CC BY-NC-ND
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Gabor Takacs
Institute of Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Dept. of Egyptology, ELTE, Hungary
Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic setting III: Omotic *p-
The present paper is published as part of a set of papers whose goal is to identify the Afro-Asiatic heritage in the Omotic lexicon according to initial consonants. The current installment deals with instances of Omotic *p- and *ph- that may be traced back to Proto-Afro-Asiatic *p- and *f-. Altogether, 28 etymologies are discussed under this section.
Keywords: Afro-Asiatic languages, Omotic languages, comparative phonology, historical reconstruction.
We owe much to H. C. Fleming, M. L. Bender, and M. Lamberti for their pioneering studies in Omotic lexical comparison and reconstruction. The latter two authors even managed to come up with a few monographs on the subject (Bender 1975, 1999, 2003, Lamberti 1993, Lamberti and Sottile 1997). Still, this language branch arguably represents the least cultivated field within the immense Afro-Asiatic domain from the viewpoint of systematic etymological elaboration of the inherited Afro-Asiatic lexical treasures. To the best of my knowledge, the only special study devoted to a systematic treatment of Omotic/Afro-Asiatic matches is the unpublished paper presented by V. Blazek at the 2nd International Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages (Torino, November 1989).
This kind of research has already brought considerable progress in other branches of the vast Afro-Asiatic language macrofamily (Semitic, Egyptian, Berber, Cushitic, Chadic). The abundant results in Semito-Egyptian linguistic comparison are well-known and are due to some two centuries’ efforts (cf. EDE I 1-8). The Afro-Asiatic background of the Berber root inventory has been investigated in special studies by O. Rossler (1952, 1964), A. Militarev (1991), and most recently by myself in a series of papers entitled ‘Some Berber etymologies’ (Takacs 2011 with a list of previous parts). Materials for an etymological dictionary of Bedawye (North Cushitic) have been collected and partially published by V. Blazek (1990 MS, 1994 MS, 2000 MS, 2003, 2006), whereas D. Appleyard (2006) has most recently concluded his Agaw (Central Cushitic) comparative lexicon. A. Dolgopolsky examined in 1983 the Semitic matches of East Cushitic roots, in 1988 the word-initial laryngeals and pharyngeals in Semitic vs. East Cushitic, and, in 1987, the South Cushitic laterals as compared to Semitic. Regular phonological and lexical correspondences between South Cushitic and Afro-Asiatic have been established by myself (Takacs 1999, 2000, 2010). Numerous works by H. Jungraithmayr (e.g., JI 1994 I), O. Stolbova (e.g., 1996 or CLD I-III), and myself (e.g., in my diverse series like ‘Angas-Sura etymologies’1, the one on North
1 G. Takacs. Angas-Sura Etymologies I = Lingua Posnaniensis 46 (2004), 131-144. Angas-Sura Etymologies II = Rocznik Orientalistyczny 57/1 (2004), 55-68. Angas-Sura Etymologies III = Lingua Posnaniensis 48 (2006), 121-138. Angas-Sura Etymologies IV: *f- = Folia Orientalia 47/2 (2011), 273-289. Angas-Sura Etymologies V: *m- = Cahiers Caribeens d’Egyptologie 13-14 (2010), 137-142.
Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 8 (2012) • Pp. 103 — 116 • © Takacs G., 2012
Bauchi2 or the one on ‘Chadic Lexical Roots’3) were devoted to Chadic reconstruction in the light of comparison with Afro-Asiatic.
The aim of this paper is to present new etymologies in addition to those Omotic lexemes whose etymologies have already been demonstrated by other authors. In the first part4 of this series, Omotic roots with *b- plus dentals, sibilants, and velars were dealt with from an etymological standpoint. The second part (forthcoming) contains new etymologies for Omotic roots with *b- followed by sonorants, etc. In this part I examine the Omotic lexical stock with the voiceless initial labial, of which (judging by evidence from Kefoid) there seems to have existed two varieties: *p- vs. *ph- (reflecting the opposition of AA *p- vs. *f-, resp.?). The numeration of the lexical entries is continuous, beginning from the very first paper.
Omotic *p- and *ph-
• 54. SOm.: Hamer pe ‘earth, soil, ground’ [Bnd. 1994, 148] III (?) Eg. p ‘1. Untersatz, Sockel (aus Holz, Stein) (XVIII.), 2. Thron (GR)’ (Wb I 489, 5-7) = ‘1. base (for statue) (XVIII.), 2. seat (Ptol.)’ (EG 1927, 488, Q3) III WCh.: Sura pee ‘1. Grund, 2. Ursache’ [Jng. 1963, 78] I Pero peepe (redupl.) ‘earth’ [Frj. 1985, 45] II CCh.: Gude apaa (adv.) ‘on the ground’ [Hsk. 1983, 158] < AA 4p ‘ground’ [GT].
• 55. NOm.: Kefoid *Vpht [GT]: Kafa hot- [h- < *ph- < AA *f-?] ‘disprezzare, avvilire’ [Crl. 1951, 457] = hot-ehe ‘dispresso’ [Cecchi apud Rn. 1888, 298] III Eg. ft ‘sich ekeln, uberdrussig sein’ (Med., Wb I 580, 8-13) = ‘to show dislike, disgust’ (FD 99) III PCh. 4pt ‘to refuse’ [GT], a var. root displaying AA 4pt [GT], cf. CCh.: Bura mpimpata ‘to scold, rebuke very severely’ [BED 1953, 141] I Mofu-Gudur -pot- ‘refuser categoriquement de donner qqch. a qqn.’ [Brt. 1988, 222] II ECh. 4fty ‘to refuse’ [GT]: Sokoro phite ~ piti ‘verweigern, zuruckstossen’ [Lks. 1937, 38] I WDangla peetye ‘refuser de faire une chose’ [Fedry 1971, 60], EDangla pootye ‘refuser, ne pas vouloir, resister, ne pas ceder, ne pas admettre, ne pas accepter, recalcitrer’ [Dbr.-Mnt. 1973, 248] = pootye ‘ablehnen’ [Ebs. 1979, 134; 1987, 73] I Birgit fooci [-ci < *-ti] ‘refuser’ [Jng. 1973 MS] < AA 4ft ~ 4pt ‘to despise’ [GT].
