprosy Jazykoznanija 6 (1993), 28-56.

Bender, M. L.: Proto-Omotic Phonology and Lexicon // Bechhaus-Gerst, M.; Serzisko, F. (eds.): Cushitic-Omotic. Papers from the First International Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Cologne, January 6-9, 1986. Hamburg, 1988., Helmut Buske Verlag. Pp. 121-159.

Bender, M. L.: The Mystery Languages of Ethiopia // Marcus, H. (ed.): New Trends in Ethiopian Studies. Vol. 1. Lawrenceville, 1994., Red Sea Press. Pp. 1153-1174.

Bender, M. L.: Omotic Lexicon and Phonology. Carbondale, 2003., SIU Printing/Duplicating.

Biberstein Kazimirski, A. de: Dictionnaire arabe-français. Paris, 1860., Maisonneuve & Co. Editeurs. (Reprinted in Beyrouth, no date, Librairie du Liban.)

BITIMA, T.: A Dictionary of Oromo Technical Terms. Oromo-English. Köln, 2000., Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.

Black, P. D.: Lowland East Cushitic: Subgrouping and Reconstruction. Ph.D. dissertation. 1974., Yale University.

BLAZEK, V.: A New Contribution to Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistics // Asian and African Studies 24 (1989), 203-222.

Blazek, V. & Tosco, M.: Between South and East Cushitic: Reconsidering the Position of Dahalo. MS. Handout for the XI. Afrikanistentag, Köln, 19-21 September 1994. 6 p.

Calice, F. von: Grundlagen der ägyptisch-semitischen Wortvergleichung. Wien, 1936., Selbstverlag des Orientalischen Institutes der Universität Wien.

CD — CRUM, W. E.: A Coptic Dictionary. Oxford, 1939., Oxford, 1939., Oxford University Press.

Cerulli, E.: Studi etiopici. II. La lingua e la storia dei Sidamo. Roma, 1938., Istituto per l'Oriente.

Conti Rossini, C.: Schizzo del dialetto saho dell'alta Assaorta in Eritrea. Roma, 1913., Tipografia della R. Accademia dei Lincei.

CT — Buck, A. de: The Egyptian Coffin Texts. Vol. I-VII. Chicago, 1935-61., The University of Chicago Press.

Dallet, J.-M.: Dictionnaire qabyle-français. Parler des At Mangellat (Algerie). Paris, 1982., SELAF (Société d'études linguistiques et anthropologiques de France).

DCT — Molen, R. van der: A Hieroglyphic Dictionary of Egyptian Coffin Texts. Leiden, 2000., E.J. Brill.

DELC — Vycichl, W.: Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue copte. Leuven, 1983., Peeters.

DG — Erichsen, W.: Demotisches Glossar. Koppenhagen, 1954., Ejnar Munksgaard.

Diyakal, Ph.: Mushere-English Dictionary. Collection of words carried out by Mr. Ph. I. D. started on September 10th, 1997 under the supervision of Herrmann Jungraithmayr (Univ. of Frankfurt). MS. 390 p.

DLE — Lesko, L. H.: A Dictionary of Late Egyptian. Volume I, II, III, IV. Berkeley, 1982., 1984., 1987., 1989. B.C. Scribe Publications.

DOLGOPOL'SKIJ, A. B.: Materialy po sravnitel'no-istoriceskoj fonetike kusitskih jazykov. Gubnye i dental'nye smycnye v nacal'nom polozenii // Uspenskij, B. A. (ed.): Jazyki Afriki. Voprosy struktury, istorii i tipologii. Moskva, 1966., Nauka. Pp. 35-88.

Dolgopolski, A. B.: La permutation des *m et *b initiaux dans les racines couchitiques // Il Congrès International des Africanistes. Communications de la délégation de l'URSS. Moscou, 1967., Nauka. Pp. 3-17.

Dolgopol'skij, A. B.: Sravnitel'no-istoriceskaja fonetika kusitskih jazykov. Moskva, 1973., Nauka.

Dolgopolsky, A. B.: Semitic and East Cushitic. Sound Correspondences and Cognate Sets // Segert, S. & Bodro-gligeti, A. J. E. (eds.): Ethiopian Studies Dedicated to Wolf Leslau. Wiesbaden, 1983., Otto Harrassowitz. Pp. 123-142.

Dolgopolsky, A. B.: South Cushitic Lateral Consonants as Compared to Semitic and East Cushitic // Jungraithmayr, H. & Müller, W. W. (eds.): Proceedings of the Fourth International Hamito-Semitic Congress. Amsterdam, 1987., John Benjamins. Pp. 195-214.

