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L. Naiditch
QUOTATIVE MODALITY AND ITS OCCURRENCE IN EARLY NEW HIGH GERMAN.
EVIDENCE FROM TEXTS OF THE 16th CENTURY
В статье обсуждаются проблемы грамматики и синтаксиса квота-тивной модальности в немецком языке и ее отношение к эвиденци-альности, а также становление этой категории. Рассматриваются конструкции с глаголом sollen + Infinitive II и показывается, что грамматикализация таких конструкций произошла еще в ранненововерхне-немецком языке. Рассмотренный материал подтверждает выводы Г. Фритца и Т. Глонинга о том, что развитие квотативов в немецком языке связано с появлением в 16 веке новых литературных жанров. Среди прочих примеров приводятся цитаты с квотативными конструкциями из книги Даниеля Эклина "Reise zum heiligen Grab" (1575).
Ключевые слова: немецкий язык, модальность, эвиденциальность, квотативные конструкции, Даниель Эклин, "Reise zum heiligen Grab" (1575).
Introductory Remarks on Modal Use in German
Linguists generally differentiate between two kinds of modality, usually called deontic and epistemic. Gabriele Diewald (1999: 13) illustrates them by the following examples:
(1) Durch ihr mutiges Verhalten konnte eine 69-jährige Frau einen jugendlichen Räuber in die Flucht schlagen.
'Through her courageous behavior a 69-year woman could put into flight a young robber'.
(2) Er kann sich geirrt haben
'He could be wrong' (see also Diewald 1999: 205-225).
Whereas example 1 demonstrates deontic modality because of the relations between the subject of the utterance and the action expressed here (the woman was capable of driving away the robber), example 2 with the characteristic form of Infinitive II shows epistemic modality, because we have to do with the speaker's attitude toward the proposition ('somebody probably made a mistake, the speaker is not sure that it is true'). Thus the epistemic modality is speaker oriented, the utterance is subjective from the speaker's point of view.
The following examples from the recent mass media demonstrate several nuances of the modal use:
(3) Britische Medien berichten, dass sich Camilla bei einer SommerTour durch Cornwall und Devon verplappert hat. Demnach soll das erste Kind von Prinz William und seiner Frau Catherine "hoffentlich bis zum Wochenende" das Licht der Welt erblicken (Express.De). 'British media report that Camilla has blubbed out during her tour of Cornwall and Devon. According to this, the first child of Prince William and his wife Catherine shall hopefully come into the world till the end of this week' (quotative modality, reference to somebody else).
(4) Kate Middleton: Baby soll doch nicht früher kommen. Gerüchte um einen früheren Geburtstermin des "Royal Baby" von Kate und William sind aus der Welt (Augsburger Allgemeine).
'Kate Middleton: Baby shall not come earlier. Rumours on the earlier date of the "Royal Baby" of Kate and William have disappeared' (epistemic modality expressing probability).
(5) Royal Baby soll zügig kommen - weil die Queen in Urlaub will (Hamburger Abendblatt).
'Royal Baby must come promptly - because the Queen wants to have vacation' (deontic modality in ironic use).
(6) Nachdem Kates Mutter Carole Middleton am Wochenende gegenüber Freunden gesagt haben soll, sie denke, das Kind werde im Sternzeichen Löwe geboren, wird heiß über den Charakter des Babys spekuliert (Die Welt).
'After Kate's mother Carole Middleton has reportedly said to her friends that she thinks the child will be born in the sign of Leo, the baby's character is hotly speculated on' (quotative modality).
The examples 3-5 do not show any formal difference in the verb morphology (it is always soll + Infinitive I). We guess that in 3 and 4 it is probability that is expressed, because the birth cannot occur upon the demand of somebody. In 5 soll means the obligation as it is clear from the next part of the sentence. As for the examples 6, it contains a verb form pointing to a special meaning. The speaker claims that there is a source of conveyed information; he does not take the full responsibility for it. Thus there is a reference to the source of evidence the speaker has for his statement in 6, as in 3 as well. In 3, however, the grammatical form permits a broader interpretation of the meaning - probability, possibility.
