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УДК 323.22/28(469)
Paula do Espirito Santo
Professor with Aggregation
Instituto Superior de Ciencias Sociais e Polfticas (ISCSP)/Universidade de Lisboa;
Investigadora do Centro de Admnistragao e Polfticas PUblicas (CAPP)/ISCSP/Ulisboa, Lisbon, Portugal.
Rua Almerindo Lessa - 1300-663, Lisboa, e-mail: [email protected]
BETWEEN POLITICAL CULTURES: THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS AND PORTUGAL IN TIME OF CRISIS
Эспирито Санто Паула
профессор, научный сотрудник Центра публичной политики и администрирования при Институте социально-политических наук
Лиссабонский университет, Лиссабон, Португалия.
Rua Almerindo Lessa - 1300-663, Lisboa/Португалия, e-mail: paulaes@iscsp. ulisboa.pt
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ КУЛЬТУРА: ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЕ ВЫБОРЫ И ПОРТУГАЛИЯ В ЭПОХУ КРИЗИСА
Abstract: european elections are cyclic ally one of several barometers of how Europeans regard the dimension of the European project in their lives. Other indicators of the importance of the social dynamics of the EU are echoed among European citizens and voters. These indicators are reflected in terms of political participation and are closely related to European institutions such as the European Parliament, European Commission and European Central Bank, and the way they are experienced in every day democratic political expression, reflecting the civic dimension of political culture.
The purpose and central challenge of this article is to contribute to an understanding of political culture in the European Union, in terms of electoral participation, especially in the aggravating circumstance of an economic crisis from 2008 onwards. This challenge is also faced more and more markedly at all times by the main political actors on the European stage, keepers and defenders of a long
© ЭспиритоСантоПаула, 2015
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tradition of contemporary European thought, evoking the memory of Jean Monnet, Robert Schumann and Konrad Adenauer, to exalt some of its most prominent founding fathers.
The main aim of this article is to contribute to reflection on the importance of voter participation in European political culture and achieve new levels of discussion and practical implementation of citizenship and civic inclusion. On the other hand, at a time when balancing the EU and keeping it running are serious, we also discuss their identity bases in terms of inclusion and political and electoral culture.
Keywords: elections, citizenship inclusion, political culture, electoral culture, European identity.
Аннотация: tBpone^rae выборы - это показатель того, как европейцы представляют роль европейского проекта в их жизни. Другие важные показатели социальной динамики Европейского союза касаются его граждан. Они проявляются в гражданской активности жителей объединенной Европы, в частности? связанной с выборами в европейские институты, такие как Европейский парламент, Европейская комиссия и Европейский центральный банк. Такой способ выражения политической активности отражает гражданское измерение политической культуры.
Основная задача данной статьи - описать политическую культуру в Европейском союзе через призму участия населения в выборах, в особенности в условиях экономического кризиса, начавшегося в 2008 г. и продолжающегося до сих пор. Эту проблему изучали такие известные на европейской политической арене поборники лучших традиций современной европейской политической мысли, как Жан Монне, Роберт Шуманн и Конрад Аденауэр.
Цель данной статьи - показать важность явки на выборы в европейской политической культуре и достижения нового уровня обсуждения и практического воздействия на гражданскую позицию и социальную ответственность. В то же время в эпоху, когда всерьез стоит вопрос сохранения Евросоюза, мы затрагиваем тему европейской идентичности в контексте политической и электоральной культуры.
Ключевые слова: выборы, гражданская активность, политическая культура, электоральная культура, европейская идентичность.
1. Introduction
Political culture and European elections arethe openingand central focusof this
contribution. The dimensions flow into a strong vortex of dynamics and permanent
rotation. This articlefocuses on rethinking political culture within the European
Union, in terms of civic and electoral participation, considering their roles as
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compared tothe construction of a European identity. These two dimensions of analysis (political culture and electoral participation), which permanently intersect, must be reviewed because of their unique result, which is central to the dynamic building of a new European political culture. In this approach, this isthe stage and space for reinvention and challenging reconstruction of multiple political cultures, the root of the European identity. Aconstant political and cultural flow is happeningata confusing time where new,especially economic challenges are resulting from the financial crisis and political and socialcircumstances are associated with increasing levels of abstention and social unrest that may jeopardise the viability of the European project.