• 56. Om. *put- ‘cotton’ [Bnd.] = *futt- ‘cotton’ [Lmb.] (Om.-Cu.: Crl. 1929, 29; 1938 III, 167, 202; 1951, 457; Bnd. 1988, 146; LS 1997, 357) III HECu. *futt-a ‘cotton’ [Hds. 1989, 410; Sasse 1982, 71] I SOromo fut-a ‘cotton’ [Mrn.]5 III Eg. ftt (rope det.) ‘ein pflanzlicher Faserstoff: als
2 G. Takacs. Outline of a North Bauchi Historical Phonology = Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 70 (2002), 167190. The Afro-Asiatic Background of the North Bauchi Consonant System II = Tourneux, H. (ed.). Topics in Chadic Linguistics III. Historical Studies. Papers from the 3rd Biennial International Colloquium on the Chadic Languages, Villejuif, November 24-25, 2005. Koln, 2007., Rudiger Koppe Verlag. Pp. 103-131.
3 G. Takacs. The ‘Chadic Lexical Roots’ and Their Afro-Asiatic Background Fourteen Years Later = Baldi, S. (ed.). Studi Magrebini. Vol. VII. Napoli, 2009. Pp. 211-224 (this part jointly with H. Jungraithmayr). The ‘Chadic Lexical Roots’ and Their Afro-Asiatic Background II = Awagana, A. & Lohr, D. (eds.). Topics in Chadic Linguistics VI: Papers from the 5th Biennial International Colloquium on the Chadic Languages, Leipzig, June 11-13, 2009. Koln, 2011. Pp. 169-185. The ‘Chadic Lexical Roots’ and Their Afro-Asiatic Background III = BALDI, S. & Yakasai, H. M. (ed.). Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Hausa Studies: African and European Perspectives (Napoli, 5th-7th July 2010). Studi Africanistici, Serie Ciado-Sudanese 3. Napoli, 2011. Pp. 313-329.
4 G. Takacs. Omotic Lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic Setting I: Omotic *b- with Dentals, Sibilants, and Velars = Busetto, L. (ed., scientific committee: M. Tosco, L. Tonelli, R. Sottile). He bitaney laagaa. Dedicato a/Dedicated to Marcello Lamberti. Quaderni di Lingua e Storia 3. Milano, 2011., Qu.A.S.A.R. s.r.l. Pp. 57-74.
5 The origin of the Cu.-Om. terms for ‘cotton’ is disputed. E. Cerulli (1938 III, 167; 1951, 457) explained the HECu.-NOm. root from ES *^qwtn ‘cotton’ < Ar. qutn- ‘cotton’, which is phonologically unacceptable. M. M. Mo-
Tampon-Zapfchen, in Verbanden mit mrh.t und bj.t etc.’ (Med., WADN 210-211 , cf. also Wb I 581, 9-10) = ‘lint’ (FD 99) = ‘1. Faserbausch (als Tampon-Zapfchen), 2. Faserstoff (aus der Pflanze dbj.t): jrj m ftt ’zum Faserbausch machen etwas (und in Korperoffnung einfuhren)’ (GHWb 308) I I I NBrb.: Mzab ta-fdtfat ~ ta-fddfad-t, pl. ti-fdtfat-in ~ ti-fddfad-in ‘1. bourre de palmier, 2. plaque de cette bourre’ [Dlh. 1984, 55-56] III CCh.: Muskum fit ‘coton’ [Trn. 1977, 20]6 < AA 4ft ‘wadding, flock of plant (e.g. cotton)’ [GT].
• 57. NOm.: PKefoid (Gonga) *phut- ‘ to smear’ [GT]: Kafa hut- [h- < ph-] ‘ungere’, hut-o ‘unguento’ [Crl. 1951, 457] = hut- ‘to smear, grease’, hut-o ‘ointment’ [Flm.], Mocha puti-ye ‘to anoint’ [Lsl. 1959, 45], (?) Naga fur- [-r- < *-t-?] ‘butter’ [d’Abbadie] (Gonga: Flm. 1987, 157, #9) III LEg. fdfd [< *ftft] ‘vom Auftragen der Salbe an (r)’ (GR hapax: Mendes stela, Urk. II 29, 12, Wb I 583, 4) = ‘frotter avec de l’onguent’ (Meeks, p.c. on 18 Feb. 2001) < AA 4ft ‘to anoint’ [GT].
• 58. SOm.: Dime fot- ‘to fall’ [Bnd. 1994, 149] III ES: perhaps Gurage-Soddo fafat, Amh. fwafBate ‘waterfall’ (ES: Lsl. 1979 III, 228 with dubious HECu. etymology) I I I WCh.: Hausa fauce [-ce < *-te] ‘(bird) to swoop on to seize sg.’ [Abr. 1962, 261] II CCh.: Hurzo fat-day ‘to descend’ [Rsg.], Moloko fatay ‘to descend’ [Rsg.] (MM: Rsg. 1978, 236, #189) I Lame putu ‘tomber du haut de’ [Scn. 1982, 272] II ECh.: Mubi foot (pf.), ?afad-e (inf.), ?ufat (impf.) ‘to fall’ [Nwm. 1977, 183] = fade (pl.) ‘tomber’ [Jng. 1990 MS, 14] (Ch.: JI 1994 II; Stl. 1996, 17) < AA 4[p]t ‘to fall’ [GT].7
• 59. NOm. *VPt ‘to fall’ [GT]: Shinasha-Bworo fedd- ‘to fall’ [Lmb. 1993, 301] I Sezo petes petesa ‘he falls down’ [Sbr.-Wdk. 1994, 12] III Sem.: Ar. fata?a ‘(i.a.) jeter qqn. par la terre’ [BK II 609] III Ch. *Ipd ‘to fall’ [JS 1981, 98], in fact solely based on WCh.: Hausa faada ‘to fall into, on’, faadad da ‘to drop sg., cause sg. to fall’, faadii ‘to fall down, over, on to, into, off, out’, faaddd ‘to fall down, off’ [Abr. 1962, 241-243] < AA *I[p]t ‘to fall’ [GT].