Remarks on Evidentiality
In a number of languages there are means to show whether the described event was witnessed by the speaker himself (visually, aurally, etc) or supposed to be without direct witness; e.g. it is reported by another person. This meaning can be expressed by lexical means, but it is grammaticalized in many languages. The corresponding grammatical category is called evidentiality (Козинцева 1994; Храковский ред. 2007; Chafe & Nichols1986; Aikhenvald & Dixon 2003).
In different languages the speaker would have to point to the source of this information. This category has been described in many languages, and in the last decade much attention has been paid to it. Several kinds of evidentials exist also in Georgian, in Armenian, in Iranian, and in Finno-Ugric languages, as well as in languages outside the Eurasian area. Among the Germanic languages it is found in Swedish.
Evidentiality in Germanic languages has also been discussed, although much less (de Haan 1999, 2001; Traugott 1989; Faller 2012). Since the evidentiality as a grammatical category is linked in Germanic languages to modal verbs, it has been investigated in the framework of modality.
Several studies of this problem in German from synchronic and diachronic points of view resulted in important conclusions (Gloning 2001; Fritz 1991). In this paper, I will try to add new evidence for this direction of research.
Epistemic / evidential / quotative modality
The question of the interrelation between evidentiality and epistemic modality is solved by linguists in different ways (Храковский ред. 2007). Elizabeth Closs Traugott states in her famous paper about the development of epistemic modality in English close relations between these two kinds of modality. She points to the statement of Lyons, who defines epistemology as concerned with the nature and source of knowledge (Traugott 1989: 32). It is also important that "epistemics and evidentials share a great number of similarities in their semantic development [...]". Ferdinand de Haan ascribes to the epistemic modality more general meaning than to the evidential. That is why there are no languages with evidentials without epistemics, whereas there are languages
with epistemic modals but no evidentials (e.g., English), he argues. In conclusion of his paper he writes: "We know that evidentiality relates to a number of other areas. Epistemic modality is one of them, but it may not be the most important one. Other areas that are just as important include (spatial) deixis, and tense/aspect systems, not to mention the areas of perception [...] and mirativity" (de Haan 2001: 215). The epistemic modality and evidentiality really do not fully overlap, and it would be reasonable to consider the latter one as a subcategory of the former (although with a specific field of meaning) - Heinz Vater (2004) called it "quotative-evidential" use. The evidential field includes in German construction with sollen + Inf. I and II, as well as wollen + Inf. II. But it is the construction sollen and wollen (may be also müssen) + Inf. II that doubtless possesses the status of grammatical category. Inside this category there are two subtypes of evidentiality. The proposition modified by wollen will be interpreted as a claim made by the subject referent, and that modified by sollen as somebody else's claim. The latter is called quotative modality (see also: Vater 2001; Mortelmans 2001; Letnes 2008). Thus we agree with G. Diewald, who writes that "the German modal verbs wollen and sollen serve as (grammaticalized) markers of mediated evidentiality as - in specific constructions -they serve to mark reported speech" (Diewald&Smirnova 2010: 222)
The following sentences containing sollen + Inf. II stem from different time periods. Examples from recent periodicals:
(7) Cheil soll gesagt haben, dass derartige Preiserhöhungen in Europa nicht vor Juli 1996 möglich seien.
'Cheil is said to have stated that such price increases would not be possible in Europe before July 1996'.
From the texts of 19th century:
(8) Man nannte uns einen Herrn von Grimm, aber selbst Schöpflin sollte den Gipfel nicht erreicht haben. J.W. Goethe "Dichtung und Wahrheit". 11. Buch.
'A certain Herr von Grimm was mentioned to us, but even Schöpflin was said not to reach this height [in the knowledge of French]'.