Dolgopolsky, A. B.: Semitic and East Cushitic: Initial Laryngeals. MS. Haifa, around 1987. 3 p.

Dolgopolsky, A.: Semitic and East Cushitic: Word-Initial Laryngeals // Taddese, B. (ed.): Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, University of Addis Ababa, 1984. Volume 1. Addis Ababa, 1988., Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa. Pp. 629-637.

Dolgopolsky, A. B.: On Lateral Obstruents in Hamito-Semitic // Shevoroshkin, V. (ed.): Reconstructing Languages and Cultures. Bochum, 1989., Brockmeyer. Pp. 99-103.

Dozy, R.: Suppléments aux dictionnaires arabes. Tome I-II. Leiden, Paris, 1881., E. J. Brill, Maisonneuve.

DRB — Naït-Zerrad, K.: Dictionnaire des racines berbères. Leuven & Paris, since 1998, Peeters.

DRS — Cohen, D.: Dictionnaire des racines sémitiques ou attestées dans les langues sémitiques. Fascicules 1-2. Paris & La Haye, 1970-1976., Mouton. Fascicule 3-. Leuven, 1993-, Peeters. With continuous pagination.

DUL — Olmo Lete, G. & Sanmartîn, J.: A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition. Part One [?(a/i/u)-k]. Part Two [l-z]. Leiden, 2003., E.J. Brill.

EDE I — Takâcs, G.: Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian. Volume One: A Phonological Introduction. Leiden, 1999., E. J. Brill.

EDE II — TAKACS, G.: Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian. Volume Two: b-, p-, f-. Leiden, 2001., E. J. Brill.

EG 1927 — Gardiner, A. H.: Egyptian Grammar.1 Oxford, 1927., Clarendon Press.

Ehret, Ch.: Ethiopians and East Africans. The Problem of Contacts. Nairobi, 1974., East African Publishing House.

Ehret, Ch.: Ma'a — English Vocabulary. MS. Los Angeles, California, around 1974 (in Ehret 1980, 390 dated for 1966-74). 82 p.

Ehret, Ch.: The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary. Berlin, 1980., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Ehret, Ch.: Revising Proto-Kuliak // Afrika und Übersee 64 (1981), 81-100.

Ehret, Ch.: Proto-Cushitic Reconstruction // Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 8 (1987).

Ehret, Ch. & Elderkin, E. D. & Nurse, D.: Dahalo Lexis and Its Sources // Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18 (1989), 5-49.

Ehret, Ch.: Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic (Proto-Afrasian). Vowels, Tone, Consonants, and Vocabulary. Berkeley, Los Angeles, California, 1995., University of California.

Eilers, W.: Semitische Wurzeltheorie // Atti del Secondo Congresso Interna-zionale di Linguistica Camito-Semitica, Firenze, 16-19 aprile 1974. Firenze, 1978., Istituto di Linguistica e di Lingue Orientali, Université di Firenze. Pp. 125-131.

Elderkin, E. D. & Maghway, J. B.: Some West Rift Roots // African Languages and Cultures 5/1 (1992), 43-64.

Ember, A.: Kindred Semito-Egyptian Words // ZÄS 49 (1911), 93-94.

Ember, A.: The Etymological Equivalent in Egyptian of the Common Semitic Word for "Life" // Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 19 (1916), 72-74.

Ember, A.: (a) New Semito-Egyptian Words. (b) Some African Words in Old Egyptian // JAOS 37 (1917), 21.

Ember, A.: Egypto-Semitic Studies. Leipzig, 1930., The Alexander Cohut Memorial Foundation.

Erman, A.: Das Verhältnis des Ägyptischen zu den semitischen Sprachen // Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 46 (1892), 93-129.

EWA — Mayrhofer, M.: Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen. Heidelberg, since 1992, Carl Winter.

Fagnan, E.: Additions aux dictionnaires arabes. Alger, 1923., Jules Carbonel.

FD — Faulkner, R. O.: A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian. Oxford, 1962., Clarendon Press.

Fitzpatrick, J. F. J.: Some Notes on the Kwolla District and Its Tribes // Journal of the Royal African Society 10 (191011), 16-52, 213-22.

Fleming, H. C.: Asa and Aramanik: Cushitic Hunters in Masai-Land // Ethnology 8/1 (1969), 1-36.

Fleming, H. C.: Omotic as an Afroasiatic Family // Studies in African Linguistics. Supplement 5 (1974), 81-94.

Fleming, H. C.: Omotic Overview // Bender, M. L. (ed.): The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia. East Lansing, 1976., Michigan State University. Pp. 299-323.

