CC BY
26
L. Repansek
Ka^a^avxia (Ptol. II,11,15)
В статье предпринята попытка провести этимологический анализ географического названия KaXap,avxia, известного только по «Географии» Птолемея в увязке с современными топонимами восточно-альпийского региона. На основании предложенной этимологии (производное от *kolH-mo- 'поднимать' vel sim.) в работе, с учетом данных исторической фонетики и морфологии и дистрибуции географических названий, показано, что топоним не может быть ни кельтским, ни паннонским. Автор предлагает рассматривать его в качестве «древне-европейского», насколько этот термин употребим для рассмотрения подобных случаев.
Ключевые слова: Kalamantia, этимология, индоевропеистика, ономастика.
Ptolemy's seems to be the only example of the place-name Kalamantia having been recorded in ancient sources. There it stands as KsA.ap,avx(a (occupied in the Roman period by a castellum, now identified with Iza - Laenyvar in modern Slovakia1), which given the variae lectiones KsA.sp,avx(a (Ven. Marc. Gr. 516, Vatic. Graec. 178) and KaA.ap,avx(a (Vatic. Graec. 191)2 is usually assumed to be the compromise and hence probably the original form, from which both alternatives could have been produced by simple (scribal?) assimilation. There are, however, numerous survivors of this ancient place-name into modern toponymy3, which decidedly point in the
The manuscript has been prepared with the input system ZRCola (http://ZRCola.zrc-sazu.si) developed by Dr Peter Weiss, a fellow of the scientific research centre at the Slovene Academy of Science and Art (http://www.zrc-sazu.si).
1 See A. Mocsy in RE Suppl. XI (1968, c. 368), Soproni 1985: 76-77, and numerous archaeological publications by K. Kuzmovä and J. Rajtär.
2 See Müller 1883: 373, Isaac 2004, Germania Magna, s.v. In favour of KaXap,avxia in Vatic. Graec. 191 as the original form Rasch 2005: 202 and most recently Falileyev 2014: 113.
3 Most notably Kellmünz < Old Bavarian *K/al(a)muntsa (cf. Chalemunza) < *Kalamontia (Itin. Ant. 250: Celio monte, i.e. as if to mons, montis) with superficial Latinisation/Romanisation of the original *Kalamantia (see Wiesinger 1990: 287, Holzer 2008: 32, Greule 2010: 10).
direction of *Kalamantia4. What is immediately apparent is that this particular place-name enjoyed considerable productivity and that the areal of its geographical distribution is unusually compact, stretching in a wide arch from modern Bavaria to the Danube Bend and thus essentially following the Danube to the junction of Eastern Alps and Pannonia (for possible survivors in the South-Eastern Alpine region, notably modern Carinthia, see esp. Kranzmyer 1956-1958 s.vv. et pass. and Holzer 2008: 31-33 with older bibliography).
Older, traditional approaches to the place-name generally trace the first component of the name back to PIE *kel(d)- 'ragen, hoch (heben)' (IEW 544), i.e. in modern notation *kelH- 'aufragen, hochragen' (LIV2: 349), cf. Lith. kelti (II/1), Latv. celt 'to lift (up)'5 (cf Kranzmayer 1956: 26, Wiesinger 1990: 287), or, alternatively, to *kel- 'verbergen' (LIV2: 322-323), most notably Steinhauser & Plank 1973: 18, who ultimately compare OInd. sarman- 'shield, cover, shelter' < *kel-men-. Concerning the second portion of the name, it is often insisted on a cognate of the Latin o-grade feminine abstract noun *mon-ti- (to PIE *men- 'emporragen', LIV2: 437), i.e. *-monti(-i)o-/a- > *-mantia. One would then probably have to trace the name back to a verbal governing compound *kelH-e-monti- (cf. the river name Colapis if for *kvel-e-H2epi-f 'rising mountain' (?) vel sim. (= quasi KsA.sp,avx(a) or *ke/olH-o-monti- (KsAapavxia, KaAapavxia)7, but this seems unnecessarily complicated and difficult to account for semantically. The o-grade in a feminine action noun in -ti- (mon-ti-) is problematic enough in itself to make it uneasy to assume its productivity outside Latin.
