Научная статья на тему 'THE FRENCH POSITION ON THE BOLSHEVIK LOSS IN THE TREATY OF BREST-LITOVSK (MARCH-MAY 1918)'

THE FRENCH POSITION ON THE BOLSHEVIK LOSS IN THE TREATY OF BREST-LITOVSK (MARCH-MAY 1918) Текст научной статьи по специальности «История и археология»

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The Bolshevik authority / the French position on the independence of Ukraine / the position of the Entente countries on the independence of Ukraine / the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk

Аннотация научной статьи по истории и археологии, автор научной работы — Sarab Maan Abdul Karim, Wissam Ali Thabet

It is clear from how to review the Brest-Litovsk negotiations that Germany has imposed its terms on Russia without the Russians having any say in it, It did not oppose any of the conditions contained non Lenin can sees that no The ability of the Russians to confront Germany, and that Russia needs enough time no mooring system rule and do with no snow at an economic want Social and the advancement of the reality of Russia deteriorating situation, as for Germany, despite the gains it obtained in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk Including Russia's exit from the war unless It didn't change anything. A in its scales as a result to enter United States an The Americanization of the war, which added new strength to the Entente countries, which led to the end of the wa Ultimately defeat Germany Therefore, Germany decided to expand its land in exchange for neighboring countries, forcing Russia to sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. the introduction: In the first quarter of the twentieth century, international relations witnessed political, economic and diplomatic competition, as France was keen, through the diplomacy it followed towards Soviet Russia during the period (March-May 1918), to impose its control over matters related to the Russian situation, whether it was at home or abroad. Through the research, he shed light on the most important stages of the situation and how Russia was able to deal with international changes, and to identify the nature of the relationship between Western countries, especially France. The research aims to show historical facts and benefit from countries' experiences in dealing with exceptional economic and political situations. The research relied on the analytical descriptive approach to achieve the objectives of the research, which is based on study and analysis, so the nature of the study required that the research be divided into an introduction, two sections and a conclusion.Signing of the Treaty of Brest-LitovskIt included how Soviet Russia dealt with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, how Russia was able to deal with the international situation, the researcher relied on many different sources, the most important of which were in the Russian and French languages.

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Текст научной работы на тему «THE FRENCH POSITION ON THE BOLSHEVIK LOSS IN THE TREATY OF BREST-LITOVSK (MARCH-MAY 1918)»

THE FRENCH POSITION ON THE BOLSHEVIK LOSS IN THE TREATY OF BREST-LITOVSK (MARCH-MAY 1918)

SARAB MAAN ABDUL KARIM1 PROF. DR. WISSAM ALI THABET2

1'2Diyala University, College of Education for Human Sciences, Department of History.

srabmn2@gmail.com Wisamali.thabit@gmail.com

Abstract:

It is clear from KhnoTo review the Brest-Litovsk negotiations that Germany has imposed its terms onRussia without the Russians having any say in it, It did not oppose any of the conditions containednonLenin Kansees thatnoThe ability of the Russians to confront Germany, and that Russia needs enough time nomooring system rule and do withnosnoHat anoeconomic wanoSocial and the advancement of the reality of Russiadeteriorating situation, as for Germany, despite the gains it obtained in the Treaty of BrestLitovskIncluding Russia's exit from the warunlessIt didn't change anythingA in its scales as a resultto enter alonoUnited States anoThe Americanization of the war, which added new strength to the Entente countries, which led to the end of the warUltimately defeat GermanyTherefore, Germany decided to expand its land in exchange for neighboring countries, forcing Russia to sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. the introduction:

In the first quarter of the twentieth century, international relations witnessed political, economic and diplomatic competition, as France was keen, through the diplomacy it followed towards Soviet Russia during the period (March-May 1918), to impose its control over matters related to the Russian situation, whether it was at home or abroad.

Through the research, he shed light on the most important stages of the situation and how Russia was able to deal with international changes, and to identify the nature of the relationship between Western countries, especially France.

The research aims to show historical facts and benefit from countries' experiences in dealing with exceptional economic and political situations.

The research relied on the analytical descriptive approach to achieve the objectives of the research, which is based on study and analysis, so the nature of the study required that the research be divided into an introduction, two sections and a conclusion.Signing of the Treaty of Brest-LitovskIt included how Soviet Russia dealt with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, how Russia was able to deal with the international situation, the researcher relied on many different sources, the most important of which were in the Russian and French languages.

key words:_The Bolshevik authority, the French position on the independence of Ukraine, the position of the Entente countries on the independence of Ukraine, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

The first topic:The French position on the Bolshevik loss in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March-May 1918).

French Finance Minister Louis-Lucien Clouts announced a statementIn February 1918came in"That the French governmentbent to push (coupons)Government bonds to RussiaSoviet hoping to get its money, andarrive tocommon understandingAnd the French government was keen on its obligations towards Russia with assistance, in exchange for maintaining French financial influence in Russiaa (1)Moreover, the head of the Soviet government, Lenin, viewed the Franco-Soviet rapprochement as the only solution in the face of Germany, by paying them money(2), AndBut with increasing German pressureRussia decided to make some concessionsto Germany For the purpose of peace because the war with Germany is not over yet(3).

