CC BY
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УДК 323.22/28(469)
Espirito Santo Paula
Professor with Aggregation
School of Social and Political Sciences University of Lisbon, Portugal e-mail: paulaes@iscsp. ulisboa.pt
VOTER’S ATTITUDES AND PERCEPTIONS ON POLITICS: PORTUGUESE CIVIC CULTURE
Эспирито Санто Паула
профессор
Школа социальных и политических наук Лиссабонского университета Лиссабон, Португалия, e-mail: paulaes@iscsp. ulisboa.pt
ОТНОШЕНИЕ ИЗБИРАТЕЛЯ К ПОЛИТИКЕ: ПОРТУГАЛЬСКАЯ
ГРАЖДАНСКАЯ КУЛЬТУРА
Abstract: To characterize voters’ attitudes and perceptions on politics, in the first decade of the XXI century is the general objective of this current analysis. The aim is to analyse the evolution of voters’ perception attitudes to politics, on several key structures and issues about society and about politics, important symbolic elements of a considered civic culture. This article seeks to contribute to the analysis of voters’ perceptions about several key structural and infrastructural elements. This knowledge will reflect upon the voters’ involvement in their civic culture.
Keywords: voters, civic culture, policy.
Аннотация: Цель данного исследования - охарактеризовать отношение избирателей к политике в первом десятилетии XXI века. Автор анализирует эволюцию восприятия политики избирателем, выделяя ключевые структуры
© Эспирито С.П., 2014
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ФИЛОСОФСКИЕ НАУКИ Ш
общества и политики, выступающие важными символическими элементами рассматриваемой гражданской культуры. Статья вносит вклад в исследование восприятия электоратом нескольких основных структурных и инфраструктурных элементов и его вовлеченности в гражданскую культуру.
Ключевые слова: избиратели, гражданская культура, политика.
Introduction.
The concept of civic culture, inherent in the present analysis, is meant as a symptomatic and peculiar perception of each individual and community regarding both its symbolic patterns and values, generated from key aspects and structures of daily life. Traditionally, the concept of civic culture has been very practical and functional, not only as a peculiar aspect of the individual’s perception about politics and society but also in the analysis of political culture (Almond and Verba 1980). Although the purpose of learning more about civic culture is a traditional and a fundamental topic in political science studies (eg. Tocqueville, 1835), its modern application is greatly indebted to the important developments made by Almond (1956), in his pioneer article about political culture as well as in his further relevant and multiple developments (eg. Almond, Powell Jr., Str0m, and Dalton 2000; Wiarda and Mott, 2001; Almond, Dalton, and Powell, Jr. 2002; Blekesaune, Quadagno, 2003). Almond’s starting point was to begin with a wide application of the concept, always maintaining, as a common denominator, the symbolic and non-material characteristics persistently and profoundly supported and promoted by both the individuals and the structures of each system (Beck, 1998; Lloyd and Thomas, 1998; Linklater 1998; Fulga 2005; Haynes 2005; Esprnto Santo 2006; Miheljak in Klingemann, Fuchs, Zielonka 2006, Welzel, Inglehart, 2008). Some other fundamental contributions served to enhance the importance of the inner perspective of each individual regarding State political values and symbols, as a fundamental symptom needing to be learned in order to understand the prevalent traits of a specific political culture (In-glehart, Andeweg, 1993; Putnam 1993; Boy and Mayer 1997; Putnam 2000, Goetz,
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Mair, Smith, 2008). The cultural basis of civic engagement is discussed by Darlington (2013); concluding on how civic engagement has been disappearing and substituted by individual values. The cultural basis of civic engagement is discussed by Darlington (2013); concluding on how civic engagement has been disappearing and substituted by individual values. The changing roles of education, in terms of values, reopen, permanently, the debate about the role of school in citizenship.