A Gaulish interpretation, more recently offered by Delamarre 2010/2012: 114, 2012 s.v., who assumes a collective form of a deanthroponymic zero-suffix derivative *Celi-manto- or *Celi-mantio- (in this case perhaps better * Celi=mant-io- as a possessive to *Celi-manto-, cf. Adnama(n)tia in Pannonia = Ad=nama(n)t-io-), is of course to be rejected as built on conjecture. Such an explanation
4 For the modern survivors see especially Kranzmayer 1956: 26, Schwarz 1960: 7-9, Steinhauser & Plank 1973, Wiesinger 1990: 286-287, Holzer 2008: 32, Greule 2010: 10.
5 See Smoczynski 2007: 274.
6 With what seems a regular sound change *k"e- > *ko- of the Latin coquo type as already noted by Krahe 1932: 188, cf. KopKopa^ (Strabo VII,5,2) ~ Corcac (Rav. IV,21 for Corcae or Corcas but erroneously transposed to Carneola) if from *kverkvu-o- to *k"erk"u-.
7 I. e. to a concretised deverbative *ke/olH-o- with *-mon-ti- functioning as the governing member.
would however appear improbable in any event seeing that one would then have to favour KsAsp,avxia as the original form (which given its status among the other variae lectiones appears very unlikely), assume early Romanisation of the unaccented vocalism, and detach it from the modern survivors. Moreover, a putative Gaulish *kel(i)io- 'friend' (cf. OI céile) would not normally be expected to appear in a reduced form **keli- as the first member of a compound in Gaulish, notwithstanding such names as *Magi- in Magimaro- (limited to Noricum and Pannonia) vs. the expected *Magio-, which is highly exceptional and has not yet been convincingly accounted for . Question may be raised why insist on a Celtic etymology for this series of place-names anyway, considering their conspicuous distribution and the fact that place-names derived from personal names are in fact (and contrary to some of the recently expressed views) an extremely unproductive category of Old Celtic name formation. It should be noted that Gaulish *mant- 'path' mentioned by Sims-Williams 2006: 90-91, 211 and Falileyev 2014: 113-114 (ultimately deciding on a non-Celtic approach, however) in connection with Ptolemy's place-name (cf. the segmentation kel--man- -to- -ia- in Isaac 2004, Germ. Magna, s.v.) is probably a ghost, the only reliably Gaulish examples being those involving *mantalo-, which however is a nomen instrumenti in *-tlo- with regular Gaulish anaptyxis in a -TR- cluster (cf. *gabalo- 'fork', *kantalo- 'song', perhaps also *kataro- 'strong'9).
Assuming that all the occurrences of the place-name *Kalamantia in the Eastern Alpine region belong together and have been formed in a coherent idiom rather than representing parallel and homonymous formations, I propose to treat it as belonging to the substratal layer and reaffirm its etymological (if not genetic) dependence on hapaxes such as Celeia and possibly Celena, going back to PIE *kelH- 'rise (up), tower over' (v.s.). For the former consider Ptolemaic KsAsia (var. lect. KsAsa, KsAsia), which may be interpreted either as a possessive derivative *kelH-o—> *kelH-i—> *kelH-ei-ó-, a vrddhi derivative to *kelH-i- (i.e. a deverbal action noun of the Slavic recb type) ^ *kelH-ei-ó- (cf. Hitt. Ehista-'mausoleum' if to *H2est(H)-i- 'bone'), or, less likely, as *kelH-eio-to a deverbal adjective *kelH-io- with functionally non-transparent vrddhisation of the suffix. Celena (Itin. Burdig. 562,3), on the other
8 See Schmidt 1957: 55, 91 and s.v., Sims-Williams 2013: 46-47.
9 See Antreiter 2001: 210.
hand, should probably be seen as a result of superficial thematisation *kelH-en-o- to PIE *kelH-en-w as continued by Lith. kalnas, Latv. kalns, Run. hallaz (ON hallr, OE heall) < *kolH-n-o-, Lat. collis, Run. hali < *kolH-n-i- (cf. Lat. amnis < *ab-n-i- vs. OI aub < PIE *H2ep-H1/3on-), OE hyll < *kjH-n-i-, 'hill, rising ground', Gr. KoA.®vn < *kolH-on-eH2 (cf. dupa < *dhur-eH2), Lat. columen 'summit, peak' < *kelH-men-n.