• 60. NOm.: Mao *pus- ‘to blow’ [GT]: Hozo pv:sti, Sezo puse ~ fuse, Bambeshi puse ‘to blow’ (Mao gr.: Sbr.-Wdk. 1993, 13; 1994, 10) III Sem. 4ps ‘to breathe, blow’ vs. *Ipsw ‘to break wind silently’ [SED]: Akk. pash G ‘hauchen, leise furzen’, Gtn ‘immer wieder rasselnd atmen’ [AHW 846] I I PBHbr. лIpws (met.) ‘to breathe, rest one’s self’ [Jastrow 1950, 1149], NHbr. Ipws ‘aufatmen’ [WUS] I Ar. Ifsw: fasa ‘lacher un vent (qu’on n’entend pas)’, cf. also fiss-at- ‘pet’ [BK II 595]8 II ES *Ifsw ^ 4fws ‘to fart’ [GT]: e.g. Geez fasawa ‘to break wind’ [Lsl.] vs. Tigre fdsfdsd ‘to bluster, steam’, fosfoso ‘vapour-bath’ [Littmann-Hofner] (ES: Lsl. 1956, 199; 1987, 168; Sem.: SED I 314-5, #56 vs. #57) III CCh.: Kotoko fasso ‘souffle’ [Bouny 1978, 57] I Mbara pise ‘souffler’ [TSL 1986, 275] II ECh.: WDangla piise ‘rester’ [Fedry 1971, 64]9 < AA *Ips ‘1. to blow, 2. breathe ^ rest, 3. fart’ [GT].10
• 61. NOm.: Yemsa (Janjero) fus- ‘zwicken’ [Lmb. 1993, 343] III WCh.: Angas-Sura *pus ‘1. to shoot (arrow), 2. sting’ [GT]:11 e.g. Angas pus, pl. pwas ‘1. to shoot (as of an arrow),
reno (1937, 235) affiliated PCu.-Om. *futt- ‘cotton’ with Sem.: Ar. fut-at- ‘cotonata’ [Mm.] = ‘serviette, essnie-mains’ [Lsl.], which is improbable due to the supposed Indian origin of Ar. fut-at-, cf. OInd. pata- ‘(woven) cloth, blanket, garment, veil, etc.’ [Monier-Williams 1899, 579] (as suggested by Vollers, ZDMG 50, 616 & 56, 523, cf. also Leslau 1938, 334; 1963, 65).
6 The Muskum parallel seems isolated in Chadic.
7 The uncertain reconstruction of PAA *[p]- is based on the *p- in some remote root varieties.
8 A var. root can be found in Ar. fassa ‘faire sortir l’air d’une outre en la comprimant’ [BK II 595].
9 The vocalism *-i- of the Chadic examples is obscure.
10 Cf. also AA 4bs ‘1. to blow, 2. breathe, 3. rest’ [GT] (discussed in my paper ‘Lexica Afroasiatica II’, #273).
11 J. H. Greenberg (1958, 301), V. M. Illic-Svityc (1966, 25, #3.9), followed by N. Skinner (1996, 66), correlated Angas-Sura *pus directly with OEg. pzh ‘to bite (PT), sting (Med.)’ (FD 94), a comparison rejected by G. Takacs (1999, 82; 1999, 368). The underlying PCh. root had a voiceless sibilant (cf. JI 1994 II, 2), although, in principle, the change Ch. *-Z > Angas-Sura *-s seems plausible.
2. shoot (of insects, of their stings), sting, 3. arrow’ [Flk. 1915, 268-269] = puus ‘1. to shoot, 2. sting’ [Grb.], Sura puus ‘1. to shoot, 2. sting’ [Grb.] = pйs (sg.), pwas (pl.) ‘schiefien’ [Jng. 1963, 79], Kofyar fus [fu- < *pu- reg.] ‘to pierce’ [Ntg. 1967, 13], Chip pus ‘1. to shoot, 2. sting’ [Grb.], Goemay puas (pl. of hes) ‘to pierce’ [Srl. 1937, 184] (AS: Grb. 1958, 301, #2; Stl. 1977, 156, #170) < AA 4ps (possibly *pus-) ‘1. to sting, 2. shoot an arrow’ [GT].
• 62. NOm.: Haruro pes-o ~ pis-o ‘deretano’ [CR 1937, 657] I I I Eg. psd [reg. < *psg]12 ‘Rucken, Ruckgrat’ (OK, Wb I 556, 1-9) = ‘back, spine’ (FD 95) III PCh. *pas- ‘back’ [GT]: WCh.: presumably Hausa faasa ‘to postpone (beginning sg.), be postponed indefinitely’ [Abr. 1962, 257] II CCh.: Logone pase ‘Gesafi, Hinterer’ [Lks. 1936, 115] = mpase ‘cul’ [Mch.] = pasee ‘podex’ [IS] < AA 4ps (perhaps *pas- ~ *pis-) ‘back’ [GT].13
• 63. NOm.: Zayse fic-o [-ts-] ‘tail’ [Bnd.] = fic-o [-ts-] ‘tail’ [Mkr.] = fis-o ‘tail’ [Hyw. 1988, 285] = fic-o [-ts-] ‘tail’ [Sbr. 1994, 20] III Eth.-Sem. (borrowed from HECu.): Gurage: Selti facco, Zway afwacco etc. ‘tail, hair of tail’ (ES: Lsl. 1979 III, 226) III HECu.: Burji fac-o ‘bushy end of animal’s tail’ [Sasse 1982, 68: ‘ohne Etymologie’], cf. Darasa fac-o ~ facc-o ‘fly whisk’ [Lsl.] III CCh.: Logone pishaa ‘tail’ [Mkr.] < AA *pis- ‘2. tail’ [GT]? Is it related to AA 4ps ‘back’ [GT] (above)?