This analysis will focus upon the attitudes and perceptions of voters as a basis to understand the most prevalent symbolic features of a selected urban area, as a means to finding a possible pattern of evolution concerning a set of specific key aspects of Portuguese civic culture. Specifically, we consider that voters’ attitudes and perceptions regarding politics and elections can be symbolically enhanced and characterized if we consider a set of values, such as ‘catholicism’, ‘authority’, ‘profit’ or ‘trade unionism’, among others, which are important symbolic elements of a considered political system and of each civic culture. We mean to place and organize these key aspects so that we can relate to and enhance their importance.
The research problem is: what values and civic structures does the Portuguese civic culture privileges, associates and considers, in proximity terms? Spite the 1974 revolution, Portugal is a still maturing democracy and then it is relevant to know how it is walking on the level of civic values. We put forward as a hypothesis that Portuguese voters tended to place importance upon conservative values, in relation to key symbolic political and social structures and issues (considering the principal Portuguese urban area, within the period from 2002 to 2009).
Methodological aspects
Methodologically, this work is based on the application of a multidimensional scaling (MDS), the aim of which is to represent and to place the distances between quantitative variables, within a numeric scale, on a perceptual map, in order to allow the analysis and interpretation of the relative positioning between those variables. We have used the MDS procedure in order to analyse proximities and distances between quantitative variables, as represented on a perceptual map. Specifically, the idea be-
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ФИЛОСОФСКИЕ НАУКИ Ш
hind constructing this type of variable was the comparison of positions in four spatial squares, organized within several structuring areas of Portuguese politics, as a way of interpreting the proximity, the distance and the conceptual grouping between the considerable variables. The description of the present positioning between variables was made based upon two objectives: to interpret the compared positions, in terms of grouping variables, on the one hand, and, on the other to interpret the positions of each variable, considering two dimensions. Each dimension has a positive and a negative attitudinal position, in order to find an approach to interpret the meaning of its spatial distribution. It is worth noting that we should take into consideration that the stress measures indicate the adjustment of the spatial model. The low value of the normalized raw stress indicates a high level of adequacy between the considered dimensions. The set of the stress measure values in each table indicates the usefulness of the model.
The survey was applied using as a basis three different elections for Parliament. The three polls were applied to the urban area around the capital, Lisbon, referred to as “the Greater Lisbon area”, which includes eight district councils and may be considered as an important context in political, social and dimensional terms, at a national level. In its entirety, the urban area in question has over 1,500 million voters1 2 The eight councils are: Amadora, Cascais, Lisboa, Loures, Odivelas, Oeiras, Sintra and Vila Franca de Xira. The area includes these voter’s councils’, according to the official residential list, updated annually . The data from the three opinion polls was gathered about one month after the Parliamentary elections had taken place ((based upon the 2002, 2005 and 2009 Portuguese Parliamentary elections), respec-
1In 2002, the electorate consisted of 1,559,986 individuals, according to the current electoral census. In 2005 the electorate consisted of 1,679,706 voters. Data from STAPE (Secretariado Tecnico para os Assuntos do Processo Eleitoral) and more recently ERC (Entidade Reguladora da Comunica9ao Social), which is the official Portuguese body responsible for organizing electoral data.
2 See note above.
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з
tively . The considered variables in this study are part of a wider questionnaire focused upon voters’ attitudes and behaviour. We have the present variables of this questionnaire as they focused upon several issues and areas that are frequently debated during elections.
The design and implementation of the sampling plan was based upon probabilistic basis sampling of 600 individuals (voters), from each poll, combined with a random route itinerary and a quota sampling method selection of the individuals at home3 4 , segmentation by sex and age was also used, based upon the 2001 Portuguese population census. The sampling error would be ± 4%, for a 95% level of confidence, if it were considered a strictly probabilistic sampling plan.
Voters’ attitudes and perceptions on politics
In this section we have analyzed voters’ attitudes and perceptions towards structural areas and aspects of politics, in order for them to reflect upon their own perception of Portuguese civic culture. With this objective in mind, we asked individuals to place their opinion in terms of importance, on a scale from 1 to 10 (from ‘very important’ to ‘not important at all’), considering each variable.