Foucauld, Ch. de: Dictionnaire touareg-français, dialecte de l'Ahaggar. I-IV. Paris, 1951-2., Imprimerie Nationale de France.

Foulkes, H. D.: Angass Manual. Grammar, Vocabulary. London, 1915., Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner and Co.

Frajzyngier, Z.: A Pero-English and English-Pero Vocabulary. Berlin, 1985., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

FRAJZYNGIER, Z.: A Dictionary of Mupun. Berlin, 1991., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

GB — Gesenius, W. (bearbeitet von Buhl, F.): Hebräisches und aramäisches Handwörterbuch über das Alte Testment. Unveränderter Neudruck der 1915 erschienenen 17. Auflage. Berlin, Göttingen, Heidelberg, 1962., SpringerVerlag.

GHWb — Hannig, R.: Grosses Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch-Deutsch (2800-950 v. Chr.). Mainz, 1995., Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Gragg, G.: Oromo Dictionary. East Lansing, Michigan, 1982., Michigan State University.

Harries, J.: Tamazight Basic Course. Ait Mgild Dialect. Final Report. Madison, Wisconsin, 1974.

Heine, B.: Notes on the Yaaku Language (Kenya) // Afrika und Übersee 58/2 (1975), 119-138.

Heine, B.: Bemerkungen zur Boni-Sprache (Kenia) // Afrika und Übersee 60 (1977), 242-295.

Heine, B.: The Sam Languages. A History of Rendille, Boni and Somali // Afroasiatic Linguistics 6/2 (1978), 23-115.

Hellwig, B.: Goemai — English — Hausa Dictionary. MS. Draft. Printed out on 20 August 2000. 42 p.

Hetzron, R. & Tâlos, E.P.: Christopher Ehret's "The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary". A Review Article // Sprache und und Geschichte in Afrika 4 (1982), 239-250.

Hintze, F.: Zur hamitosemitischen Wortvergleichung // Zeitschrift für Phonetik und Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft 5 (1951), 65-87.

Hodge, C. T.: Some Afroasiatic Etymologies // Anthropological Linguistics 10/3 (1968), 19-29.

HODGE, C. T.: Comparative Evidence for Egyptian Historical Phonology // Young, D. W. (ed.): Studies Presented to Hans Yakob Polotsky. East Gloucester, 1981., Pirtle and Polson. Pp. 401-413.

Hoffmann, C.: Zur Sprache der Cibak // Lukas, J. (ed.): Afrikanistische Studien. Berlin, 1955., Akademie-Verlag. Pp. 118-143.

Holma, H.: Zur semitisch-hamitischen Sprachwissenschaft // Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 32 (1919), 34-47.

HSED — Orel, V. É. & Stolbova, O. V.: Hamito-Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Leiden, 1995., E. J. Brill.

Hudson, G.: Highland East Cushitic Dictionary. Hamburg, 1989., Buske.

IEW — Pokorny, J.: Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Band I. Bern-München, 1959., Francke Verlag.

Illic-Svityc, V. M.: Drevnejsie indoevropejsko-semitskie jazykovye kontakty // Toporov, V. N. (ed.): Problemy in-doevropejskogo jazykoznanija. Moskva, 1964., Nauka. Pp. 3-12.

Illic-Svityc, V. M.: Opyt sravnenija nostraticeskih jazykov (semitohamitskij, kartvel'skij, indoevropejskij, ural'skij, dravidijskij, altajskij). Vvedenie. Sravnitel'nyj slovar' (b-K). Moskva, 1971., Nauka.

Jacq, Ch.: Lexique des verbes de mouvement dans les textes des pyramides et les textes des sarcophages. Paris, 1986., I.M.O., Recherches Égyptologiques.

Jastrow, M.: A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. Volume I: ?-k, Volume II: l-t. New York, 1950., Pardes Publishing House Inc.

Johnstone, T. M.: Harsüsi Lexicon. London, 1977., Oxford University Press.

Johnstone, T. M.: Jibbali Lexicon. London, 1981., Oxford University Press.

Johnstone, T. M.: Mehri Lexicon. London, 1987., University of London.

Jungraithmayr, H.: Wörterbuch der Angas-Sprache. MS. 1962.

Jungraithmayr, H.: Wörterbuch der Goemay-Sprache. MS. 1962.

Jungraithmayr, H.: Die Sprache des Sura (Maghavul) in Nordnigerien // Afrika und Übersee 47 (1963), 8-89, 204220.

JUNGRAITHMAYR, H.: Materialen zur Kenntnis des Chip, Montol, Gerka und Burrum (Südplateau, Nordnigerien) // Afrika und Übersee 48 (1965), 161-183.