The scope of the role and importance of political culture has beendecisive, as as the history of the European communityhas shown. We argue that the history of Europe has proven that the political culture that emergedafter the warin the minds of forward-thinking leaders in European civilization was sufficiently strong and dynamic to boost hope in social and economic reconstruction, in a context where little more than the intangible symbols of national identity and faith remained. Jean Monnet'svision of the creation of an independent authority, the coal and steel market, sponsoredby the French Ministry of Commerce, Robert Schuman and German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, was realised on 9 May 1950 aftera proposal from France and the host Germany,plus theNetherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg. The first European CommunityTreaty for the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) was signed about a year later, in April 1951. The Treaty of Rome, signed on 25 March 1957, instituted the European Economic Community (EEC). It was the driving force behind the creation of a European project ofincreasing size and cultural, economic and political integration. More and more members joined this venturetoreconstruct and developthe European nations that constituted it. The first direct elections to the European Parliament by universal suffragebetween 7 and 10 June 1979 were a landmark. Another milestone was the signing of the Single European Act on 17February1986, which created a common market, with the elimination of customs duties. On 1 November 1993, following the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, the European Community became the European Unionwth a new set of formal structures and common policiesin the internal market. The main achievements were economic and monetary union and the introduction of the euro. The Lisbon Treaty, signed in 2009, was a more recent challenge to the dynamics and organic EU. The Lisbon Treaty gave it legal personality and made many structural changes in itsorganic, institutional and structural functioning. It also made the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights binding.
Those in favour of the European project argue that its historical and political pathway hasdemonstrated that the many difficulties facing Europe are economic and
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cyclical, and that it is built on the foundations of a strong, expanding, dynamic, heterogeneous but cohesive political culture. Shaping the basis for building the EU is a critical challenge tovoters in such a large, inclusive electoral space. At a time of economic crisis, the cultural dynamics of the European scenario may also face risks and go into crisis. The fundamental question of this analysis is to what extent rising abstention in European elections since 1979 compromises the identity structure of political culture in the European civilisation project.
2. Political culturein the Europeanproject: a critical review
Reflection on the differences between nations in terms ofthe consequences of political power in the governingof its citizens goes back broadly long way, The well-travelledGreek historian, Herodotus, not only used documents but focused on the study of the people’s customs. From the nineteenth century on, a number of scholars have developed an interest in comparative politics, as it is the case of Alexis de Tocqueville, who exhaustively compared the French and American cultures in sociopolitical and institutional terms. The contributions of anthropology in the 1930s and 40s also made important contributions to comparative politics and political culture. Authors such as Benedict and Mead studied the specific characteristics of each system, each community and the constraints on human action in relation topolitical power, family and community structures. These contributions were close to the deep, extensive study, from the 60s on, whenauthors tooka systemic approach, resulting in better defined contentsof political culture. The concept of political culture was first introduced in 1956 by Gabriel Almond, in the article "Comparative Political Systems," Journal of Politics. Born in the late 1950s, this approachwas favoured by authors such as Gabriel A. Almond, Lucien Pye and Sydney Verba. The idea of political culture defined by Almond and Powell was "a set of patterns and feelings about the current policy in a nation at a given time" (Almond, Pye, Verba 1966: 25). Political culture affects the roles, attitudes, feelings experienced by individuals in the system and has an overall impact on the whole political system.
In 1963, Almond and Verbawroteone of the key pioneering works in the concept of political culture, The Civic Culture, in which they compared five nations: Britain, the United States, Germany, Italy and Mexico. They interviewed about 5,000 people in1959 and 1960. Based on acomparison of these political systems, they analysed how citizens experiencedthe action of political power over their lives, and the way they reacted to this influence. Their workpointed to threetypes ofpolitical culture: parochial,subjectandparticipant.Thisclassification wasbasedessentially on therelationship between citizensandpolitical power and how it was perceived, felt and experiencedby thecommunity.