17th century:
(9) Ein Mensch der seinen Schöpffer verläst und dem Plutoni dienet / ist auch seiner Gaben nicht würdig / sondern werth / das man ihm das Maul voller Gold giesse / wie die Parther jenem Römer gethan
haben sollen (Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen: Galgen-Mannlin, Kap. 6)
'A man who abandons his creator and serves Plutoni is not worth his gifts, but it deserves that gold would be poured down his throat, as the Parthians are said to have done to this Roman'.
On the grammatical and semantic development of the verb sollen (sculan, suln) in German
The development of epistemic meaning in modal verbs has been described in several investigations. It corresponds to the overall tendency of change from the event orientation to speech-act-orientation in many languages (Narrog 2012). The verb sculan in Old High German has a broad spectrum of meanings. The original sense is probably "commitment" or "obligation" based on the wish of somebody else. Sculan / suln denoted also the future tense -sometimes in Old High German, and very often in Middle High German; this semantics of it remained in Early Middle High German as well (Reichmann & Wegera 1993: 391).
Several scholars believe that epistemic meanings developed in Germanic languages out of deontic ones through of a kind of weakening. Traugott (1989: 49-50) argues that in English the subjectification took place. "[...] the development of epistemic and evidential meanings increases coding of speaker informativeness about his or her attitude". She also supposes that a metaphoric development could occur, i.e. "a shift from the concrete debts such as money to owing certain behaviors (cf. *sculan), what can be interpreted as the first step of change".
Maxi Krause (1997) finds that several examples in Old High German have what she calls "modalizing use". E.g. seal in Otfrid:
(10) Ein man ist uns giheizan joh scal ouh Krist heizan. 'A man is promised to us he should be called Christ'
These few examples could be called pre-evidentials. According to Krause (1997: 100), Otfrid marks this way the places where "a historical mistake can occur", what seems to be strange for the Gospel text. But more frequent is the use of sculan in its basic meaning of commitment, although in a weakened form: it can be pointing to a need or possibility in the future, the wish or the order to do something:
(11) Wir sculun thiu wort ahton (Otfrid)
'We must (shall, should) pay attention to these words'.
Katrin Axel (2001: 47-50) gives many examples for sculan as marker of future, as well as in alethic meaning, i.e. as expression of logical conclusions in Notker's work. See also Monika Schönherr 2010: 143-145 for further examples.
The development of this meaning field can be observed in MHG in the "Nibelungenlied". Suln expresses here commitment, future and demand (imperative), sometimes in their interrelations.
(12) Vier hundert swertdegene die solden tragen kleit (30) 'Four hundred squires they should bear clothes'.
(13) dar sult ir mir helfen, vater Sigmunt! (60) 'There must you help me, father Sigmunt'.
(14) diu sol hie zen Hiunen gewaltec künnegine sin (1169)
'she must (shall) here in the land of Hunns be a mighty queen'.
Sollen in quotative constructions in Early New High German
As it can be seen from the examples above, the verb sculan, suln was used in OHG and MHG with Inf I. Grammaticalization of the quotative meaning parallel with the development of the construction sollen + Infinitive II was established as late as in Early New High German. It has been completed in the 16th century, as Gerd Fritz (1991) and Thomas Gloning (2001) have shown in their detailed analysis of several texts. According to their conclusions, it can be supposed that the development of quotative construction is connected with both grammatical changes and the working out of new genres and new styles: reports in newspapers, travel descriptions, different instructive texts, scholarly papers, e.g. on alchemy. The material considered by me confirms this hypothesis of Gloning and Fritz.
Whereas sollen + Inf. I can have different interpretations the chief meaning of sollen + Inf. II is typical of quotative modality. The following examples stem from the book by Siegmund (Sigismund) Freiherr von Herberstein diplomat, writer, and historian, most noted for his extensive writing on the geography, history and customs of Russia. His major work, a book written in Latin Rerum Mosco-viticarum Commentarii (literally Notes on Muscovite Affairs) (1549), was then translated into German and published in Vienna in1557 under the title Moscovia der Hauptstat in Reissen .