Jungraithmayr, H.: Specimens of the Pa'a ("Afa") and Warja Languages with Notes on the Tribes of Ningi Chiefdom (Bauchi Province, Northern Nigeria) // Afrika und Übersee 50/3 (1967), 194-205.

Jungraithmayr, H.: A Comparative Word List of the Ron Languages (Southern Plateau, N. Nigeria) // Africana Marburgensia 1/2 (1968), 3-12.

Jungraithmayr, H.: Die Ron-Sprachen. Tschadohamitische Studien in Nordnigerien. Glückstadt, 1970., Verlag J. J. Augustin.

Jungraithmayr, H. & Shimizu, K.: Chadic Lexical Roots. Vol. II. Tentative Reconstruction, Grading and Distribution. Berlin, 1981., Verlag von Dietrich Reimer.

Jungraithmayr, H.: Lexique mokilko. Berlin, 1990., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Jungraithmayr, H. & Barreteau, D.: Les verbes monoradicaux dans les langues tchadiques // Jungraithmayr, H. & Tourneux, H. (eds.): Études tchadiques. Verbes monoradicaux suivis d'une note sur la negation en haoussa. Actes de la XIIème réunion de Groupe d'Études Tchadiques LACITO-CNRS-PARIS. Paris, 1990., Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Pp. 37-214.

Jungraithmayr, H. & Ibriszimow, D.: "Chadic Lexical Roots" — Wege zum Urtschadischen // IX. Afrikanistentag — Beiträge zur afrikanischen Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft. Köln, 1993., publisher not indicated. Pp. 129-148.

Jungraithmayr, H. & Ibriszimow, D.: Chadic Lexical Roots. Volume I. Tenative Reconstruction, Grading, Distribution and Comments. Berlin, 1994., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Jungraithmayr, H. & Ibriszimow, D.: Chadic Lexical Roots. Volume II. Documentation. Berlin, 1994., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Jungraithmayr, H.: Mushere Vocabulary. Preliminary version composed on the basis of one part (the first 70 pages) of the material "Mushere Sprichwörter". MS. Frankfurt a/M, 1999. 20 p.

KB — Koehler, L. & Baumgartner, W.: The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament. I-V. Leiden, 1994., E. J. Brill.

KHW — WESTENDORF, W.: Koptisches Handwörterbuch. Heidelberg, 1977., Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

Kleinewillinghöfer, U.: Aspects of Vowel Harmony in Waja and Tangale-Waja Common Vocabulary // Frankfurter Afrikanistische Blätter 2 (1990), 93-106.

Kraft, Ch. H.: Chadic Wordlists. I-III. Berlin, 1981., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Lamberti, M.: Die Somali-Dialekte. Eine Vergleichende Untersuchung. Hamburg, 1986., Helmut Buske Verlag.

Lane, E. W.: An Arabic-English Lexicon. I-VIII. London & Edinburgh, 1863-93., Williams and Norgate.

Lamberti, M.: Some Konsoid Etymologies // Anthropos 82/4-6 (1987), 529-541.

Leslau, W.: Lexique soqotri (sudarabique moderne), avec comparaisons et explications étymologiques. Paris, 1938., Librairie C. Klincksieck.

Leslau, W.: The Parts of the Body in Modern South Arabic Languages // Language 21 (1945), 230-249.

Leslau, W.: Ethiopic and South Arabic Contributions to the Hebrew Lexicon. Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1958., University of California.

Leslau, W.: Comparative Dictionary of Geîez (Classical Ethiopic). Wiesbaden, 1987., Otto Harrassowitz.

Lukas, J.: Die Logone-Sprache im Zentralen Sudan // Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 21/6 (1936).

Lukas, J.: Die Sprache des Buduma in Zentralen Sudan // Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 24/2 (1939).

Lukas, J.: Die Personalia und das primäre Verb im Bolanci (Nordnigerien). Mit Beiträge über das Karekare // Afrika und Übersee 55 (1971), 114-139.

Lukas, J.: Tschadische Studien I. Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Mokulu // Afrika und Übersee 60 (1977), 1-58, 182-229.

Maghway, J. B.: Iraqw Vocabulary // Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18 (1989), 91-118.

Meinhof, C.: Linguistische Studien in Ostafrika. Fortsetzung // Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen 9 (1906), 278-333.

Militarev, A. Ju.: Sovremennoe sravnitel'no-istoriceskoe afrazijskoe jazykoznanie: cto ono mozet dat' istoriceskoj nauke? // Lingvisticeskaja rekonstrukcija i drevnejsaja istorija Vostoka. Cast' 3. Moskva, 1984., Nauka. Pp. 3-26.