In The Civic Culture, one of the types wasparochial culture. This is dominated
by people concerned about local issues close to theirdirect interests as citizens. It is
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found in small towns, usually isolated by geographicaland climaticconditions. Another type of political culture is the subject. This community is ruled by a wealthy minority governing their interests andcoordinating political, economic and social life. The citizens are a large majority whocannot interfere with this domination. This is the case of communities in some countries in South America. The third type, the participant culture, is usual in western democracies. Citizens play a part in running the community and have the feeling of participating in the political pursuitof their interests. These communitieshave an open information system and that includes the media (Almond, Verba, 1963; Amond, Verba, 1980). All nations have characteristicsof the three kinds of cultureto a greater or lesser extent. However, these traits are also dominant in some countries. According to the authors, Britain has subject, participant and cultural characteristics, visible in theirmore immediate obedience to authority and power. In Germany, at the time of writing, the authors found that the subject cultureessentially dominated, as people rarelygot involved in political affairs, and simply obeyed authority. In Italy, the dominant type of culture was parochial. In Mexico at the time, it was possible to findexplicit fragments of the three types of culture and it was difficult to define a dominate kind. In the United States, the dominant culture wasparticipatory.
The systemic approach gave a sense of connectiontothe characteristics and political values inherent ineach political context and highlighted some differences. G. Almond, GB Powell, Jr. and R. Mundt (1993: 63) definepolitical culture as "a particular distribution of attitudes, values, feelings, information and capabilities. As people's attitudes affect what they do, the political culture of a nation affects the conduct of its citizens and leaders through the political system". They also said (1993: 63) "not only the exposure of citizens to new experiences but also the gradual change of generations demonstrates a continuing change in the political culture as new citizens groups have different experiences that are drawn". The effects on political culture are associated with education, industrialization, urbanization and changes in work habits, the media and, in particular, new technologies. These factors constitute generational groups and characterize attitudes, conduct, values and political patterns that generate ways of incorporating citizens in the political system.
The balance of a particularopen system remains as the flow of inputs and outputs and promotes the functioning of the political system. In this process not only the decisions taken by the authorities (within the system outputs) but alsoall requirements (system entries) in need of permanent solutionsare of particular importance, according to the means that the system has. Due to the characteristics of the political system and, in particular, the community'srelationship with this political culture, specific environments are drawn to each situation. It is in this sense that we must interpret the European Union'spolitical space. It is a huge, open, democratic
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political system with a constant flow of inputs and outputs, whose institutional processing is constant, dynamic, and ubiquitous in itsstructures, composed of links constantly adjusted so as to weave innew functional elements. The European political space is multidimensional in its structures and basic functions; it is in a geometric, communication and technology progression; it is plastic in its capacity to integrate new communication, informational and technological impulses.
Manycriticshave come out against how the concept of political culture has been defined and exploited. This is the case of Daniel Bell (1960), whoanalysedproblems that redirected political systems, which could not always be solved with old solutions but were certainly due to 'cultural contradictions' that werenot easily processed by the system. The civic culture analysis model was replicated by Giuseppe Di Palma (1970). Its aim was to demonstrate that, according to these typologies, modern society would be distant from the political power and in a dominant state of apathy and almost detachment, rather than Almond and Verba's opinion of the Americanand British type of political culture. "Apathy and political alienation would become two of the problems from the 70s emphasized by political analysts concerning relationship between citizens and political power" (Esprnto Santo, 2006: 99). Di Palma (1990) pointed outthat in the 70s there had been "a surprising number of promising transitions to democracy." These occurred in southern Europe (Greece, Portugal and Spain) and South America (Argentina and Brazil) (Di Palma, 1990: 1). "The new democracies resulted largely from the "impatience of many who placed(...) theirfirst trustin the political and democratic outcome of transitions (di Palma, 1990: 74).”Between the two analyses referred to by Di Palma, 20 years apart, there is a clash between the dominant 'apathy' in established democracies like the US and UK, and the 'impatience' of the citizens of the new democracies of the 70s.In both cases they are naturally rooted in their political cultures, promoters of disparate attitudes that were consistent withcivic attitudes of their political systems" (Esprnto Santo, 2006: 99).