• 64. SOm.: Ari feg-a ‘far’ [Bnd. 1994, 149] III ECu. *fVg- ‘far’ [Flm. 1969, 22, #11]: LECu.: PSomali *fog ‘far’ [Ehret & Nuuh Ali 1984]: Somali fog ~ fug ‘1. Entfernung, 2. weit, fern’ [Rn. 1902, 147] = fog ‘far’ [Abr. 1964, 80], Rendille fog-a ‘far’ [Heine 1976, 215], Arbore feka ~ fek-i [ir-reg. -k < *-g?] ‘far’ [Hyw. 1984, 358], Dasenech (Geleba) fik ‘far, distant’ [Flm./Dlg.] I Oromo fag-o ‘far’ [Gragg 1982, 139] = fag-o? ‘weit’ [Sasse] I HECu.: Sidamo fag-o ‘far’ [Hds. 1989, 362] = faf-o [< *fagw-] ‘lontano’ [Crl. 1938 II, 200] (ECu.: CR 1913, 421; Dlg. 1973, 320; Sasse 1975, 246)
III EBrb.: Ghadames u-fag ‘1. depasser une limite, une mesure, 2. aller trop loin (ene verrou dans son logement)’ [Lanfry 1973, 88, #382] III WCh.: Ngizim fak [irreg. -k < *-g?] ‘at a great distance (in time or space)’ [Schuh 1981, 57] < AA 4Pg ‘far, long’ [GT].
• 65. NOm.: Mao: Bambeshi ^ega ~ ’a feka ‘to fall’ [Sbr.-Wdk. 1993, 15] III PCh. 4pk ‘to fall’ [GT]: WCh.: Bade vg- ‘fallen’ [Lks. 1974-75, 105], Ngizim vOgu ‘to fall down, descend down into, set (of sun)’ [Schuh 1981, 165] = vogo ‘to fall from high position’ [JI] I I CCh.: Bachama vuko, fuko ‘to fall’ [Skn.] = vuko ‘to fall’ [Crn. 1975, 463] II ECh.: Jegu pak- ‘herabfallen (Regen)’ [Jng. 1961, 116] (Ch.: JI 1994 II, 130-131) < AA *V[p]K ‘to fall’ [GT].
• 66. NOm. *Vphk ‘to throw’ [GT]: Janjero (Yemsa) foq- ‘scagliare (la lancia)’ [Crl. 1938 III, 73] = foka ‘to throw spear’ [Aklilu n.d.] I Mocha pdkki-ye ‘to throw away’ [Lsl. 1959, 45] = p-ok-‘to throw away’ [Flm.], Wombera hok-a [*ph-] ‘rubbish, garbage’ [Flm.] (Kefoid: Flm. 1987, 157) III CCh. *^Pk ‘to throw’ [GT]: Gisiga mu-fko (nom. instr. prefix ma-) ‘Wurfmesser’ [Lks. 1970, 131] I Lame pik ‘jeter (petites choses)’ [Scn. 1982, 268], Zime-Dari pik ‘jeter (petites choses)’ [Cooper 1984, 21] II ECh.: Tumak pdg ‘abattre, faire tomber, terrasser (une personne...)’ [Cpr. 1975, 91] < AA 4PK ‘to throw’ [GT].
• 67. NOm.: Mao *Vp? ‘ to stab’ [GT]: Hozo pa ~ pa? ‘to stab, pierce’, Sezo pe, pe? ‘to stab, pierce’, EMao piy-a ‘to stab, pierce, kill’ (Mao: Flm. 1988, 38) III WCh.: Ngizim vau ‘1. to shoot, 2. sting (scorpion)’ [Schuh 1981, 167] II CCh.: Mofu-Gudur vav ~ vev (redupl.?) ‘piquer (in-secte)’ [Brt. 1988, 251] < AA 4PH ‘to sting’ [GT].
• 68. SOm.: Hamer pi-o ‘feces, dung’ [Bnd. 1994, 149] III SCu. *pU[S]- ‘to defecate’ [GT] = *pu?-/*puS- ‘excrement’ [Ehret]: Qwadza po?o-tiko ‘mud’ I Ma’a ki-pwu?u ‘excrement’, -pwu?u ‘to 12 13
12 The Egyptian counterpart has been extended by a third non-etymological *-g (hence -d), which further occurs in a number of Eg. body part names, cf. e.g. fnd ‘nose’, mnd.t ‘cheek’, nhd.t ‘tooth’, hnd ‘lower part, calf of leg’ (meanings are quoted after FD). For the problem in detail cf. EDE II 577.
13 Lit. for the AA comparison: Mkr. 1981, 115, #24 (Gurage-Zayse); 1987, 360 (Logone-Burji-Zayse); Leslau 1979 III, 226; 1988, 188 (HECu.-Gurage).
defecate’ (SCu.: Ehret 1980, 145) III CCh.: Nzangi poyai ‘faeces’ [Mch. in JI 1994 II, 129] < AA 4pS (or 4p?) ‘to defecate’ [GT].14
• 69. NOm.: Janjero (Yemsa) fin- ‘uberqueren’ [Lmb. 1993, 341] III LECu.: cf. perhaps Somali fan ‘Prahlerei, Grofituerei, Lobgesang auf sich selbst’ [Rn. 1902, 150] = fan-ayya ‘to boast’ [Abr. 1964, 76] III CCh.: Logone fana ~ fena ‘ubertreffen’ [Lks. 1939, 91] = fan ‘surpassed [Mch.]