If this etymological connection is correct, I propose to recognise in the derivational base of *Kalamantia a verbal abstract (be it action or agent noun) *kolH-mo- of the Gr. ^oppo« type (< *bhor-mo-), from which a productive derivative in *-antia was then formed12. That the Roman castellum identified with Ptolemy's coordinates for KaA.ap,avx(a is in fact located on flat ground13 is not a decisive argument against such an etymology, especially as the later settlement may not overlap completely with the old locality and also given the fact that the etiological criteria involved in name formation are not always obvious to the modern observer - what counts is the relative importance of a geomorphic feature in a particular area and not necessarily its prominence! In this respect consider the case of the near-by Gaulish place-name Bpiyaixiov (Ptol. II, 14,3 = Szony, see Soproni 1985: 55-56), which, whether originally an adjective of appurtenance or a collective name, indubitably belongs with Gaul. *brig-/brig-a- 'height, hill' vel sim. (see Repansek 2014: 247-250) 14.
The phonetic reflex *kala-m(a)- < *kolH-mo- of course raises the important question of linguistic affiliation of the name. If one does not wish to speculate on the possible disyllabic reflex of secondarily accented preconsonantal -RH- clusters of the Greek yevsm< type, also bearing in mind that a verbal adjective *klH-mo- (formally substantivised by accent shift) would be semantically unlikely, it would appear necessary to acknowledge two phonetic developments,
viz. *o > *a and *H > a /R_R. The latter unavoidably brings up the
question of de Saussure's Law (as implicitly formulated in de Saussure 1905, 511 ft. 2), according to which regular loss of the
10 Similarly already Anreiter 2001: 51.
11 Schrijver 1991: 326-327.
12 Similar morphological segmentation already in Steinhauser & Plank
1973: 18 (»*Kalam-antia«) and Rasch 2005: 202, where a dehydronymic origin for the place-name is suggested.
14 See Steinhauser & Plank 1973: 18, Falileyev 2014: 113.
14 Note, however, Falileyev 2014: 50, who agrees with Delamarre (2012:
88) on deriving Brigetio from an underlying Gaulish personal name.
laryngeal in an -oRH- sequence would be expected (**kal-m(a)-). It has been reaffirmed recently, however, that de Saussure's Law in all likelihood was not in fact operative as a regular sound law and should not be a priori expected in similar phonetic contexts15. Consider in this respect the old acute intonation in Lith. kálnas < *kolH-no-.
At least some of these names could easily be Gaulish as both
*kela-mo- and *kola-mo- < *ke/olH3-mo- (*H > a /R_R is regular in
Celtic) would have regularly resulted in *kala-mo- by Joseph's Law (for *oRa > aRa in Gaulish and Brythonic see Schrijver 1995: 9497). It is the word formation, however, which makes it uncomfortable to suggest that *Kalamantia could represent a genuinely Gaulish place-name. *-antia (i.e. with *-ia for PIE *-iH2) is not a productive Celtic suffix (note that as the spread of *-antia would be an innovation rather than an archaic feature it has diagnostic value in linguistic attribution)16 nor would it be expected in an adjectival possessive derivative of a denominal formation, i.e. *-o-nt-io-/a- with the thematic vowel normally preserved as -o-, cf. Alisontia, gen. sg. aAt[o]o[vx]sa^ (RIG: G-224) to *alisa 'elder'.
In terms of historical phonology Pannonian17 is not an unlikely candidate either18, that is at least for the source of the * Kalamantia recorded by Ptolemy. Pann. *a for PIE *o is a well-known phenomenon and observable in numerous examples (see Anreiter
2001: 15-16 et pass.), while good examples of *H > a /R__R are
lacking. A possible candidate is perhaps a horonym *Ara-u-ia < *H2erH3-u-io- to *H2erH3-uo- (cf. Lat. arvum)19 if it is Pannonian and if it indeed represents the derivational base of the Gaulish ethnic name Aravisci (var. lect. Eravisci)20, possibly also Arabiates (but
15 See Kurylowicz 1956: 201 ft. 47 and, more recently, Pronk 2011 and van Beek 2011.
16 See Pokorny 1959. -antia in Gaul. *Brigantia is of course irrelevant in this respect given its ultimately incomparable morphological structure: *bhrg=T}t-io- or, alternatively, *bhrgh=^t-iH2-(i)o- to *bhrg =i}t-(iHr).