According to Esprnto Santo (2006: 105),"Political culture consists of the set of rules, patterns, symbols, values and beliefs that accompany and identify not only each individual, but also each state or political system, supported, structurally and formally, bytheir political apparatus and noticeable through the common daily achievements, of its citizens". In other words, political culture creates a permanent court in which multiple functional stimuliunfold, overriding the functioning of the nation and the state. The informality of political culture is its salient feature, combined with its plastic capacity and permanent permeability that make it unique and rich in every generation phase of its construction. "Political culture is and gives a common identity basis on which to link connection and identification between individuals of each state, nation or community. Political culture is determined by
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historical, political, economic, social, cultural and religious contexts specific to each political system and accompanying it since its formation. Together, these aspects triggeramodus vivendi peculiar to citizens in each space and time, and recognize affinities that are different from citizens of other political systems, although they are contiguous to them"(Esprnto Santo, 2006: 106). It is based on the cultural dynamics that the European Uniondevelops and includes, coupled with a national past, each member nation in the EU, whose memory is not lost. The identity memories of each EU nation are the fundamental reserve of humanistic and liberal values that have a unique political effect on the immense patchwork cultural fabric of the EU. The result of this design represents a new product and a new transnational European political culture.
Other contributions are critical of the concept of political culture. Welch (1993: 17) methodologically demonstrates incompatibility between the descriptive use of the concept in relation to attitudes, feelings, and valuesof a given community and the use of the main instrument to compare one system with all the various fields’ complexities. Other contributions, such as Giddens (1994), Lloyd and Thomas (1998) and Faulks (1999) also reviewed and reflected on the uses of political culture. They questioned the role of an effective and free civil community, in terms of its ability to play a role in the political system in a compatible manner with itscitizens'interests, which would always be limited by political and ideological constraints.Others have reflected onhow democracies have regarded the ability of the political system to survive when there is alienation or non-conformity with political power. Fukuyama (1992; 2000) and Putnam (1993, 2001) illustrate these reflections in theirconceptualization of 'social capital'. Fukuyama points out the importance of proximity and identification of citizens with political power as one of the conditions of political, economic and socialsupportessentialto democracy. According to Fukuyama, 'social capital' is "a set of values or informal norms shared among members of a group that allows them to cooperate with each other. If members of a group expect the others to behave honestly, then they trust each other. Acts of trustserve as lubricants that increase the efficiency ofany group or organization"(Fukuyama, 2000: 98). Specifically, democracy hasmultiple indicators of the social capital of a particular nation or group of nations, such as, reading newspapers, membership of political parties, electoral participation and belonging to different associations, among other (Esprnto Santo, 2006: 77). Other key indicators of democracy, in terms of social capital are membership of associations, which in addition to being an indicator of political participationalso, provides relevant information about citizens'internalization and interpretation of political culture (Esprnto Santo, 2006: 77).
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Capital constitutes the main generator of wealth in the cultural space of the European Union. Investment in education and free movement of people are two of the European Union'sstrongest measures. This would be enhanced by the political and institutional weight of the UNESCO report, headed by Jacques Delors (1996), entitled Learning: The Treasure Within. Four pillars of education are set out in this report (learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together and with others and earning to be') and highlightthe importance of education throughout life, as a democratic requirement. The fundamental pillars of the European Unionare education and culture, as the foundations of citizenship, which should be privileged and interpreted by each European citizen in their relationship with national policies and European institutions, in particular, the European Parliament.
The EU political culture consists of multiple national political cultures, which have common distant roots, and intersect with each other, permanently connected by political and social links with civilizational references that found a breeding ground of expansionin Europe. The defence and achievement of the values of freedom, solidarity, fraternity and equalityare exponents of the French Revolution of 1789. These figures are extended to political moments in twentieth centurypolitical culture, endemic in Europe, such as in May '68, the April revolution in Portugal or the beginning of the democratization process in Spain in 1975. Remarkable political moments like these constituted fundamental exponents of political liberalism and democracy, helpedto guide the ideal of the European project and gave encouragement to the ongoing project of European institutional and parliamentary representation. On the profound political changesin about 30 countriesbetween 1974 and 1990, Huntington stated: "the 'third wave of democratization" began in the "modern world implausibly, 25 minutes after midnight, Thursday, April 25, 1974 in Lisbon, Portugal when a radio station played the song 'Grandola Vila Morena "(Huntington, 1991: 3).