I Matakam fana ‘ubertreffen’ [Lks.], Mofu fun ‘surpassed [Mch. 1953, 187], Gisaga fun ‘ubertreffen’ [Lks.] (Mafa-Mada: Lks. 1970, 35) < AA 4fn (or *Vpn?) ‘to surpass’ [GT].15
• 70. NOm. *Vp(n)z ‘ashes’ [GT]: (?) Sheko femfus ‘burnt’ [Flm. 1972 MS, 1] I PMao *puz-[from *punz-?] ‘ashes’ [GT]: Bambeshi puze [Sbr.-Wdk. 1993, 13], Diddesa puse [Flm. 1990, 27] = EMao puse ~ puse [Flm. 1988], Sezo pusi ~ pusi [Flm. 1988] (Mao group: Flm. 1988, 38) III LECu.: PSomali *be(ze)mbez [irreg. *b-] ‘ashes’ [Ehret & Nuuh Ali 1984, 218] III CCh. *pinj-‘ashes’ [GT]: Tera pajit [Nwm. 1964, 40, #162], Pidlimdi pizidi [Krf.], Ga’anda fija [Krf.] I Bura pinju [BED 1953, 172] = pmju [Krf.], Ngwahyi pmju [Krf.], Margi pmsudu [Krf.] = ?pjinzduu? [JI], Chibak pinzd [Krf.] = pinzu [Ibr.] = panzu [IL] (CCh.: Krf. 1981, #128; Ibr. 1990, 88; JI 1994 II, 4) < AA 4pnZ ‘ashes’ [GT].
• 71. NOm.: Mao *pEng- ‘to kill’ [GT]: Hozo pejg- ‘to kill’ [Flm.] = peijgi [Bnd. 1994, 1158, #43], Sezo piyaj ‘to kill’ [Flm.] (Mao: Flm. 1988, 38, #1) III Eg. *png ‘to kill (?)’ (GT) ^ Cpt.: (B) фшых ‘to overthrow, destroy’ (CD 515a; CED 525) = ‘vernichten, zerstoren’ (KHW 149) III CCh.: Mafa pang- ‘egorger (plusieurs personnes, avec couteau)’ [Brt.-Bleis 1990, 308] < AA 4png ‘to kill’ [GT].
• 72. NOm. *Vpng ‘to swim’ [GT]: Oyda ping- ‘to swim’ [Bnd. 1971, 206] I Mao *pajg- ‘to swim’ [GT]: Bambeshi pajg- [Flm.-Bnd.] = pajga [Mkr.], Diddesa pajg- [Flm.-Bnd.], Hozo pajg-[Bnd. 1990] = pajge [Bnd. 1971, 207] = pajge [Bnd. 1994, 1159, #81], Sezo pajg- [Bnd.] = p^djal p’aja ~ yarpajd [Sbr.-Wdk. 1994, 17] = payj- [Flm.] = payne [Mkr.] (Mao: Mkr. 1981, 236; Flm. 1988, 38; Bnd. 1990, 603, #81) III WCh.: SBauchi *pan(k)- ‘to swim’ [GT]: Boghom paanki, Jum paanak, Mangas paan, Kir pane (SBch.: Csp. 1994, 71) II CCh.: Vulum finl (adv. feng) [f < *b poss., vowel irreg.?] ‘flotter’ [Trn. 1978, 293], Pus fini ‘flotter’ [Trn. 1991, 88]16 < AA *fpnK ‘to swim’ [GT].17
• 73. NOm.: Mocha piripiro ‘worm’ [Lsl. 1959, 45]18, cf. probably Kafa hipper-o [GT: < *phirper- < *phirpher- via dissim.?] ‘verme’ [Crl. 1951, 456] I I I Eth.-Sem. (borrowed from NOm.?): Gurage: Chaha, Ezha, Endegeny, Gogot, Selti farfar, Muher faraffar ‘1. kind of worm, 2. eggs of the tick, disease that affects the food’ (Gurage: Lsl. 1979 III, 241: from NOm.?) III Eg. p?wj.w [< *prwj.w] (worm det.) (pl.) ‘Bez. von Tieren die im Holz leben: Wurmer (?), Ameisen (?)’ (XVIII, Wb I 498, 5) = ‘Art Tiere (die im/am Holz leben): Wurmer oder Ameisen’ (GHWb 271) III NBrb.: Mzab ti-ffar-t ~ ti-fra-t ‘mites (insects)’ [Dlh. 1984, 50] III WCh.: Hausa fdmau (m) ‘larvae of digger-wasp’ [Abr. 1962, 273] II ECh.: EDangla plfpife (m) ‘le parasite du mil sorgho, ’coreides’’ [Dbr.-Mnt. 1973, 245], Bidiya pirpid [-d < *-r-T?] ‘ver de terre’ [AJ 1989, 108] < AA *fpr, possibly *pirpir- ‘kind of worm’ [GT].
• 74. NOm. *Vphr ‘hole’ [GT]: Kafa hir-o [h- reg. < *ph-] ‘Loch’ [Lmb.], Shinasha-Bworo fur-a ‘Loch (zum Sehen)’ [Lmb.] (NOm.: Lmb. 1993, 303) III SAgaw: Awngi far [irreg. f- < *p-] ‘hole’ [Apl. 1994 MS, 12.] I I SCu.: Qwadza pa?al-uko [-l- reg. < *-r-] ‘hole, pit’ [Ehret 1980
14 Represents a var. of AA *Vb? ‘faeces, dirt’ [GT]. For the AA etymology see also HSED #179 (CCh.-SCu.); Ehret 1995, 91, #39 (SCu.-Ngizim).