Militarev, A. Ju.: Jazyk meroitskoj épigrafiki kak istoriceskij istocnik v svete ego genezisa // Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 2 (1984), 153-170.

Militarev, A. Ju.: Proishozdenie kornej so znaceniem "tvorit', sozdavat'" v afrazijskih jazykah // Pis'mennye pam-jatniki i problemy istorii kul'tury narodov Vostoka. XIX godicnaja naucnaja sessija Leningradskogo Otdelenija Instituta Vostokovedenija Akademii Nauk SSSR. Moskva, 1986., Nauka. Pp. 63-79.

Militarev, A. Ju.: Afrazijsko-indoevropejskie leksiceskie svjazi // Irano-afrazijskie jazykovye kontakty. Moskva, 1987., Nauka. Pp. 98-108.

Militarev, A. Ju.; Stolbova, O.V.: First Approach to Comparative-Historical Phonology of Afrasian (Consonan-tism) // Mukarovsky, H. G. (ed.): Proceedings of the Fifth International Hamito-Semitic Congress. Band I. Wien, 1990., Afro-Pub. Pp. 45-72.

Militarev, A. Ju.: Guancskie jazyki. Fonetika // Solncev, V. M. (ed.): Jazyki Azii i Afriki. IV, kniga 2. Moskva, 1991., Glavnaja Redakcija Vostocnoj Literatury. Pp. 163-173.

Mous, M. & Qorro, M. & KIEßLING, R.: Iraqw-English Dictionary with an English and a Thesaurus Index. Köln, 2002., Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.

MÖLLER, G.: Aegyptisch-libysches // Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 24/9-10 (1921), 193-197.

Möller, G.: Die Ägypter und ihre libyschen Nachbarn // Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 78 (1924), 36-60.

Mukarovsky, H. G.: Mande-Chadic Common Stock. A Study of Phonological and Lexical Evidence. Wien, 1987., Afro-Pub.

Müller, W. M.: Ägyptische und semitische Umschreibungsfragen // Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 10 (1907), 299305, 358-360.

MÜLLER, W. W.: Beiträge zur hamito-semitischen Wortvergleichung // BYNON, J. & BYNON, Th. (eds.): Hamito-Semitica. The Hague, 1975., Mouton de Gruyter. Pp. 63-74.

Netting, R. M.: Kofyar Vocabulary. MS. 1967.

Newman, P.: Chadic Classification and Reconstructions // Afroasiatic Linguistics 5/1 (1977), 1-42.

Orel, V. É. & Stolbova, O. V.: Cadsko-egipetskie izoglossy v oblasti kul'turnoj leksiki // Lingvisticeskaja rekonstrukcija i drevnejsaja istorija Vostoka. Cast' 1. Moskva, 1989., Nauka. Pp. 131-136.

Orel, V. É. & Stolbova, O. V.: K rekonstrukcii praafrazijskogo vokalizma. 3-4 // Voprosy Jazykoznanija 2 (1990), 7590.

Orel, V. É. & Stolbova, O. V.: Cushitic, Chadic, and Egyptian: Lexical Relations // Shevoroshkin, V. (ed.): Nostratic, Dene-Caucasian, Austric and Amerind. Bochum, 1992., Brockmeyer. Pp. 167-180.

Orel, V. É. & Stolbova, O. V.: On Chadic-Egyptian Lexical Relations // Shevoroshkin, V. (ed.): Nostratic, Dene-Caucasian, Austric and Amerind. Bochum, 1992., Brockmeyer. Pp. 181-203.

Orel, V. É.: Semitohamitskij, sinokavkazskij, nostraticeskij // Moskovskij Lingvisticeskij Zurnal 1 (1995), 99-116.

Ormsby, g.: Notes on the Angass Language // Journal of the Royal African Society 12 (1912-1913), 421-424 & 13 (1913-1914), 54-61, 204-210, 313-315.

Osing, J.: Review of Cerny, J.: Coptic Etymological Dictionary // JEA 64 (1978), 186-189.

Parker, E. M. & Hayward, R. J.: An Afar-English-French Dictionary (with Grammatical Notes in English). London, 1985., School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

Peust, C.: Egyptian Phonology. An Introduction to the Phonology of a Dead Language. Göttingen, 1999., Peust & Gutschmidt Verlag GbR.

Pillinger, S. & Galboran, L.: A Rendille Dictionary. Köln, 1999., Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.

PORHOMOVSKIJ, V. Ja.: Istoriceskij konsonantizm jazykov kotoko. Moskva, 1972., Institut Jazykoznanija Akademii Nauk SSSR.