(15) Als sy an den Nieper [Lateinisch Boristhenes] bey dem Flecken Orsa khamen / das ist 24 meil dißhalb Smolensco / auff jhener seytten des Niepers was des Moscoviters hör in 80000 (wie man sagt) starck /
die Littischen sollen nit meer dann 35000 darneben etlichs Veldgeschütz gehabt haben (84).
'As they have come to the Dnepr [in Latin Boristhenes] near the place Orsa, that is 24 miles from Smolensk, on the other side of the Dnepr was the army of Muscovites of 80000 men (as it is said). The Lithuanians should, as is it supposed, have no more than 35000 men and several field canons as well'.
(16) Vor etlich wenig Jarn geschehen sein soldt / Ain Moscovitischer ansehenlicher Khriegsman Michael Chisaletzkhj genant / der hat in ainer schlacht ainen nambhafften Tattern in die flucht bracht (259) 'Several years ago it must be happened that a respectable Moscovite military man called Michael Chisaletzkhy put a famous Tatar to flight'.
In the utterances above historical data and even exact numbers are contained, but the author does not want to take responsibility for their correctness. The quotative modality corresponds here to the exact scientific style.
My further considerations are centred on a travel description of 16th century, where quotative constructions are used very frequently. This is the book by Daniel Ecklin "Reiß zum heiligen Grab" ("Trip to the Holy Grave") first published in 1574. Already in 1575 followed the next edition, soon the book became popular and was edited many times.
The author of the book born in Aarau (Switzerland) in 1532, was an educated person, who supposedly studied at the reformed Academy in Bern. His parents possessed a pharmacy, and he planned himself to be a druggist, and just began to learn and to work in this field. He decided for a trip as a young man of 20 years, and his idea was firstly to go to Venice for studying. Later his study trip turned into adventure and then to a pilgrimage. He sailed from Venice to Cyprus, Tripoli, Aleppo, Alexandria, and Damascus, and reached Palestine in summer 1553.
Thus Ecklin was not a typical pilgrim. His goal was to see the world, and he tried to be objective in his travel description. The editor of the book, published after the early death of the author, aimed to objectivity as well. That is why several documents were included in the text: letters of recommendation for Ecklin, as well as chronological table concerning his life and his trip.
The frequent use of quotative constructions with sollen + Inf. II in this text is striking.
(17) Die ein heißt Nicosia / die Griechen nennen sie Lefcosia [ ...] da sollen vorzeiten die Konig von Cypern jren sitz vnd hof gehalten haben.
'One [city] is called Nicosia / Greeks call it Lefcosia [ ...] the kings of Cyprus are said here to hold their seat and throne'.
(18) Jn der Statt Jerusalem zeigt man weiters ein hauß / sol des reichen Manns gewesen sein / der dem armen Lazaro die brosemlin versagt hat / die da fielen von seinem Tisch [...] Einen eck da drey weg zusammen komen / da soll Simeon von Cyrenen gezwungen sein / Christo das creutz nachzutragen. Ein gwelb vber ein gassen / in welchen zwen stein eingemauret sind / auff dem einen sol Pilatus gesessen sein / vnnd auff dem andern Christus gestanden / als er verurtheilt ist worden
'In the city Jerusalem a house is being further shown, it is said to belong to a rich man who refused to give to the poor Lazarus crumbs that had fallen from his table [.] A corner where three ways come together, here Simeon from Cyrene is said to be compelled to bear the cross after the Christ. An arch over a street, where two stones are bricked up. On one of them is said to have been sitting Pilatus, and on the other one Christ is said to be standing, as he has been sentenced'.
In both of these fragments, sollen + Inf. II constructions are used in descriptions of places of interest, especially those concerning Biblical history. The author tells us what he has heard, not taking responsibility for the story's truth. In several cases quotative constructions are followed by an utterance explaining by lexical means the source of information or the lack of witness or possible reference to authority. In da soll Simeon von Cyrenen gezwungen sein a passive construction without Inf. II is used.
