Научная статья на тему 'SUBORDINATION OF LAND AND WATER RELATIONS TO THE COLONIAL INTERESTS OF THE FERGANA REGION'

SUBORDINATION OF LAND AND WATER RELATIONS TO THE COLONIAL INTERESTS OF THE FERGANA REGION Текст научной статьи по специальности «История и археология»

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Ключевые слова
Russian empire / new government policy / land water relations / property / agrarian policy / agricultural raw materials / real estate / foundations / manual labor / state property / land tax / farmers. / Российская империя / новая государственная политика / земельно-водные отношения / собственность / аграрная политика / сельскохозяйственное сырье / недвижимость / фонды / ручной труд / государственная собственность / земельный налог / фермеры.

Аннотация научной статьи по истории и археологии, автор научной работы — Nargiz Nasriddinbekovna Kurbаnova

The article is based on archival documents on the subordination of land relations to the colonial interests in the Fergana region after the Russian Empire invaded Turkestan.

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ПОДЧИНЕНИЕ ЗЕМЕЛЬНЫХ И ВОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ КОЛОНИАЛЬНЫМ ИНТЕРЕСАМ В ФЕРГАНСКОЙ ОБЛАСТИ

Статья основана на архивных документах о подчинении земельно-водных отношений в Ферганской области после вторжения Российской империи в Туркестан.

Текст научной работы на тему «SUBORDINATION OF LAND AND WATER RELATIONS TO THE COLONIAL INTERESTS OF THE FERGANA REGION»

SUBORDINATION OF LAND AND WATER RELATIONS TO THE COLONIAL INTERESTS OF THE FERGANA REGION

Nargiz Nasriddinbekovna Kurbаnova

Associate Professor of Andijan Institute of Mechanical Engineering

ABSTRACT

The article is based on archival documents on the subordination of land relations to the colonial interests in the Fergana region after the Russian Empire invaded Turkestan.

Keywords: Russian empire, new government policy, land - water relations, property, agrarian policy, agricultural raw materials, real estate, foundations, manual labor, state property, land tax, farmers.

ПОДЧИНЕНИЕ ЗЕМЕЛЬНЫХ И ВОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ

КОЛОНИАЛЬНЫМ ИНТЕРЕСАМ В ФЕРГАНСКОЙ ОБЛАСТИ

АННОТАЦИЯ

Статья основана на архивных документах о подчинении земельно-водных отношений в Ферганской области после вторжения Российской империи в Туркестан.

Ключевые слова: Российская империя, новая государственная политика, земельно-водные отношения, собственность, аграрная политика, сельскохозяйственное сырье, недвижимость, фонды, ручной труд, государственная собственность, земельный налог, фермеры.

INTRODUCTION

The Russian Empire, which established colonial rule in the Fergana Valley did not solve the existing problems and contradictions in the region's agriculture, but its opportunities and potential were transferred to meet the needs of cotton fiber, silk, leather, wool, fruits and vegetable for food and other industries that chose the way of capitalist development in Russia.

In this regard, the colonial authorities began to attract large local landowners, wealthy merchants, judges, and Muslim leaders in order to break the resistance of the lower classes to the new government policy, the change of land and water relations, the resettlement of Russians in the valley, and the imposition of taxes and fees. Among them were volost governors, judges, village elders, aul biys, and teachers of

rustuzem schools. As noted in the historical literature, the owners of property and waqfs were offered a fixed amount of allowance to be paid by the state instead of the fee collected from the peasants. The aim was to "make the most dangerous part of the local population directly dependent on the Russian administration, which provides benefits to foundations and property owners." [1]

The changes in land and water relations carried out by the colonial authorities under Tsarism and its instructions, and agrarian policy in general, were aimed primarily at transforming the country, especially the Fergana Valley, into a metropolitan base of cotton, cocoons, other agricultural raw materials and a new habitat for the Russian population.

At the same time, the agrarian policy of the Russian Empire in the valley, and in Turkestan in general, included the financing of Russian troops stationed in the region, colonial administration, and the financial support of the resettled population through taxes and fees levied on indigenous peoples. In practice, such a connection would not only aggravate the financial situation of the local population, but also lead to other negative consequences, not only in the village, aul, but also in the city.

LITERATURE REVIEW AND METHODOLOGY

In this regard, it should be noted that land and water relations in Turkestan, including the Fergana Valley, were not very close to the pre-colonial, patriarchal-feudal level, as in the first half of the XIX century there were cotton gins, oil and tanneries specializing in processing agricultural product , there were enterprises producing silk, chit, and various other fabrics. For example, in Andijan district of Fergana region, a family had 2 tenths of land, and the population density was correspondingly, per square meter. verst was 250 people, and in Mangishlak district of Transcaspian region it was 0.3 people. V. Yuferov emphasizes that Fergana region has a high production potential. [2] The plant, most of the owners of the enterprise belonged to non-native nationalities and also owned large arable lands belonging to them. However, Mahmudhuja Behbudi regretfully noted in his article "Hayrul umuri avsatuho" ("Everything should be in the norm") that there were very few indigenous people among the great entrepreneurs, even in the early twentieth century. [3]