Prasse, K.-G.: A propos de l'origine de h touareg (tahaggart) // Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. His-torisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 43/3 (1969).

Prasse, K.-G. & Alojaly, Gh. & Mohamed, Gh.: Dictionnaire touareg-français (Niger). Copenhagen, 2003., Museum Tusculanum Press, University of Copenhagen.

PT — Sethe, K.: Die altägyptischen Pyramidentexte. I-II. Leipzig, 1980., 1910., J.C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

Rabin, Ch.: Lexicostatistics and the Internal Divisions of Semitic // BYNON, J.; BYNON, Th. (eds.): Hamito-Semitica. The Hague, 1975., Mouton. Pp. 85-102.

Rapp, E. L. & BENZING, B.: Dictionary of the Glavda Language. Frankfurt am Main, 1968., Bible Society Franfurt am Main.

Reinisch, L.: Die Sprache Saho-Irob in Abessinien // Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Classe 90/9 (1878), 89-142.

Reinisch, L.: Die Quarasprache in Abessinien. II. Quarisch-deutsches Wörterbuch // Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Classe 109/1 (1885), 3-152.

Reinisch, L.: Das Zalwort vier und neun in den chamitisch-semitischen Sprachen // Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Classe 121/12 (1890).

Reinisch, L.: Wörterbuch der Saho-Sprache. Wien, 1890., Alfred Hölder.

Reinisch, L.: Wörterbuch der Bedawye-Sprache. Wien, 1895., Alfred Hölder Verlag.

Reinisch, L.: Die Somali-Sprache. II. Wörterbuch. Wien, 1902., Alfred Hölder Verlag.

Renisio, A.: Étude sur les dialectes berbères des Beni Iznassen, du Rif et des Senhaja de Sraïr. Grammaire, textes et lexique. Paris, 1932., Éditions Ernest Leroux.

Reutt, T. E. & Kogan, E. Z.: Materialy po leksike jazykov margi i bura // Bespis'mennye i mladopis'mennye jazyki Af-riki. Moskva, 1973., Nauka. Pp. 83-147.

Roper, E.-M.: Tu Bedawie. An Elementary Handbook for the Use of Sudan Government Officials. Hertford, 1928., Stephen Austin & Sons.

Roquet, G.: smt(=j) "ma belle-mère" (6e Dynastie) // BIFAO 77 (1977), 119-127.

Rössler, O.: Der semitische Charakter der libyschen Sprache // Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 50 (1952), 121-150.

Rössler, O.: Das Ägyptische als semitische Sprache // Altheim, F. & Stiehl, R. (eds.): Christentum am Roten Meer. Band I. Berlin, New York, 1971., Walter de Gruyter. Pp. 263-325.

SD — Beeston, A. F. L. & Ghul, M. A. & Müller, W. W. & Ryckmans, J.: Sabaic Dictionary (English-French-Arabic). Dictionnaire sabéen (anglais-français-arabe). Louvain-la-Neuve, Beyrouth, 1982., Peeters, Librairie du Liban.

Sasse, H.-J.: The Consonant Phonemes of Proto-East-Cushitic (PEC) // Afroasiatic Linguistics 7/1 (1979), 1-67.

Sasse, H.-J.: An Etymological Dictionary of Burji. Hamburg, 1982., Helmut Buske Verlag.

Satzinger, H.: Historische ägyptische Phonologie und die afroasiatische Komparatistik (Rezensionsartikel) // Wiener Zeitschrift fürdie Kunde des Morgenlandes 93 (2003), 211-225.

Schneider, Th.: Beiträge zur sogenannten "neueren Komparatistik". Zum Gedenken an Otto Rössler (1907-1991) // Lingua Aegyptia 5 (1997), 189-209.

Schuh, R. G.: Bole-Tangale Languages of the Bauchi Area (Northern Nigeria). Berlin, 1978., Dietrich Reimer.

SED I — Kogan, A. & Militarev, A.: Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Vol. I. Anatomy of Man and Animals. Münster, 2000., Ugarit-Verlag.

Sethe, K.: Neue Spuren der Hyksos in Inschriften der 18. Dynastie // Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 47 (1910), 7386.

Sirlinger, E.: Dictionary of the Goemay Language. Jos, Nigeria, 1937., Prefecture Apostolic of Jos.