15 A var. of AA *dbwn ~ 4bn ‘to surpass’ [GT] (see my paper ‘Lexica Afroasiatica I’ in AAP 2002, #259).
16 Weakening of PCh. *-nk > *p in the Musgu group to *-ny?
17 Cf. AA *dbn ~ *dbm ‘to swim’ [GT] (cf. my paper ‘Lexica Afroasiatica I’ in AAP 2002, #131).
18 C. T. Hodge (1961, 36) mistakenly identified the Mocha term with LEg. prpr ‘to jump about’ (q.v.) and Hausa pilpilo ‘butterfly’.
MS, 2]19 III Sem.: Ar. fa?ara ‘creuser la terre’ [BK II 529] = ‘to dig’ [Lsl. 1987, 157]20 II ES: Gu-rage fura ‘hole in the wall or in the fence of the house, hole in a container’, cf. Ennemor & Gyeto farafara ‘to make a hole’, Amh. faraffara ‘to make a hole’, Tna. farfara ‘to pierce, break’ (ES: Lsl. 1979 III, 241)21 22 III Eg. pr.t ‘Offnung des Hohle (?)’ (NK, Wb I 532, 3) = ‘*Hohle (» qrr.t in anderen Versionen)’ (GHWb 287) III NBrb.: Iznasen, Rif, Senhazha i-fri, pl. Iznasen, Tuzin, Uriaghel, Iboqqoyen i-fr-an, Ait Ammart i-farya-un, Senhazha i-fri-aw-en ‘caverne, terrier, trou’ (NBrb.: Rns. 1932, 298) III WCh.: Kofyar pigar ~ piapar [< *piyar, -y- < *-?-] ‘to bore a hole’ [Ntg. 1967, 32] I Ngizim paaru ‘to make holes with planting hoe to drop seeds in’ [Schuh 1981, 132] I I CCh.: Gude fareep ‘having one or more holes in it’ [Hsk. 1983, 184] < AA *f?)r ~ 4p(?)r22 ‘to make a hole’ [GT].23
• 75. NOm.: Mao phir-o ‘vimini usati in lavori di intrecciatura’ [Grt. 1940, 358] III LECu.: Baiso ferfer-a (f) ‘punting pole, oar’ [Hyw. 1979, 127-128] III Sem.: Hbr. *po?ra(h), pl. por?ot ‘Ast, Zweig’, pu?ra(h) ‘Aste, Zweige’ [GB 632] III SBrb.: ETawllemmet a-fer ‘jonc’ [Ncl. 1957, 56] III WCh.: Hausa firyaa ~ furyaa (f) ‘small-headed drumstick’ [Abr. 1962, 269, 274] < AA 4Pr (*p- or *f-) ‘stick, rod’ [GT].
• 76. NOm.: Gimira pirik-o (?) ‘ritorna! (imprv.)’ [CR 1925, 622] III Eth.-Sem.: Harari faraqa ‘to turn’, Amh. faraqa ‘to turn’ (ES: Lsl. 1963, 64) III Eg. phr [met. < *prh?] ‘umwenden, umdrehen’ (PT, Wb I 544-7) III NBrb.: Mzab a-fray ‘1. tourner, bifurquer, 2. etre tordu, 3. (fig.) etre mal venu, mal fait, defectueux’ [Dlh. 1984, 52], Iznasen, Uriaghel, Senhazha e-fray ‘etre courbe, tordu, sinueux’ [Rns. 1932, 299] II EBrb.: Ghadames e-fray ‘etre tordu’ [Lanfry 1973, 98, #430] II SBrb.: Ahaggar e-frey ‘n’etre pas droit (devier de la ligne droite)’ [Fcd. 1951-2, 3556] III CCh.: Mofu-Gudur -vark- ‘(se) retourner, tourner’ [Brt. 1988, 250], Mafa vark- ‘retourner (un recipient)’ [Brt.-Bleis 1990, 370] I Vulum f'r 'k ': firki ‘to turn upside down (renverser, retourner)’ [Trn. 1978, 293; Brt. 1995, 213] < AA 4prk ~ *^lprQ ‘to turn (round), twist’ [GT].
• 77. NOm.: NMao pell-i ‘vergine’ [Grt. 1940, 358] III Sem.: perhaps Akk. papallu (j/spB) ‘Schofiling, Zweig’ [AHW 823] (unless it was a Sum. loan) (?) III Dem. ppj [reg. < *ppl] ‘kleiner, junger Vogel’ (DG 131) ^ Cpt.: (S) ПЛПОІ, (SL/A2) ПЛПЛІ (m) ‘junger Vogel, Kuken, Huhn’ (KHW 149) I I I WCh.: Angas-Sura *pal ‘fresh, unripe’ [GT]: Angas pal ‘1. unripe, 2. fresh sprouts or buds’ [Flk. 1915, 259], Kofyar pel ‘new, first’ [Ntg. 1967, 32], Goemay pal ‘unripeness’ [Srl. 1937, 172] I SBauchi 4pyl ‘new’ [GT]: Guruntum pyali [Csp.] = pyaali [Jgr. 1989, 186], Tala pyaalii [Csp.] = pyaali [Smz.], Kir pyele [Csp.] = pyele [Smz.], Laar pyella [Smz.], Mangas pyela [Smz.] = pelasa [Csp.], Soor (Zangwal) pyaali [Smz.], Booluu pyaali [Smz.], Geji pyali [Smz.], Zaranda pyaale [Smz.], Zul pyel [Smz.], Barang & Dir pyeli [Smz.], Buli pyel [Smz.], Zeem pyali [Smz.] (SBch.: Smz. 1978, 44, #96; Csp. 1994, 27, 60) II CCh.: Gude pul ‘very new’ [Hsk. 1983, 260] < AA 4pl ‘fresh, new’ [GT].