17 For this particular linguistic description and designation see Anreiter 2001 but cf. OanoneeB 2013b.
18 Also consider Anreiter's »Ostalpenindogermanisch« (Anreiter 1999, id. 2001: 10-13) at least as far as *o > *a is concerned, while the two systems also supposedly share -un- < *-%- and *-uR- < *-R- (see locc. citt.).
19 But cf. Anreiter 2001: 207, where *arviia is proposed on the strength of Arviates. Note that the ethnonym in question is in all likelihood a Latin creation (-ates).
20 The derivational model is genuinely Gaulish and involves the creation of ethnic names from adjectives of appurtenance in *-isko-, normally built to
note the var. lect. Arviates). Pannonian *H > a may otherwise be attested at least in *-THU- sequences, for which consider *Pa/eto/au-io- (Ptol. II,14,4: naxauiov) if to *pet/petH2-uo-21 (i.e. a deverbal action noun to *petH2- 'ausbreiten', LIV2: 478-479) and Pultovia (Itin. Burdig. 561,3) if from *pltH2-u-ia for PIE *pltH2-u-iH2- to *pletH2- 'breit werden, sich ausbreiten' (LIV2: 486-487, 'cf. OInd. prthivi- beside OW Litau < *-a-u-iia, see Repansek, forth.). Names in -antia are rare in Pannonia, the only good example being Scarbantia, which however lacks a convincing etymological explanation (see Anreiter 2001 s.v.). A putative Pannonian -antia may be expected in a denominal formation to a thematic stem (quasi *kala=ma-nt-), but even there only a generalised zero-grade suffix -unt- < *-i}t- seems to be actually attested, for which consider Carnuntum if to *karno-.
Granting the possibility that several linguistic systems have contributed parallel and ultimately homophonous formations to what prima facie appears to be a homogenous group of *Kalamantia names, it is nevertheless more economical to trace the whole set to a single source. The likeliest candidate being Old European (in its collective sense), it is nevertheless uncomfortable to be exclusive in this designation, especially given the peculiar distribution of the place-name and the fact that none of the designata are in fact rivers nor are the names demonstrably dehydronymic in origin. The coalescence of PIE *o and *a to *a22 is an important feature not just of what is traditionally called Old European (i.e. if considered an actual linguistic stratum) but of the pre-Celtic substratum (or
toponymical bases (usually pre-Gaulish in origin), cf. *Taur-isko-, *Skord-isko- etc. (on these names and on the secondarily diminutive ethnic name Boisci see Falileyev 2013a: 87-88).
21 Possibly with PIE ou /_i (or generally in a closed syllable, cf. Sa$ua-,
Dra$ua- < *sH2ou-o-, *drou-o-, which however may not belong to the same idiom) preserved as Pann. *ou (or *ou through a middle-stage *au) as in the divine name Ovianus (CIL III 1435422) if -ano- < *-ono- (cf. Pann. Teutanus < *Teuto-no-), Pultovia (see above on the etymology, but here as well as in Poetovio vs. Пахоиюу *ou may ultimately be due to Latinisation), and perhaps lovia (Anreiter 2O0l s.v.). Note that Antreiter 2001: 71 proposes e > o /_u to account for *ou in Iovia.
22 But probably not *o > *a as tentatively surmised by Bichlmeier for Old European, e.g. 2012a: 369 (etpassim), for which consider Noapo^ (name of the lower course of the Sava in Strabo VII,5,2; 12, see Sasel Kos 2002) if for *(s)no-uo- < *(s)noH2-uo- to PIE *(s)neH2- 'baden, schwimmen' (LIV2: 572-573) as would appear likely (cf. Naxiorav, Natiso in the region of the Caput Adriae).