SISAJa III — D'jakonov, I. M.; Belova, A. G.; Militarev, A. Ju.; Porhomovskij, V. Ja.; Stolbova, O. V.: Srav-nitel'no-istoriceskij slovar' afrazijskih jazykov. Vypusk 3: s-c-ç-j, c-ç-j, s-c-ç s labialami // Pis'mennye pamjatniki i problemy istorii kul'tury narodov Vostoka. XVI godicnaja naucnaja sessija Leningradskogo Otdelenija Instituta Vos-tokovedenija Akademii Nauk SSSR. Moskva, 1986., Nauka. Pp. 3-46.

Skinner, N.: North Bauchi Chadic Languages: Common Roots // Afroasiatic Linguistics 4/1 (1977), 1-49.

SODEN, W. von: Zum akkadischen Wörterbuch. 61-66 // Orientalia NS 24 (1955), 136-145.

SODEN, W. von: Zum akkadischen Wörterbuch. 67-80 // Orientalia NS 24 (1955), 377-394.

Stolbova, O. V.: Soglasnye verhnezapadnocadskih jazykov. Geneticeskie sootvetstvija // Makaev, É. A. (ed.): Isto-riko-tipologiceskie i sinhronno-tipologiceskie issledovanija (na materiale jazykov raznyh sistem). Moskva, 1972., Institut Jazykoznanija Akademii Nauk SSSR.

Stolbova, O. V.: Opyt rekonstrukcii verhnezapadnocadskih kornej // Jazyki zarubeznogo Vostoka. Sbornik statej. Moskva, 1977., Nauka. Pp. 152-160.

Stolbova, O. V.: Rekonstrukcija konsonantnoj sistemy zapadnocadskih jazykov // Pis'mennye pamjatniki i problemy istorii kul'tury narodov Vostoka. XIX godicnaja naucnaja sessija Leningradskogo Otdelenija Instituta Vostokovedenija Akademii Nauk SSSR. Moskva, 1986., Nauka. Pp. 80-115.

Stolbova, O. V.: Sravnitel'no-istoriceskaja fonetika i slovar' zapadnocadskih jazykov // Porhomovskij, V. Ja. (ed.): Afrikanskoe istoriceskoe jazykoznanie. Problemy rekonstrukcii. Moskva, 1987., Nauka. Pp. 30-268.

Stolbova, O. V.: Lateral Sibilants in Chadic (Reconstruction) and Their Correspondences in Semitic and Egyptian. MS. Paper presented at the Symposium on Chadic and Hamito-Semitic, Frankfurt am Main, 6-8 May 1991. 9 p.

Stolbova, O. V.: Lateral Sibilants in Chadic (Reconstruction) and Their Correspondences in Semitic and Egyptian // Ibriszimow, D. & Leger, R. (eds.): Studia Chadica et Hamitosemitica. Köln, 1995., Rüdiger Köppe Verlag. Pp. 58-64.

Taïfi, M.: Dictionnaire tamazight-français (parlers du Maroc central). Paris, 1991., L'Harmattan-Awal.

Takâcs, G.: Egyptian m3t "to think out" // Archiv Orientâlni 63/2 (1995), 159-161.

TAKÂCS, G.: The Afrasian Origin of Egyptian rm "Fish" (shortened version) // Koval', A. I. & VINOGRADOV, V. A. (eds.): Problemy izucenija jazykov Afriki. Materialy konferencii posvjascennoj 30-letiju Otdela Afrikanskih Jazykov Instituta Jazykoznanija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk (Moskva, 4-6 dekabrja 1995 g.). Moskva, 1995., Institut Ja-zykoznanija RAN. Pp. 159-164.

Takâcs, G.: The Afrasian Origin of Egyptian rm "Fish" // Folia Orientalia 32 (1996), 89-93.

TAKÂCS, G.: Sibilant and Velar Consonants of South Cushitic and Their Regular Correspondences in Egyptian and Other Afro-Asiatic Branches // Lamberti, M. & Tonelli, L. (eds.): Afroasiatica Tergestina. Papers from the 9th Italian Meeting of Afro-Asiatic (Hamito-Semitic) Linguistics, Trieste, April 23-24, 1998. Contributi presentati al 9o Incontro di Linguistica Afroasiatica (Camito-Semitica), Trieste, 23-24 Aprile 1998. Padova, 1999., Unipress. Pp. 393-426.

Takâcs, G.: South Cushitic Consonant System in Afro-Asiatic Context // Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 61 (2000), 69117.

TAKÂCS, G.: Towards Proto-Afro-Asiatic Phonology: Ancient Remnants in South Cushitic, Angas-Sura, and North Bauchi // Rocznik Orientalistyczny 54/2 (2001), 55-125.