(19) Jn der kirche ist ein Creütz / daran vnser Herr Jesus Christus creutziget vnd gestorben / auch sein Blut gossen / dz soll von S. Helena auffgehaben vnd behalten sein worden. Diß ward mir gezeiget für besonder vnd grosses heilthumb. Wo hierinn kein trug / halt ich es ja für ein grosses / das ich diß gesehen hab.
'In the church there is a cross, where our Lord Jesus Christ was crucified and died, here he also shed his blood. It is said to be kept and preserved by St. Helena. It was shown to me as a special great sacred thing. If there is no deception, I think, it is great that I have seen it'.
(20) Zu Antiochia soll auch Petrus der heilig Apostel das Bischofflich ampt lange jar verwaltet haben / so wir Eusebio glauben geben
'In Antiochia Petrus, the holy apostle is said to have served as bishop during many years, if we'll believe Eusebius'.
In the following example we find passive and Inf. I in quotative role, moreover, a rather rare quotative form with werden, followed by a phrase expressing the logical confirmation of the utterance possibility.
(21) Bey diser Statt / in jrer gegne solle erschaffen sein vnsere ersten Elteren / Adam vnd Eua / so wurd auch nit weit hieuon das jrdische Paradiß gewesen sein / ist gleublich von wegen der besunderbaren fruchtbarkeit / miltigkeit des Himmels vnd gesundem lufft
'Near this city and in its environment our first parents Adam and Eve were said to be created; thus not far from it the terrestrial paradise is said to be; it is believable because of the peculiar fertility, mild heaven and healthy air'.
In several cases soll plus Infinitive I is used in the same meaning.
(22) Dann wir horten daß es gar gute / reiche vn fruchtbare Jnseln solten sein / da alles vberflüssig wüchse [...]
'Then we have heard that it should be rich and fertile islands, where all would grow in plenty [...]'.
The conjunctive form of the verb (wüchse) also points to the reported speech.
As for other uses of sollen, deontic, epistemic or as imperative, they can also be found in the book being considered, but they are not numerous.
(23) Damit wirs mit Candia enden / sollen wir wissen / daß der Heilig Apostel Paulus hierinn geprediget hat [...] Ein solche grosse freundtschafft vnd gutthat widerfur mir von Türcken auff de Berg Libano / die gewißlich einem nicht bald begegnen solte an etlichen orten der Christenheit / ja von Christen selber.
'To finish with Candia, we must know that the holy apostle Paul was preaching here. [ .] I met here such a great friendship und goodness from Turks on mount Lebanon that would not occur for somebody in several places of Christianity, may even from the Christians themselves'.
In 23 there is an adhortative form with personal pronoun typical of Old- and Middle High German (cp. Schönherr 2010: 128), and an epistemic with broader semantics.
The quotative modality was a feasible way to express the intention of the author of the considered book. He was of course a religious person, but not a fanatic. He wanted to be objective, and we see in his book the description of adventures mixed with objective, almost scientific narration. He distinguishes between what he has seen himself and what was told to him, adding a little bit of scepticism.
Quotative modality and tense / aspect problems
All considered forms include the Infinitive II, or the Perfect Infinitive. Originally it conveyed a state in the present or often in the future:
(24) si wolden Volkeren ze tode erslagen han (Nib., 1830)
'They wanted to kill Volker", literally: "to have Volker in the state of killed (in the future)'.
(25) Du muost in schiere verloren han
Literally: 'you must him have lost soon' (Behaghel 1924: 296-298).
On the interrelation between modality and aspectuality see, e. g.: Abraham 2001, Maché 2008.
An example from the popular book of the 16th century about Doctor Faust points also to the possible or desired action in the future.
(26) Darumb seinen Geyst nicht ansprechen dörfft/ wie Er dann bej der jnsel Caucasj welche mit jrem Gipffel alle andere Vbertrifft / vermaint es solt jm nicht gefelt haben / Das Paradeiß zusehen 'Because of this, he could not say to his spirit that he thinks of the island Caucasus, which is higher than all the others, probably not to miss seeing Paradise'.