Nevertheless, there is no denying that the country's agricultural and urban economy as a whole, and the productive forces, are becoming increasingly capitalist. Of course, the introduction of new equipment, new technologies, the establishment of banks, joint stock companies, stock exchanges, breeding stations and other innovations from Russia to Turkestan, as well as the Fergana Valley, has accelerated the development of the economy, commodity production. However, the conclusion

that until the second half of the XIX century in Turkestan was dominated mainly by trade and usury capital (P. Galuzo, V. Lavrentev) [4], although Turkestan was an agrarian country, it did not reflect the real situation.

Previously, the country had three forms of land ownership: land owned by the state (more precisely, khan), private land (property-khur, property-ushr, property-qarosh), waqf land (mosque, madrasa, property of other religious institutions) . As a result of the practice of isolating lands owned by property, they were gifted to nobles, clergy, generals, and officials, and gradually became private property. Only waqf lands were not sold or pledged. The share of waqf lands in the Fergana region was 67% higher than in other regions of Turkestan. [5]

As most of the agricultural land in the Fergana Valley was irrigated, the construction, repair and operation of various waterworks has been carried out with public participation. But heavy manual labor played a significant role in agricultural production, modern machinery and equipment were almost non-existent. Under such conditions, land-water relations were adapted to the needs of Russian industry and the preferential placement of the resettled population. First of all, the lands were turned into state property in order to reduce the social and political status of large landowners and to implement colonial plans,. As K. Kaufman noted, the peasant population living on the lands of the great waqf was subject to the rule of tribute. [6] In 1880, a collection entitled "On social tribute and land structure" was published. [7] Later, in 1880-1890, the colonial authorities of the Russian Empire declared many foundations in the Fergana Valley and throughout Turkestan illegal under the pretext of "regulation" and re-registration of waqf property, and such lands and buildings came under the control of the colonial authorities. These lands were given to tenant farmers and the state collected land tax from these lands. However, neither the Russian farmers nor the management staff, who were being relocated to irrigated agriculture, knew at all. However, irrigated lands and pastures belonging to the local rural population were confiscated and given to Russian peasants and Cossacks.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

For example, a group of prominent representatives of the Andijan district sent a letter of complaint to the Governor-general of Turkestan in order to prevent the situation from escalating on October 10, 1876. The letter states that the new government is treating the indigenous people rudely, insulting them, and disrespecting their property rights and Islamic law. [8] Such letters covered a number of issues, all of which were in the public interest. For example, less than a year after the establishment of the Fergana region, such an operation angered all indigenous

peoples in the Kokand and Margilan districts. On August 22, 1877, Major Batishchev, the head of the Kokand district, wrote to the military governor of the Fergana region: complained about what he had done. The Cossacks, in this village and in other villages on the road from Kokand to Margilan, took advantage of the fact that the male population was in the fields and markets broke into houses and destroyed various items, alfalfa in the courtyards, and many melon orchards. I am sending you a list of confiscated items and the victims". [9] Many such incidents are recorded in archival documents. In Turkestan, including the Fergana Valley, the colonial authorities sought to nationalize land and water facilities, promising not to harm local farmers and urban landowners in the process of changing land-water relations. If the water in canals, rivers, and lakes, as provided by K. Kaufman, was registered as state property in the 1873 project, the land owned by the estate was to be given to the farmers working on it (not as property, but on lease terms - N.K.). , In the "Code of rules on social tribulation and land i have reduced not only private property but also land belonging to the foundation in various ways, the form of ownership and even the right to decide how much money from the farmers brought by the foundation land to spend on schools, mosques and madrassas. On the issue of water use, it was stated that the authorities have the right to intervene and play a decisive role in the presence of irrigated landowners or villages.

Thus, agricultural lands and water resources in Turkestan were subjugated to colonial goals. Not only did the local peasants, the upper and middle class landowners, lose a large part of their land, but they also became dependent on the colonial authorities for water use. Moreover, the results of an inspection conducted in 1881 under the leadership of Senator F. Girs of the Turkestan region noted the need for a serious change in land ownership. According to Girs, "the existing land ownership project in the country should be approved by law and the lands in the actual possession of the settled population should be formalized on the basis of private property rights, provided that they do not exempt from certain tributes and fees. Resolving the issue in this way is in line with local conditions and requirements, provides justice and requires caution. " Also, an inspection led by F. Gears concluded that the 1881 project on the formation of the couple could not be applied in Turkestan, "because it does not fit into the consciousness of the people, the living conditions and economic conditions of the population formed over the years." [10]

CONCLUSION

In short, the ruling government relied heavily on the military, police, and the Russian rural population armed with rifles to become increasingly aggressive, as the

economic, social, and foreign policy conditions of the empire demanded that Turkestan become a raw material base for the metropolis.

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