In relation to data for the legislative elections in 2002, 2005 and 2009, the areas presented and the data referred to in the MDS application, we verify the following:
In 2002, we have found proximities between security, finance on one hand and health and education in another, which are prime needs for citizens. In 2005 and 2009, we have also found proximities between the same needs respectively, in the same dimensions spite in different squares.
3 The elections were the 17th March 2002, the 20th February 2005 and the 27th September 2009, respectively.
4 The interviewers’ teams were composed by university students, of the Communication Studies’ course, of ISCSP (Instituto Superior de Ciencias Sociais e Pohticas)/UTL (Universidade Tecnica de Lisboa), from 2001/2002, 2004/2005 and 2009/2010 courses.
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In relation to data for the legislative elections in 2002, 2005 and 2009, the areas presented and the data referred to in the MDS application, we verify the following:
In 2002, we have found proximities between security, finance on one hand and health and education in another, which are prime needs for citizens. In 2005 and 2009, we have also found proximities between the same needs respectively, in the same dimensions spite in different squares.
‘Immigration’ and ‘external relations’ are also to be found in the same dimension 1, in 2002. These are expectable variables, in terms of proximity. This tendency is maintained in 2005 and 2009.
Another tendency is that ‘defence’ and ‘security’ are not in the same dimension, whether in 2002, in 2005 and 2009. This may be interpreted with an electors connection between ‘defence’ has an image of internationalization and, therefore, distance. ‘Security’ seems to generate a higher proximity and appears to be as common and as necessary as finance, which are also somewhat close to security.
The spatial square that includes ‘sports’ and ‘culture’ (in any of the referred surveys - 2002, 2005 and 2009) underlines a set of similar social concerns in terms of importance. However, the most important square in this spatial representation indicates that ‘education’ and ‘health’ are found together in terms of importance and are given a higher level of importance. The same occurs in 2005 and 2009, where these two categories are also found together, which shows congruence and, perhaps, a tendency that will be confirmed in further research. ‘Finance’ and ‘security’ are also seem together in both the 2002, 2005 and 2009 surveys, though in secondary spatial squares.
We consider there is consistency between the data of the three surveys, as the most sensitive topics appear together, though in different square spaces. In our opinion this different allocation can be explained by the composition of the variables. It includes ten attitudinal positions which are suitable in statistical terms but may not be quite so acknowledged on the part of the interviewees.
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Another observation, based upon the MDS treatment, is presently focused on the individuals’ positioning towards key political aspects. The positive or negative construction of these concept images allowed for the reading of distances and proximities, made through the MDS analysis, permitting clearer inferences about positioning on the perceptual map.
Prior to the perceptual analysis, a descriptive statistical analysis allowed us to conclude that the concepts which generated a positive image, in the 2002, 2005 and 2009 post-electoral polls, are authority, ‘trade unionism’, profit, equality, solidarity, feminism, Catholicism and private education. Solidarity as well as equality registered the biggest score as a positive value. Profit witnessed a greater importance in 2005, certainly due to conjunctural reasons as it was a year of economic growth and, consequently, of hope and confidence in economic terms. In relation to the negative image variables, the most salient variable is Islam which generated a proportion of about 81% voters who considered Islam displayed a negative image.
Attitudes towards structural areas of national politics - 2002
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
Table 1 - Final Coordinates T ab l e 2 - Goodness of fit, stress and fit
measures (*)
Dimension Normalized Raw Stress ,03985
1 2 Stress-I ,19962
SECURITY ,495 -,567 Stress-II ,54509
FINANCE ,593 -,176 S-Stress ,07825
IMMIGRATION -,432 -,563 Dispersion Accounted For (D.A.F.) ,96015
ENVIRONMENT О 00 KJ\ ,194
HEALTH ,856 ,245 Tucker's Coefficient of Congruence ,97987
CULTURE -,210 ,514
EDUCATION ,485 ,397 (*) Note: PROXSCAL minimizes Normalized
EXT.REL -,646 -,099 Raw Stress. a. Optimal scaling factor = 1,042. b.