substrata) in the Eastern Alpine region (including Pannonia) in general; however, the evidence for *H > a /R_R is inconclusive. *H
> a /T_R (more accurately /S__R) may be confirmed by *H1isH2-ro-
> *Isa-ro- but as it has been rightly pointed out by H. Bichlmeier (2012: 29-37 (esp. 33-35), id. 2013: 56-57) 23, there is no saying that *Isara is not in fact Celtic or at least shows traces of *H1isH2-ro-passing through a Celtic (or later Gaulish) phonetic filter - note that in view of Thrac. 'laxpoq < *is-t-ro- < *is-ro- < *HfsH2-ro-(^HaKHeBa 2009 s.v.) the formation itself may be genetically nonspecific. The situation would be exactly parallel to that of *Reno- < *H3reiH-no- (cf. OI fen 'waggon' < *uegh-no- and, ultimately, nan 'sea') with the rather diagnostically Celtic loss of the laryngeal between *i and *N (cf. OI min < *meiH-no-) in what should indeed be a pre-Celtic name 4. A better example is perhaps A'foapo<; if for *HioisH/-ro-, while a possible counter-example would be the German Ilm, which if it indeed goes back to *H1elH2-men-eH2-, a proposal considered in Bichlmeier 2013: 55-56, would decisively
point to *H > 0 /R_R. However, in light of the available and
convincing Germanic etymological explanation for Ilm and related river names (see Bichlmeier 2011: 184-188) the case is ultimately ambiguous.
If -antia represents the participial suffix *-i}t-iH2-25 rather than the denominal sequence *-o-nt-, it may speak in favour of *an < PIE *#26, but note that actually there exist no convincing cases of a purely participial *-antia in what is traditionally considered to belong to the Old European hydronymical corpus and even there it could go back to thematic presents, so that the validity of this sound change may be questioned (but cf. Argantia if *H2rg=i}t-iH2- (?) vs. Celtic *arganto-< *H2rg=i}t-o- in Early Goidelic *Argsda = Apyixa, Ptol. II,2,1). The suffixal part of *Kalam-antia may point to a denominal derivational base *Kala=ma-nt- (cf. Kara-nt-), but it could well be a result of secondary productivity of the suffix *-antia in denominal place-name formations (cf. perhaps Albantia, Aquantia & c.), while there is no
23 Who also reckons with the utterly ambiguous *H1isH2-ero-.
24 For the whole problem of laryngeal loss in *-ViHC- sequences see now Zair 2012: 225-243.
25 Given the uncertain quality of the final -a (i.e. *-ia < *ja2 (?) or *-ia with the generalisation of the full-grade suffix from the oblique stem) -ia has been used in reconstructions throughout.
26 For another example of *an < *i} in the Eastern Alpine region cf. KapouayKa < *-i}ko-, *-onko- being unlikely if what we have here is the PIE conglomerate suffix *-en-ko-.
saying whether the original locus of this suffix is indeed in the feminine present participle (*-(o)-nt-iH2-), the denominal derivatives (*-(o)-nt-), or even represents an extrapolation of the feminine form of Caland adjectives in *-qt-iHr (i.e. granting the scenario in which these categories were already functionally diversified). As regards the still not quite resolved question of Old European I see two basic possibilities: either Old European is a linguistic layer, a stratum with its own phonetic and morphological peculiarities (innovations), or it is indeed a network of names so old that in terms of phonology and morphology these are non-specific/not yet diversified, which, given the continuity of linguistic change, will simply stay impossible to prove. In case either of the two definitions applies, however, the descriptive term "Old European" cannot be logically used categorically (i.e. limited to the classification of hydronymy only). If it is convincingly established that neither applies, this particular designation/classificatory label should of course be rendered superfluous. The usefulness of the term in linguistic affiliation of place-names such as *Kalamantia will necessarily depend on the choice between the three alternatives, taking heed of the fact that under such a classificatory label one does not necessarily assume linguistic affiliation27.
Abbreviations
Gaul. = Gaulish; Gr. = Old Greek; Hitt. = Hittite; Itin. Ant. = Itinerarium Antonini; Itin. Burdig. = Itinerarium Burdigalense; Lat. = Latin; Latv. = Latvian; Lith. = Lithuanian; OE = Old English; OI = Old Irish; OInd. = Old Indic; ON = Old Norse; OW = Old Welsh; Pann. = Pannonian; PIE = Proto-Indo-European; Run. = Runic; Thr. = Thracian
Bibliography
Anreiter 1999 - Anreiter P., Der Ablaut in «ostalpenindogermanischen» Namen // P. Anreiter, E. Jerem, W. Meid (eds.). Studia Celtica et indogermanica. Festischrift für Wolfgang Meid zum 70. Geburtstag. Budapest: Arhaeolingua, 1999. S. 23-38. Anreiter 2001 - Anreiter P. Die vorrömischen Namen Pannoniens.