19 Ch. Ehret (1980, 143, #7) derived Qwadza pa?al-uko from his SCu. *paf- ‘to cut’, which is certainly false. By the way, Qwadza pa?al- could be alternatively derived either from *pakar-, *pahar-, *pahar- or *pa?ar-.
20 According to W. Leslau (1987, 157), the meaning of Ar. fa?ara is secondary, being a denominative verbal root derived from Ar. fa?r- ‘rat, mouse’, which would mean *’to dig as a rat does’. If so, its relatedness is improbable.
21 W. Leslau (1979 III, 241) explained ES 4frfr ‘to make a hole’ (or sim.) [GT] from Sem. 4hpr (with met. in Ar.-ES 4jhr) ‘to dig’, which is disproved by the clear distinction in Tigrinya between the reflexes with and without *-h-, respectively, cf. Tna. farfara ‘to pierce’ vs. fahara ‘to dig out’.
22 Awngi f- and Kefoid *ph- seem to point to AA *f- Ф AA *p- indicated by Eg. p- = Qwadza p-. Perhaps there were two distinct var. roots (AA 4pr vs. *^fr). Ch. Ehret (1987, #189) combined Awngi far with ECu. *fur- ‘to open’. Ultimately, a connection (at PAA level) to AA 4pr ‘to open’ (or sim.) cannot be excluded.
23 Ch. Ehret (1995, 99, #61) equated the Ar.-Ngizim parallel with his PCu. *pa?r-/*ba?r- ‘field, cultivated ground’ and derived all of this from AA *-pa?r- ‘to dig up’, which is false.
• 78. NOm.: Haruro (Kachama) pel-uc [-ts] ‘to pour’ [Sbr. 1994, 18] III SCu.: Dahalo pilled- ‘to shake water off the body (in manner of dog or duck)’ [Ehret 1980, 144; EEN 1989, 7] III Sem.: Ug. pl ‘rieseln’ [WUS #2219], Syr. Vpll ‘to sprinkle’ [Lsl.] II Ar. Vfyl ‘vergiefieln, rieseln’ [WUS] I I ES: Geez falfala ‘to gush out, spring forth, bubble up, break forth, burst out as a fountain, make gush, etc.’ [Lsl. 1987, 158] III ECh.: WDangla palle ‘asperger (equivalent profane de balle, reserve aux libations faites aux genies)’ [Fedry 1971, 58] < AA *Vpl ‘to sprinkle’ [GT].
• 79. NOm.: Benesho pel ‘to blow (e.g. on fire)’ [Wdk. 1990, 109] III LECu.: Afar fulto ‘blowing, puffing’ [PH 1985, 105] I Oromo fol-i ‘odor’, foll-awa ‘to have odor, give scent’ [Gragg 1982, 148] = fol-i ‘odore’ [Mm.] I HECu. *fol- ‘to breathe’, *fol-e ‘breath, odor’ [Hds.]: Sidamo fol- ~ fo?l- ‘to breathe’, fol-e ‘breath, odor, smell’ [Hds.] = fol-a ‘odore’ [Crl. 1938 II, 200] = fol-e ‘spirito’ [Mrn. 1940, 215], Burji fol-e ‘odor, smell’ [Hds.], Hadiya fosa [< *fol-ca] ‘odor, smell’ [Hds.] (HECu.: Hds. 1989, 106-107, 363, 409; Lsl. 1956, 993) II SCu.: perhaps Qwadza pelay-iko [p- irreg., -iko noun suffix] ‘wind’ [Ehret 1980, 144] III Eth.-Sem. (borrowed from ECu.?): Gu-rage: Wolane & Masqan fol ‘breath’ [Lsl. 1979 III, 231] III WCh.: Daffo-Butura fol ‘Pfeife’ [Jng. 1970, 214] I Jimbin fal- ‘to blow’ [Skn.] I Kir fwale ‘to blow (mouth)’ [Csp. 1994, 42], Guruntum fali ‘to blow’ [Jgr. 1989, 183] II CCh.: Zime fol ‘to blow’ [CWC in Mkr.] I Pus fili ‘vanner au vent’ [Trn. 1991, 88] II ECh.: Kera fuuli ‘blasen, wehen’ [Ebert 1976, 46] = fiili ‘to blow’ [Ebert in JI] (Ch.: Mkr. 1987, 103; JI 1994 II, 32-33) < AA *Vf ‘1. to blow, 2. smell, 3. breathe’ [GT].
• 80. NOm.: Kafa pay-o ‘canna con la quale si danno battiture’ [Crl. 1951, 481] III Eg. pjpj.t (wood det.) ‘der Kielbalken des Schiffes (?)’ (NE, Wb I 502, 8) = ‘keel’ (DLE I 170) = ‘la quille (?) d’un navire’ (AL 79.0973) = ‘*Kiel’ (GHWb 273) III Bed. fu (f) ‘die grofie Zeltstange in der Mitte des Zeltes’ [Rn. 1895, 75] = fi (f), pl. fo-t ‘1. pole, prop, esp. of interior, 2. (pars pro toto) house, home’ [Rpr. 1928, 177] III CCh.: Hina pai ‘1. Baum, 2. Mattenstange’ [Str.], cf. Daba pat ~ pot ‘Baum’ [Str.] (CCh.: Str. 1922-3, 129, 136) < AA *Vpy ‘(log of) wood’ [GT].