DEFENCE -,234 -,261 Optimal scaling factor = ,939
SPORTS -,823 ,317
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Figure 1 - Attitudes towards structural areas of national politics - 2002
Multidimensional scaling
CN
C
О
и
1
CULTURE
О
EDUCATION
О
HEALTH
О
0,0
Dimension 1
-0,2
-0,4
-1,0
-0,5
0,5
1,0
(MDS)
(*) Notes: 1 - This set of variables has a quantitative scale represented between 1 and 10, respectively from totally important to not important at all ; 2 - The answers don’t know and did not answer were recoded as missing cases.
Attitudes towards structural areas of national politics - 2005
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
Table 3 - Final Coordinates
Table 4 - Goodness of fit, stress and fit measures (*)
SECURITY
FINANCE
IMMIGRATION
ENVIRONMENT
HEALTH
CULTURE
EDUCATION
EXT.REL
DEFENCE
SPORTS
Dimension
1 2
-,241 ,513
-,704 ,308
,400 ,696
-,072 ,027
-,721 -,310
-,003 -,451
-,477 -,361
,554 ,257
,529 -,111
,735 -,567
Normalized Raw Stress ,05136
Stress-I ,22663
Stress-II ,63325
S-Stress ,11785
Dispersion Accounted For (D.A.F.) ,94864
Tucker's Coefficient of Congruence ,97398
(*) Note: PROXSCAL minimizes Normalized Raw Stress. a. Optimal scaling factor = 1,054 b. Optimal scaling factor = ,926.
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Figure 2 - Attitudes towards structural areas of national politics - 2005 (*)
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
SECURITY
О
FINANCE
О
-0,5 0,0
Dimension 1
-1,0
0,5
1,0
(*) Notes
1. This set of variables has a quantitative scale represented between 1 and 10, respectively from totally important to not important at all.
2. The answers don’t know and did not answer were recoded as missing cases.
Attitudes towards structural areas of national politics - 2009
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
Table 5 - Final Coordinates Table 6 - Goodness of Fit: Stress and Fit Measures
SECURITY
FINANCE
IMMIGRATION
ENVIRONMENT
HEALTH
CULTURE
EDUCATION
EXT.REL
DEFENCE
SPORTS
Dimension
1 2
-,370 -,580
-,615 -,233
,391 -,529
,022 -,184
-,867 ,294
,080 ,521
-,533 ,335
,634 -,146
,413 ,240
,846 ,282
Normalized Raw Stress ,03724
Stress-I ,19298a
Stress-II ,52748a
S-Stress ,07051b
Dispersion Accounted For ,96276
(D.A.F.)
Tucker's Coefficient of ,98120
Congruence
(*) Note: PROXSCAL minimizes Normalized Raw Stress. a. Optimal scaling factor = 1,039. b. Optimal scaling factor = ,941.
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Figure 3 - Attitudes towards structural areas of national politics - 2009 (*)
04
c
0
C 0,0000
1
Q
-0,2
-1,0 -0,8 -0,8 -0,4 -0,2 0,0000 0,2 0,4 0,8 0,8 1,C
Dimension 1
(*) Notes
1. This set of variables has a quantitative scale represented between 1 and 10, respectively from totally important to not important at all.
2. The answers don’t know and did not answer were recoded as missing cases.
The concepts analyzed that did not allow clear image constructions based on this description were privatization, nationalization and immigration. The values regarding the variable ‘abortion’ as is the case with the ‘USA’ in 2002, did not allow clear positive or negative image to be defined. However, in 2005 specially and in 2009, there was a clearer definition whether in a negative sense for the ‘USA’ image, and also in a negative sense for ‘abortion’. In relation to the USA, we should bear in mind that when the 2002 pool was applied, it was six months after the 11th September, attack on the Twin Towers. In March 2004, the USA was involved in the Iraq invasion, which was not accepted favorably by the general public.