In Huntington (1993), from the early 1990s especially, there has been a change of emphasis in the relationship between states and political cultures, on a global scale, where economic, religious and political differences between political systems have become even more sensitive. Cultural difference now contained visible contours witha strong impact on a global scale, and in Europe in particular. Again, the focus was was on the core of cultural identity in its inability to override the differences, when the speedof globalization provedtoo fast for the slow, structural change of civilizations. Huntington (1993) defended the importance of culture as an essential basis of conflict in the twenty-first century. In The Clash of Civilizations, Huntington argued that the seven major civilizations (Western, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American and African) would be an important lesson about the importance of culture as the main challenge to the civilizations of the 21stcentury. In this work Huntington recalls the complex problem of Turkey's accession to the EU,
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mainly due to its predominant Muslim cultural identity. September 11 was the confirmation of his hypothesis and The Clash of Civilisations would be an important lesson about the importance of culture as a major challenge to the civilizations of the 21stcentury. However, Huntington's critics, such as Kirkpatrick (1993) identified strong vulnerabilities in hisanalysis such as: "1. He underestimates the vitality of nations; 2. He mixesculture and civilization in a confused form of civilization; 3. He ignores the ability of some civilizations to evolve in contact with others." The role of culture in the development of contemporary civilization was reviewed and reaffirmed by Harrison and Huntington (2000), in Culture Matters - How Values Shape Human Matters, in which they recall the importance of culture as a phenomenon priorto the structuring of civilization in the 21stcentury.
Throughout the twentieth century, the foundations of democratic political culture in the EU were made stronger by criticism and constant feedback from its main stakeholders, its citizens. The voteis a part of EU democratic culture. Civic participation also includesand highlightsthe right to alienation, apathy, disinterest and hostility to politics. These ultimately constitute the main challenges to the construction of political identity, in a time where political socialization agents, such as family and school or the media, are competing to present multiple cultural stimuli, where the state and the nation are not always priority places. Reflection on constraints on democratic political culture is important, especially in the European Union, ata time when the discredit of politics is fighting disenchantment with the economy and the state for a place.
The multiplicity of party representatives in the eight political groupsin the European Parliament, has opened a set of choices that have formedthe main parliamentary familiessince 1979. The path towards full political participationhas grown in inverse proportion to electoral participation. In other words, the space forcitizenship and respect for civic intervention has become increasingly strong and present within the EU. However, and in the evolutionary line of multiple elections, abstention in democratic countries where voting is not compulsory, has been steadily increasing. Elections forthe European Parliament are no exception, fortunately. Democracy has, in itself, grounds and reinvented forms of political participation. Electoral participation is only one of these.
3. The European electionsandelectoral participation: developmentsand challenges
Elections and voting constitute one of the most symbolic, pragmatic elements of political representation. Voting is the most significant moment inthe political cycle.It is the main catalyst of the people'swill, a source of renewal and recovery of dreams and promises, included in all constitutions as the access password to the common good of the people. Deeply ritualized, voting in any system, democratic or not, is still regardedas sacred, as the will of the people. However, distancing from
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political parties have marked academic debate, a slow but systematic movement towards higher levels of electoral abstention and greater volatility. Civic malaise (Norris, 2000) has become the main challenge to Western democracies, and also in theEU's plan for participation European parliamentary elections. The trend towards electoral disinterest resulting from party disinterest is constant, progressive and parallel to the increase in more politically and socially critical and demanding citizens with higher school attainment. Rita Figueiras (2012: 2) stresses the importance of focusing on the "transfer of national parliamentary decision-making powers to supranational bodies such as the European Union and the European Central Bank." The role of the media in building a democratic relationship with politics is imminent (Patterson, 2010). The influence of the media is also significant in building a political culture format that focuses more on leaders than actual content andmore ontheir weaknesses and oversights than on the system.
The main challenge of the European parliamentaryelections is reflected particularly in the consolidation of national political cultures in light of a common
European cultural project, reinforcing wellbeingwith all its potential. The abstention
*
ratesinthe 1979 European elections (30.08%) are now unattainable .