Budpaest: Archaeolingua, 2001. Bichlmeier 2011 - Bichlmeier H. Einige grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von Indogermanistik und voreinzelsprachlicher resp. alteuropäischer Namenkunde mit einigen Fallbeispielen (Moderne Indogermanistik vs. traditionelle Namenkunde, Teil 1) // Namenkundliche Informationen 2009 [2011]. Bd. 95/96. S. 173-208.
27 Consider in this respect OanuneeB 2013b.
Bichlmeier 2012a - Bichlmeier H. Anmerkungen zum terminologischen Problem der «alteuropäischen Hydronymie» samt indogermanistischen Ergänzungen zum Namen der Elbe // Beiträge zur Namenforschung. 2012. Bd. 47/4. S. 365-395.
Bichlmeier 2012b - Bichlmeier H. Einige ausgewählte Probleme der alteuropäischen Hydronymie aus Sicht der modernen Indogermanistik -Ein Plädoyer für eine neue Sicht auf die Dinge // Acta linguistica Lithuanica. 2012. Bd. 66 (2012). S. 11-47.
Bichlmeier 2013 - Bichlmeier H. Bayerisch-österreichische Orts- und Gewässernamen aus indogermanistischer Sicht // K. Simbeck, W. Janka (eds.). Namen in Altbayern. Gesammelte Beiträge zu Ehren von Josef Egginger und Günter Schneeberger. Regensburg: edition vulpes, 2013. S. 53-68.
CIL - Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. Vol. III: Theodor Mommsen, Inscriptiones Asiae, Provinciarum Europae Graecarum, Illyrici Latinae, 1873.
Delamarre 2010/2012 - Delamarre X. Notes d'onomastique vieille-celtique // Keltische Forschungen. 2010-2012. Bd. 5. S. 99-137.
Delamarre 2012 - Delamarre X. Noms de lieux celtiques de l'Europe ancienne (-500/+500): Dictionnaire. Paris: Éditions errance, 2012.
de Saussure 1905 - de Saussure F. D'ôp^^uavç à Tpvnxô^spoç. Remarques étymologiques // Mélanges Nicole. Geneva: Imprimerie W. Kündig & Fils 1905. P. 503-514.
Falileyev 2013a - Falileyev A. Going Further East: New Data, New Analysis // J. L. Garcia Alonso (ed.). Continental Celtic word formation. The onomastic data. Salamanca: Ediciones Univesidad de Salamanca, 2013. Pp. 85-98.
Фалилеев 2013b - Фалилеев А. И. Pannono-Illyrica // Современные методы сравнително-исторических исследований. Москва, 2013. S. 298-306.
Falileyev 2014 - Falileyev A. In Search of the Eastern Celts. Studies in Geographical Names, their Distribution and Morphology. Budapest: Archaeolingua, 2014.
Greule 2010 - Greule A. Die historischen Horizonte der geographischen Namen in Bayern // Oberviechtacher Heimatblätter. 2010. Bd. 8. S. 919.
Holder 1896 - Holder A. Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz I. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1896.
Holzer 1997 - Holzer G. Zur Herkunft des (t)z in Kollmitz etc. (*kalamantia), Kobenz (*kumbantia) und Lafnitz (*albantia) // Repr. in Holzer 2008. S. 31-56.
Holzer 2008 - Holzer G. Namenkundliche Aufsätze. Wien: Praesens Verlag, 2008.
IEW - Pokorny J., Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Bern, München: Francke, 1959-1969.
Isaac 2004 - Isaac G. R. Place-names in Ptolemy's Geography. CD-ROM. Aberystwyth: CMCS, 2004.
Янакиева 2012 - Янакиева С. Тракийската хидронимия (= Studia Thracica 12). София: Академично издателство «Проф. Марин Дринов», 2012.
Krahe 1932 - Krahe H. Illyrisches // Glotta. 1932. Bd. 20/3-4. S. 188-196.
Kranzmayer 1956-1958 - Kranzmayer E. Ortsnamenbuch von Kärnten I-II. Klagenfurt: Verlag des Geschichtsvereines für Kärnten, 1956-1958.
Kurylowicz 1956 - Kurylowicz J. L'apophonie en indo-européen. Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo polskiej akademii nauk, 1956.
LIV2 - Rix H., Kümmel M., Zehnder Th., Lipp R., Schirmer B. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Zweite, erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearbeitet von Martin Kümmel und Helmut Rix. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwik Reichert Verlag, 2001.