When considering ‘abortion’ what must be bear in mind is it is a very sensitive topic for Portuguese society. In fact, there was a referendum on the right of abortion in 1999 which resulted in a ‘no’ result. In February 2007, the second Portuguese referendum about the non-penalization took place, resulting in a victory for the “yes” vote. In terms of the evolution of opinions about the three elections in question, gen-
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
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erally, most variables show a very stable tendency, with regard to the individuals’ attitude towards them.
Table 7 - Positioning towards key political aspects (*)
2002 2005 2009
Percent of Cases
Positive Negative Negative Positive Negative Positive
Authority 76,0 24,0 71,5 28,5 69,0 31,0
Trade Unionism 74,5 25,5 75,7 24,3 57,7 42,3
Profit 76,9 23,1 90,0 10,0 64,3 35,7
Privitization 54,1 45,9 47,6 52,4 37,8 62,2
Nationalization 54,2 45,8 50,4 49,6 41,4 58,6
Immigration 47,1 52,5 49,4 50,6 49,0 51,0
Equality 92,7 7,3 94,1 5,9 86,7 13,3
Private education 59,6 40,4 58,8 41,2 57,3 42,7
Solidarity 96,2 3,8 96,9 3,1 91,7 8,3
Feminism 69,0 31,0 65,8 34,2 67,2 32,8
Catholicism 72,1 27,9 72,9 27,1 62,3 37,7
Abortion 51,5 48,5 57,8 42,2 45,5 54,5
Homosexuality 38,8 61,2 43,5 56,5 44,0 56,0
The USA 46,0 54,0 34,9 65,1 41,5 58,5
Islam 19,9 80,1 19,4 80,6 13,5 86,5
(*) Note: 1. The original variable was recoded from four to two attitudinal positions (positive versus negative); 2.The answers don’t know and did not answer were recoded as missing cases.
Taking into account this set of political culture references this may allow us to draw inferences about the tendencies and dominant values, within the considered context and eventually considering the Portuguese electors population. If we associate this data to the observation afforded by the MDS application, we gain clearer insights, even if it is not always possible with some variables to define more concrete tendencies.
As a result to the several areas presented, we have the following:
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‘Equality’ and ‘solidarity’ are very close, spite not in the same dimension, in both the 2005 and 2009 surveys. For the three surveys, within the same spatial square, we have found that ‘Catholicism’, ‘authority’ and ’profit’ have a close level of proximity. In relation to these variables we should stress that ‘Catholicism’ is the most important and traditional religion, in Portugal. According to the last Portuguese census in 2001, about 80% in individuals declared that they did in fact identify themselves with this religion. Also, curiously, according to the data, ‘Catholicism’ is as important as ‘profit’, in terms of position on this perceptual map. This association may be interpreted as a sign of an evolution in mentality, which allows for different theoretical values to coexist, passively, and positively, in a predominant catholic culture, such as the Portuguese one. Associated to these two variables, we find that ‘solidarity’, as a value, may be used as a counterpoint between the latter concepts as well as functioning as a regulator of such differing doctrinarian positions. ‘Authority’ also appears in the same square as the previous variables, which is considered both as a conservative and an important value in this analysis.
Table 8- Positioning towards key political aspects - 2002
Final Coordinates
Dimension
1 2
AUTHORITY ,316 ,306
TRADE UNIONISM ,316 -,329
PROFIT ,437 ,082
PRIVATIZATION -,138 ,263
NATIONALIZATION -,214 -,272
IMMIGRATION -,477 -,066
EQUALITY ,843 -,275
PRIV ATE. EDU CATION -,111 ,571
SOLIDARITY ,944 ,074
FEMINISM ,159 -,571
CATHOLICISM ,322 ,622
ABORTION -,287 -,734
HOMOSEXUALITY -,715 -,412
THE USA -,523 ,502
ISLAM -,872 ,238
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Table 9- Goodness of Fit, Stress and Fit Measures (*)
Normalized Raw Stress ,06488
Stress-I ,25471(a)
Stress-II ,66968(a)
S-Stress ,13130(b)
Dispersion Accounted For (D.A.F.) ,93512
Tucker's Coefficient of Congruence ,96702
(*) Note: ROXSCAL minimizes Normalized Raw Stress. a. Optimal scaling factor = 1,069. b. Optimal scaling factor = ,915.