TAKÂCS, G.: South Cushitic Sibilant Affricates in a Comparative-Historical Perspective // BENDER, M. L. (chief ed.) & Appleyard, D. & Takâcs, G. (eds.): Selected Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistic Studies in Memory of Igor M. Diakonoff. Lincom Studies in Afroasiatic Linguistics 14. München & Newcastle, 2003., Lincom Europa. Pp. 143-162.

Takâcs, G.: Comparative Dictionary of the Angas-Sura Languages. Berlin, 2004., Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Tosco, M.: The Classification of Dahalo: Another Perspective. Paper presented at the 2nd International Congress on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Torino, 16-18 November 1989. 28 p.

Tosco, M.: A Grammatical Sketch of Dahalo. Hamburg, 1991., Helmut Buske Verlag.

ÜKAPT I-VI — Sethe, K.: Übersetzung und Kommentar zu den altägyptischen Pyramidentexten. I-VI. Glückstadt, Hamburg, 1935-62., J. J. Augustin.

Vergari, M. & Vergari, R.: A Basic Saho-English-Italian Dictionary. Asmara, Eritrea, 2003., (publisher not indicated).

Vergote, J.: Phonétique historique de l'égyptien. Paris, 1945., Le Muséon.

Voigt, R.: Review of Ehret, Ch.: The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary // Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 133/1 (1983), 197-198.

Vycichl, W.: Über ein fr-Präfix im Arabischen // Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 43 (1936), 109-110.

VYCICHL, W.: Grundlagen der ägyptisch-semitischen Wortvergleichung // MDAIK 16 (1958), 367-405.

VYCICHL, W.: La vocalisation de la langue égyptienne. Tome Ier. La phonétique. Le Caire, 1990., Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale.

Ward, W. A.: Some Egypto-Semitic Etymologies // Orientalia NS 31 (1962), 397-412.

Ward, W. A.: Notes on Some Egypto-Semitic Roots // Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 95 (1968), 65-72.

Ward, W. A.: The Biconsonantal Root *b3 and Remarks on Bilabial Interchange in Egyptian // Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 102 (1975), 60-67.

Ward, W. A.: A New Look at Semitic Personal Names and Loanwords in Egyptian // Chronique d'Egypte 71 (1996), 17-47.

Wb — Erman, A. & Grapow, H.: Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache. I-V.2 Berlin, 1957-1971., Akademie-Verlag.

Weibegué, Ch. & Palayer, P.: Lexique lele-français. Sarh, Tchad, 1982., Centre d'Études Linguistiques.

Welmers, W. E.: Notes on the Structure of Saho // Word 8/2 (1952), 145-162 & 8/3 (1952), 236-251.

Whiteley, W. H.: Studies in Iraqw. Kampala, 1953., East African Institute of Social Research.

Whiteley, W. H.: A Short Description of Item Categories in Iraqw (with Material on Gorowa, Alagwa and Burunge). Kampala, 1958., East African Institute of Social Research.

Zaborski, A.: Biconsonantal Verbal Roots in Semitic // Zeszyty Naukowe Universytetu Jagiellonskiego, prace jçzyko-znawcze 5 (1971), 51-98.

Zaborski, A.: Some Internal Plurals in Cushitic // Fronzaroli, P. (ed.): Atti del Secondo Congresso Internazionale di Linguistica Camito-Semitica, Firenze, 16-19 aprile 1974. Firenze, 1978., Istituto di Linguistica e di Lingue Orientali, Université di Firenze. Pp. 369-378.

Zaborski, A.: Review of Ehret, Ch.: The Historical Reconstruction of Southern Cushitic. Phonology and Vocabulary // Afrika und Übersee 67 (1984), 142-144.

Zaborski, A.: Der Wortschatz der Bedscha-Sprache. Eine vergleichende Analyse // Schuler, E. von (ed.): XXIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag, vom 16. bis 20. September 1985 in Würzburg. Ausgewählte Vorträge. Stuttgart, 1989., Franz Steiner Verlag. Pp. 573-591.

Zyhlarz, E.: Ursprung und Sprachcharakter des Altägyptischen // Zeitschrift für Eingeborenen-Sprachen 23 (19321933), 25-45, 81-110, 161-194, 241-254.

В статье утверждается, что богатый инвентарь ларингальных согласных, восстанавливаемый для западнорифтской подгруппы южнокушитских языков, скорее всего носит архаичный характер; поскольку для всех этих согласных находятся однозначные соответствия в семитских и египетском языках, можно предположить, что слова с ларинга-лами в западнорифтских языках сохраняют старую афразийскую артикуляцию, что, в свою очередь, подчеркивает чрезвычайную важность этих языков для решения задачи реконструкции праафразийского языка. Гипотеза подтверждается на материале многочисленных этимологий.