Table 1 2004-2009: Participationby groups ofMember States
Meaningfulincrease inparticipation8Membe r States Stable participation 8 Member States Lowerparticipatio n 4points7Member States Decreasedparticipatio n among6-27points4Member States
Estonia +17.07 Finland +0.87 UK-3.82 Lithuania -27.40
Latvia+12.36 Malta Germany+0.3 0 Malta -3.60 Cyprus-13.10
Denmark+11.65 Ireland +0.06 Netherlands -2.51 Greece -10.61
Bulgaria +9.77 Luxembourg -0.59 Hungary-2.19 Italy -6.67
Sweden+7.68 Belgium0.42 France -2.13
Poland +3.66 Spain-0.27 Portugal -1.82
Austria +3.54 Czech Rep. -0.10 Romania -1.80
Slovakia +2.67 Slovenia -0.02
Source: Pesquisa Documental sobre as EleigoesEuropeias de 2009. Abstengao e comportamentoseleitoraisnaseleigoeseuropeias de 2009. Diregao-Geral da
Em 2009 a abstengao nas eleigoes para o Parlamento Europeu foi de 57%.
Fonte: Pesquisa Documental sobre as Eleigoes Europeias de 2009. Abstengao e comportamentos eleitorais nas eleigoes europeias de 2009. Diregao-Geral da Comunicagao Unidade do Acompanhamento da Opiniao Piblica (Bruxelas, 13 de Novembro de 2012).
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ComunicagaoUnidade do Acompanhamento da OpiniaoPdblica (Bruxelas, 13 de Novembro de 2012), p.2.
The rise inabstention is not the same in all Member States, as shown in the table above. It appears that new Member States tend to have growing levels of participation(comparison between 2004 and 2009) along with older EU members, such as Denmark and Sweden. Among the less participatory members, Slovakia (80.4%), Lithuania (79%) and Poland (75.5%) have the highest failure rates. Deeply unfavourable economic contexts maybeone of the reasons for demotivation with regard to the EP. Surprisingly, Ireland continued to maintain a relatively stableturnout rateeven though it was receiving financially assistance.
The levelsof electoral participationin 2009werehighestin Malta(78.8%), Italy
(65%) and Denmark(59.5%). To thesewe must add Belgium and Luxembourg, where
*
voting is compulsory . Portugal is among the countries that havebegun toprogressively distance themselves from the European elections, with increasing levels of abstention. This follows the increase in abstentionin national elections in Portugal, wherethere are no marked deviations, but progressive growth. In sociodemographic terms, it appears that younger people tend to abstain more, a trend
* *
shared by the majority of member states . Abstention rates are around 70% among young people aged between 18 and 24. In the more participatory age group, aged 55 and over, 50%abstained. The mobilization of young voters is a remarkable aspect, not only in European elections, but in voter turnout in general. It has been found that, in general, young people tend not to identify with the vote as a fundamental institution of political representation. However, young people are politically motivated when it comes to civic intervention. This could be one of many challenges for the EU leaders: modernize resources, invest in technology and attract young people to voting, democracy and political representation.
Party politics in the EU, embodied in representation in the European Parliament, contributes to a general goal that must seek the promotion of social welfare in a political community of some 500 million citizens. The cultural product that was born from the European project consists of multiple facets, and is based on an ideal that continues to be pursued by leaders who believe in Europe and in its political space.
Fonte: Pesquisa Documental sobre as Eleigoes Europeias de 2009. Abstengao e comportamentos eleitorais nas eleigoes europeias de 2009. Diregao-Geral da Comunicagao Unidade do Acompanhamento da Opiniao Phblica (Bruxelas, 13 de Novembro de 2012).
Fonte: Pesquisa Documental sobre as Eleigoes Europeias de 2009. Abstengao e comportamentos eleitorais nas eleigoes europeias de 2009. Diregao-Geral da Comunicagao Unidade do Acompanhamento da Opiniao Phblica (Bruxelas, 13 de Novembro de 2012)
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Let us return to the basic question in this analysis: "to what extent does increasing abstention in European elections since 1979 compromise the identity structure in terms of political culture and the viability of the European political and civilizational project?" Our answer is that the European project's political identity, is still strong enough to last and create a European space of freedom and political trust. The EU's capital is its main support and the inexhaustible source of survival of different political cultures that make up the EU policy framework. However, the vision of Europe, which several generations of leaders have led, along with their people, needs to strengthen appreciation of electoral participation. The fundamental pillars of the European project continue to distance themselves in the construction of a pro-European global identityfocused on humanistic and democratic values. The EU will continue to shape its political map, which needs guidance and a stimulus at a social and cultural level.
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