Figure 4 - Positioning towards key political aspects - 2002 (*)
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
0,6
0,4
0,2
CM
c
0
C 0,0000
1
Q
■0,2
-0,4
-0,6
-1,0 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0,0000 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1,C
Dimension 1
(*) Notes: The original variable with its four attitudinal positions was used 1. The answers don’t know and did not answer were recoded as missing cases;
USA
О
ISLAM
О
PRIVATTEEDUCfATlON
О
PRIVATIZATIONS
О
CATHOLICISM
О
AUTHORITY
О
PROFIT
О
SOLIDARITY
О
IMMIGRATION
О
NATIONALIZATIONS О
HOMOSEXUALITY
О
TRADEUNIONISM
О
EQUALITY
О
FEMINISM
О
ABORTION
О
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ФИЛОСОФСКИЕ НАУКИ
Positioning towards key political aspects - 2005
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
Table 10 - Final Coordinates
Dimension
1 2
AUTHORITY -,254 ,397
TRADE UNIONISM -,219 -,081
PROFIT -,927 ,333
PRIVITIZATION ,410 ,119
NATIONALIZATION ,291 -,502
IMMIGRATION ,231 -,128
EQUALITY -,772 -,222
PRIVATE. SCHOOLS ,213 ,495
SOLIDARITY -,790 -,006
FEMINISM -,250 -,464
CATHOLICISM -,083 ,594
ABORTION -,011 -,709
HOMOSEXUALITY ,661 -,474
THE USA ,783 ,171
ISLAM ,715 ,478
Table 11- Goodness of Fit, Stress and Fit Measures (*)
Normalized Raw Stress ,05988
Stress-I ,24471a
Stress-II ,63573a
S-Stress ,11708b
Dispersion Accounted For (D.A.F.) ,94012
Tucker's Coefficient of Congruence ,96960
(*) Notes: PROXSCAL minimizes Normalized Raw Stress. a. Optimal scaling factor 1,064. b. Optimal scaling factor = ,924
Figure 5 - Positioning towards key political aspects - 2005 (*)
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
0,4-
-0,4-
-0,6-
FROFIT
О
EQUALITY
О
CATHOLICISM
AUTHORTTY
О
TRA DEUNIONISM
О
FEMINISM
О
PRIVATE EDUCATION
ISLAM
О
PRIVATIZATIONS
О
IMMIGRATION
О
NATIONALIZATIONS
О
HOMOSEXUALITY
О
AB1 DRTION
C
“I— -0,4
I-------1------
-0,2 0,0000 (
Dimension 1
—i— 0,4
—I— 0,6
—I— 0,6
(*) Notes: The original variable with its four attitudinal positions was used 1. The answers don’t know and did not answer were recoded as missing cases.
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Positioning towards key political aspects - 2009
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
Table 12 - Final Coordinates
Dimension
1 2
AUTHORITY -,447 -,272
TRADE UNIONISM ,610 ,807
PROFIT -,345 -,531
PRIVITIZATION 1,007 -,227
NATIONALIZATION ,339 ,145
IMMIGRATION ,112 ,233
EQUALITY -,745 ,150
PRIVATE. SCHOOLS -,034 -,462
SOLIDARITY -,830 -,099
FEMINISM -,397 ,239
CATHOLICISM -,070 -,202
ABORTION -,185 ,651
HOMOSEXUALITY ,072 ,573
THE USA ,427 -,341
ISLAM ,487 -,666
Table 13 - Goodness of Fit, Stress and Fit Measures (*)
Normalized Raw Stress ,07298
Stress-I ,27015a
Stress-II ,68481a
S-Stress ,17907b
Dispersion Accounted For ,92702
(D.A.F.)