The use of modals + Inf. II in MHG was possible, as we can see from the examples above, but these expressions were not frequent.
In NHG the verb werden became a marker of the future. Werden + Inf. II means the action that will be finished in future.
(27) Nächstes Jahr um diese Zeit werde ich meinen Führerschein gemacht haben (exact future or Futurum II).
'Next year, in this time I'll have made my driving licence'.
In the cases considered above where the verb sollen received an evidential meaning and sollen + Inf. II was grammaticalized, the semantics of completed action typical of Inf. II remained.
The completedness of the action is in German not a usual meaning, and the Perfect does not express it now, especially in South German texts. Thus the grammaticalization of the construction with Futurum II leads to somewhat unusual verbal forms for German.
Conclusions
In all cases considered here, where the verb sollen with Infinitive II is used, it is stressed that the information conveyed is not based on the speaker's direct experience. In the examined texts the quotative constructions deal with the historical past and with completed action. In the 16th century, such grammatical forms were new; their grammaticalization was linked with the emergence of new genres of texts, e.g., travel descriptions. In the book by Daniel Ecklin, such forms are very frequent.
In Ecklin's book, two perspectives of narration can be observed: what the author / protagonist sees himself, his personal experience mostly described in the present or the perfect, and what was told to him about the history of the places he sees. These two levels are typical of pilgrims' reports.
My consideration confirms the research by Fritz, by Gloning, and several other Germanists, who have shown the development of quotatives in German.
An additional question arises in connection with quotative sollen: whether sollen + Inf. I can now and could in the past convey a quotative meaning. Of course it is possible: see example 4 and 24; there are many such examples in texts of different genres. When one says speaking of somebody: "Er soll in Berlin eine Kneipe betreiben" ("He should keep a bar in Berlin") it can mean 'according to what I have heard'. But this utterance can be understood in different ways according to context, to the semantics of lexemes and, as W. Abraham (2001) supposes, to the Aktionsart of the verb. The clear-cut grammatical category of quotative modality is connected only with Infinitive II.
Sources
Ecklin/Schiendorfer: Daniel Ecklin. Reise zum heiligen Grab. Nach der Druckausgabe. Basel: Samuel Apiarius 1575. Transkribiert von Max Schiendorfer. Zürich 2009; http://www.mediaevistik.uzh.ch/downloads/ Ecklin_Reisebericht_Online.pdf
Das Volksbuch von Dr. Faust. um 1580. (14. Ein Disputation von Gewaldt des Teuffels). Bibliotheca Augustana http://www.hs-augsburg.de/ ~harsch/germanica/Chronologie/16Jh/Faustus/fau_df14.html
Sigismund von Herberstein. Moscovia der Hauptstat in Reissen [...]. Wien. 1557. Wiedergabe der Transkription mit freundlicher Genehmigung von Prof. Dr. Frank Kämpfer http://www.hs-augsburg.de/~harsch/ germanica/Chronologie/16Jh/Sigismund/sig_m000.html
Das Nibelungenlied. Mittelhochdeutscher Text und Übertragung. Hrsg. von Helmut Brackert. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. Frankfurt am Main. 1870. Bd. I und II.
Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen: Galgen-Männlin http://gutenberg. spiegel.de/buch/5253/1
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Larissa Naiditch. Quotative modality and its Occurrence in Early New High German. Evidence from texts of the 16th century
The paper deals with quotative modality, focusing on its grammar and semantics in the field of evidentiality, as well as its development in German. Constructions with the verb sollen + Infinitive II are examined. It is shown that the grammaticalization of such constructions took place as late as Early New High German. The considered material confirms the statement of Gerd Fritz and Thomas Gloning who supposed that the development of quotatives in German was linked to the emergence of new genres of texts in 16th century. Besides other examples, the paper contains detailed consideration of quotative utterances from the book by Daniel Ecklin "Reise zum heiligen Grab" (1575).
Keywords: quotative modality, evidentiality, German , Early New High German, sollen + Infinitive II, Daniel Ecklin "Reise zum heiligen Grab" (1575).