• 81. SOm.: Dime fuy- ‘1. to spit, 2. saliva’ [Bnd. 1994, 159] III SCu. *pa?a- ‘spit, sputum’ [Ehr.]: Ma’a ma-pa?e ‘spit, sputum’ [Ehr. 1980, 143] III Sem.: Ar. Vfw?, impf. yafU?u ‘speien, vomieren’ [Vcl.] III LEg. p? (or p?j) ‘spucken’ (GR, Edfu II 260, 12, Grdseloff, ArOr 20, 1952, 482-486) = ‘cracher’ (Drioton, RdE 10, 1955, 91-92; AL 77.1381) = ‘speien’ (NBA 195) III WCh.: Tangale puye ‘to expectorate, eject from mouth (anything unpleasant)’ [Jng. 1991, 135] < AA *Vp? (presumably *pu?-) ‘to spit’ [GT]. Onomatopoeic. See also Vcl. 1959, 73; 1959, 39; 1959, 29 (Eg.-Ar.); Takacs 1998, 158, #4.3 (Eg.-Ar.-Ma’a); 2000, 75, #2.6 (Ma’a-Ch.-Ar.).
Special symbols
P: any labial stop f, p, b, p), T: unspecified dental stop (t, d, t), S: any voiceless sibilant and/or affricate (s, s, s, c, c, c), Z: unspecified voiced sibilant and/or affricate (z, 3, 3), K: any velar stop (k, g, k), Q: unspecified uvular or postvelar etc. (q, g, q, h), H: any of the pharyngeals or laryngeals etc. (f, y, h, h, ?). The vertical strokes signify the degree of closeness of the language groups (e.g. Kotoko | Masa), subbranches (e.g. North Berber | | East Berber), and branches (Semitic ||| Egyptian), from which the individual lexical data are quoted.
Abbreviations of languages and other terms
(A): Ahmimic, AA: Afro-Asiatic (Afrasian, Hamito-Semitic), Akk.: Akkadian, Alg.: Alagwa, Amh.: Amharic, Ar.: Arabic, Aram.: Aramaic, Ass.: Assyrian, (B) Bohairic, Bab.: Babylonian, BAram.: Biblical Aramaic, Bed.: Bed’awye (Beja), Brb.: Berber (Libyo-Guanche), Brg.: Burunge, C: Central, Ch.: Chadic, Cpt.: Coptic, CT: Coffin Texts, Cu.: Cushitic, Dem.: Demotic, Dhl.: Dahalo, E: East, Eg.: Egyptian, ES: Ethio-Semitic, ESA: Epigraphic South Arabian, Eth.: Ethiopian, Eth.-Sem.: Ethio-Semitic, (F): Fayyumic, GR: Ptolemaic and Roman period, Grw.: Gorowa,
H: Highland (in Cushitic), Hbr.: Hebrew, Hgr.: Ahaggar, Hrs.: Harsusi (in MSA), Irq.: Iraqw, Jbl.: Jibbali, L: Late, L: Low(land), lit.: literature, LP: Late Period, M: Middle, Mag.: magical texts, Med.: medical texts, MK: Middle Kingdom, MSA: Modern South Arabian, N: New, N: North, NE (or NEg.): New Egyptian, NK: New Kingdom, O: Old, OK: Old Kingdom, Om.: Omotic, Omt.: Ometo, P: Proto-, PB: Post-Biblical, PT: Pyramid Texts, reg.: regular, S: South, (S): Sahidic, Sem.: Semitic, Sqt.: Soqotri, Syr.: Syriac, Ug.: Ugaritic, W: West, Wlm(d).: Tawllemmet.
Abbreviations of author names
Abr.: Abraham, AJ: Alio & Jungraithmayr, Akl.: Aklilu, Alm.: Alemayehu, Apl.: Appleyard, BK: Bieberstein & Kazimirski, Blz.: Blazek, Bnd.: Bender, Brn.: Brunet, Brt.: Barreteau, Cpr.: Caprile, CR: Conti Rossini, Crl.: Cerulli, Crn.: Carnochan, Csp.: Cosper, Dbr.: Djibrine, Dlg.: Dolgopolsky, Dlh.: Delheure, Ebs.: Ebobisse, EEN: Ehret & Elderkin & Nurse, Ehr.: Ehret, Fcd.: Foucauld, Fdr.: Fedry, Flk.: Foulkes, Flm.: Fleming, Frj.: Frajzyngier, Frz.: Fronzaroli, GB: Gesenius & Buhl, Grb.: Greenberg, Grt.: Grottanelli, GT: Takacs, Hds.: Hudson, Hsk.: Hoskison, Hyw.: Hayward, Ibr.: Ibriszimow, IL: Institute of Linguistics, IS: Illic-Svityc, JA: Jungraithmayr & Adams, Jgr.: Jaggar, JI: Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow, Jng.: Jungraithmayr, JS: Jungraithmayr & Shimizu, Krf.: Kraft, Lks.: Lukas, Lmb.: Lamberti, Lnf.: Lanfry, Lsl.: Leslau, Mch.: Mouchet, Mkr.: Mukarovsky, Mlt.: Militarev, Mnt.: Montgolfier, Mrn.: Moreno, Ncl.: Nicolas, Ntg.: Netting, Nwm.: Newman, PH: Parker & Hayward, Rn.: Reinisch, Rns.: Renisio, Rpr.: Roper, Rsg.: Rossing, Rsl.: Rossler, Sbr.: Siebert, Scn.: Sachnine, Skn.: N. Skinner, Smz.: Shimizu, Srl.: Sirlin-ger, Ss.: Sasse, Stl.: Stolbova, Str.: Strumpell, Trn.: Tourneux, TSL: Tourneux & Seignobos & Lafarge, Vcl.: Vycichl, Wdk.: Wedekind, Zbr.: Zaborski, Zhl.: Zyhlarz.
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Статья является очередной публикацией в специальной серии, посвященной исследованию исконно афразийского слоя в лексике омотских языков, распределенной по начальным согласным корня. В настоящей работе исследуются омотские лексемы на *p- и *ph-, которые могут быть возведены к соответствующим праафразийским корням на *p-и *f-. Всего в статье обсуждается 28 этимологий, удовлетворяющих этим условиям.
Ключевые слова: афразийские языки, омотские языки, сравнительно-историческая фонетика, лингвистическая реконструкция.