Tucker's Coefficient of ,96282
Congruence
(*) Notes: PROXSCAL minimizes Normalized Raw Stress. a. Optimal scaling factor = 1,079. b. Optimal scaling factor ,906
Figure 6 - Positioning towards key political aspects - 2009 (*)
Multidimensional scaling (MDS)
1,0-
N 0,2-
C
О
C 0,0000-
HOMOSEXUf
о
FBUNISM
О
ІМЖЗГО •
о
SOLIDARITY
О
CATHOLK3SM
AUTHORTTY
О
PRIVATE aXIGATTf FTOFIT °
TRADEUNIONISM
О
iTTON
.TTONAUZATTONS
USA
О
ISLAM
О
PRIVATIZATIONS
1,0 -0,8 -0,8 -0,4 -0,2 0,0000 0,2 0,4
Dimension 1
1,0 1,2 1,4
(*) Notes: The original variable with its four attitudinal positions was used 1. The answers don’t know and did not answer were recoded as missing cases.
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In the three surveys, we have seen that the categories ‘Islam’ and the ‘USA’ are together, since it was their perception portrayed by the world’s media stage that kept them together during this time period. The same has occurred with private education and privatization concepts (spite not so close in 2009). This late grouping may indicate a clear organization and ranking, in terms of importance, within the education as an economic culture value.
‘Trade Unionism’ and ‘equality’ are variables with a high proximity, which is not difficult to infer because of their social and economic roles. ‘Homosexuality’ and ‘abortion’ as well as the variables ‘nationalization’ and ‘immigration’ tend to be close, however, we have not been able to find a clear tendency in the three surveys, in terms of positioning.
In 2002 and in 2005, in the higher spatial squares, we have found a set of variables that may be associated with a more conservative and right wing position. In the lower squares, we have seen the variables that indicate change and social intervention, identified with left wing and ideological principles, such as ‘trade unionism’ and ‘equality’. In 2009, spite still unified, the upper conservative and the lower interventionist spatial squares changed positions.
From the above analysis in terms of association consequent to the positioning organization we have concluded that there is a focus on the variables ‘education’ and ‘health’, as priority values. Another example of prior placing is ‘finance’ and ‘security’, which demonstrate an isolated and evident association. Also, ‘sports’ and ‘culture’, on one side, and ‘external relations’ and ‘defence’, on the other, appear in autonomous spatial squares, but are less evident in terms of importance. Among the political values that have proximities and are quite eminent, according to the statistical treatment in question, we find Catholicism’, ‘authority’, ‘profit’ and ‘solidarity’. Furthermore we see ‘equality’, ‘trade unionism’ and ‘feminism’ are together in a separate spatial square or in the same spatial half. The hypothesis put was confirmed: “Portuguese voters tended to place importance upon conservative values, in relation to key symbolic political and social structures and issues”.
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ІІІВЕСТНИК ПГГПУ Серия № 3 Гуманитарные и общественные науки
Conclusion
Some prevalent lines have been observed from the analysis undertaken which was focused upon three different elections for the Portuguese Parliament (2002, 2005 and 2009). From a deep, complex set of connected motives, we have seen that ‘Catholicism’ was detached, as were ‘profit’, ‘trade unionism’, ‘solidarity’ and ‘equality’. We may interpret this tendency as characteristic of an urban culture, with a conservative cultural support, implanted, in religious terms, within both the secular importance and roots of the Catholic Church, such is the Portuguese culture. Also, this culture is, simultaneously, characterized by a propensity towards a reformist nature, as is suggested by the importance placed upon ‘trade unionism’ and ‘equality’. The hypothesis was, though, confirmed: Portuguese voters tended to place importance upon conservative values, in relation to key symbolic political and social structures and issues (considering the principal Portuguese urban area, within the period from 2002 to 2009). Further to this, we have found that there is a striking set of priorities, strictly connected that place values such as health and education as being quite important, both in political and in social systemic terms. The values of ‘finance’ and ‘security’ should be added, as evident aspects that should be read as causing some public apprehension as a result of a large period of economic uncertainty is confirmed, which was the first decade of the XXI century. This means that voters distinguished and clearly put together a priority set of political and social areas and issues and that reinforce a still traditional and conservative approach concerning the Portuguese civic culture.
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