Müller 1883-1901 - Müller K. (ed.) Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia. Paris, 1883-1901.
Pokorny 1959 - Pokorny J. Zu den keltischen -nt-Suffiksen // Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft. 1959. Bd. 15. S. 5-16.
Pronk 2011 - Pronk T. The «Saussure effect» in Indo-European languages other than Greek // The Journal of Indo-European Studies. 2011. Vol. 39/1-2. P. 176-193.
Rasch 2005 - Rasch G. Antike geographische Namen nördlich der Alpen. S. Zimmer (ed.). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2005.
Repansek 2014 - Repansek L. Two Notes on Old Celtic Morphology // Acta linguistica Petropolitana (= Colloqia classica et indogermanica VI, in memoriam Leonard G. Herzenberg). 2014. Bd. 10/1. S. 239-254.
Repansek forth. - Repansek L. Varia etymologica Pannonica. To appear in a Zeitschrift.
RIG - Recueil des inscriptions gauloises. Vol. I: Michel Lejeune, Textes gallo-grecs. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 1985.
Schmidt 1957 - Schmidt K. H. Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen // Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie. 1957. Bd. 26. S. 33-301.
Schrijver 1991 - Schrijver P. The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam, Atlanta: Rodopi, 1991.
Schrijver 1995 - Schrijver P. Studies in British Celtic Historical Phonology. Amsterdam, Atlanta: Rodopi, 1995.
Schwarz 1960 - Schwarz E. Sprache und Siedlung in Nordostbayern. Nürnberg: Hans Carl, 1960.
Sims-Williams 2006 - Sims-Williams P. Ancient Celtic place-names in Europe and Asia Minor. Oxford, Boston: Blackwell, 2006.
Sims-Williams 2013 - Sims-Williams P. The Celtic composition vowels -o-and -io- // J. L. Garcia Alonso (ed.). Continental Celtic word formation. The onomastic data. Salamanca: Ediciones Univesidad de Salamanca, 2013. Pp. 37-50.
Smoczynski 2007 - Smoczynski W. Lietuvi^ kalbos etimologinis zodynas -Slownik etymologoczny jçzyka litawskiego. Vilnius: Vilniaus Universitetas, Filologijas fakultetas, 2007.
Soproni 1985 - Soproni S. Die letzten Jahzehnte des pannonischen Limes (= Münchener Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Bd. 38). München: C. H. Beck, 1985.
Steinhauser & Plank 1973 - Steinhauser E., Plank C. Colomezza. Eine vordeutsche Grenze zwischen Melk und Erlaf // Jahrbuch für Landeskunde von Niederösterreich (Neue Folge). 1971-1973. Bb. 39. S. 1-39.
Sasel Kos 2002 - Sasel Kos M. The Noarus River in Strabo's Geography //
Tyche. 2002. Bd. 17. S. 145-153. van Beek 2011 - Beek L. The «Saussure effect» in Greek: A Reinterpretation of the Evidence // The Journal of Indo-European Studies. 2011. Vol. 39/1-2. P. 129-175. Wiesinger 1990 - Wiesinger P. Antik-romanische Kontinuitäten im Donauraum von Ober- und Niederösterreich am Beispiel der Gewässer-, Berg-und Siedlungsnamen // H. Wolfram, W. Pohl (eds.). Typen der Ethnogenese unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bayern. Teil 1: Berichte des Symposions der Kommission für Frühmittelalterforschung 27. bis 30. Oktober 1986. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1990. S. 261-326. Zair 2012 - Zair N. The reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Celtic. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2012.
L. Repansek. КаХацагиа (Ptol. II,11,15)
The article attempts to provide a satisfactory etymological solution to the place-name Ka^apavxia, noted once by Ptolemy in his Geographia and resurfacing several times in modern toponymy of the Eastern Alpine region. On the basis of the proposed etymology (a denominal derivative to *kolH-mo- 'rising (up)' vel sim.) it is argued that the combined evidence of the place-name's historical phonology and morphology (word formation), coupled with its distribution does not allow for a Celtic or a Pannonian approach. As far as the label can be considered useful and/or applicable in such cases, an «Old European» origin (i. e. at least as far as the historical phonology and word formation are concerned) for this set of names is critically considered.
Key-words: Kalamantia, etymology, paleolinguistics, onomastics.