Due to these critical events, the Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Leon Trotsky attended on February 1, 1918 a plenary session of the Ukrainian Supreme Council (Rada).Rada)or the Ukrainian ParliamentIn the Brest-Litovsk region, in the presence of the head of the Ukrainian delegation, Jokim MedvedevYukhim Medvedev(1886_1938)(4) People's Commissar for Military Affairs of the Ukrainian Soviet GovernmentvAseel ShakhraiVasil Chakhray(1888-1919)(5) In the presence of a delegation from the countries of the Central Bloc Germany, and the Bilateral Empire (Austria and Hungary)(6).

Leon Trotsky opened the session, only to be interrupted by German Foreign Minister Richard von KollmannRichard Von Coleman(1873_1948)(7) He demanded a plenary session of the conference, but Trotsky refused to hear their opinions, saying: "There is nothing else to discuss." After that, the delegates of the Central Powers dispersed and the Bolsheviks left the hall, but before the delegates

of the Central Powers left, German Foreign Minister Richard spokevWen Coleman, saying: "In view of what happened, military actions will resume," because in fact Russia had demobilized its army, and that was what the Soviet Foreign Minister Leon Trotsky neglected about the recommendations of the head of Lenin's government, who was afraid of differences with the Germans(8). The Central Powers refused to sign the peace, to which the Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Trotsky replied, "Under these circumstances, the continuation of military actions on the part of Germany and the dual empire of Austria-Hungary would not be an act of defence."(9)So the German Minister Kohlmann justified himself why Trotsky ignored the threats when the German Foreign Minister asked him: "Whether the Soviet government was ready to establish legal and commercial relations with the Central Powers and how they could communicate with Russia?"(10)Instead of waiting for German Foreign Minister Kohlmann to answer his question from Leon Trotsky, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, he answered himself by asking what obliges the Central Powers to adhere to the formula "neither peace nor war" (No peace, no war), which was espoused by Trotsky, who arrogantly refused to discuss it(11), being preoccupied with preventing Ukraine from signing a separate agreement, at the same time the French ambassador, Joseph Nolens, sent a telegram to his government in Paris telling them that in the event of the continuation of the war between Russia and Germany, the Entente countries should support the Bolshevik government to continue the struggle. That if they want to go to war, we will help them."(12),And the reply was made by the Supreme Commander of the Entente Forces, Ferdinand Foch, on behalf of the French government, to that telegram on February 3, 1918that it was necessary that the French work in Russia should be carried out with extreme caution and avoid, as far as possible, a break with the BolsheviksTherefore, the work should be as follows(13) :

1. Avoid any action that would lead to conflict with the Bolshevik government.

2. Act with caution and moderation in organizing the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav forces, and making sure that they are not used in internal Russian conflicts.

3. Postponing the recognition of the autonomy in southern Russia called the Confederation of the Southeast (Don Cossacks, Kuban) and Bessarabia, which was proposed by Henri Berthelot, commander of the training of the French forces.

4. Reserving Ukraine's drive towards independence and acting towards it in accordance with the instructions provided by the French government.

The French government showed a flexible position towards Russia with regard to financial aid, when the French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau wrote on February 5, 1918 to the French officials stationed in Russia stating that "under present circumstances the representatives of Ukraine are inclined to conclude a separate peace with the Central Powers, which should not There will be doubts about the implementation of previously established projects.(14)He added that "the Bolsheviks constitute the real unitary element in Russia, so they are very proud of their success and that they are more patriotic than the bourgeois separatist elements."(15),So the French ambassador, Joseph Nolins, declared on February 7, 1918 that "the full independence of Ukraine cannot be accepted" because of his belief that the Soviet head of government Lenin and his minister Trotsky tried to withstand the Germans, so the French chief of staff of the military mission, Henri Nessel, confirmed by saying that "the French have perceptions about The efforts of the Bolsheviks to create the Russian Federation, which will be stronger later, so it is not logical to recognize the complete independence of Ukraine, but its autonomy.(16).

It is clear that the French position has become close to the Soviet point of view in preventing the independence of Ukraine, especially after the French learned of the intentions of the Ukrainians.nBy concluding a separate peace with the Central Powers, and this made there a temporary Soviet-French agreement on this issue that preceded the end of the Soviet-German negotiations.

The chief of staff of the French military mission in Russia, Henri Nessel, sent reports to Paris on February 8, 1918, explaining the objectives of Germany and the dual empire (Austria and Hungary) to form a separatist movement in Ukraine that would enable it to obtain an immediate peace treaty with the Central Powers, and the rapid exploitation of Ukrainian food resources by Germany, but the Bolsheviks soon realized German intentions against them, so they tried to counter them.(17)On the evening of February 8, 1918, French General Henri Berthelot, commander of the French forces from Russia, sent information to France, explaining the bad relations between the Bolsheviks and Ukraine, when a new government was formed in Ukraine headed byvbadvWald HolubovyachVsevolod Holubovych(1885_1939)(18) And under the leadership of the anti-Bolsheviks of the Ukrainian youth, they attacked the Bolsheviks present in Ukraine, and protected the new government of Ukraine, but after that, the Bolshevik government decided to invade Ukraine, on the night of February 8-9, 1918, forcing the Ukrainian government to evacuate the capital and the fall

of the governmentvbadvBorn, while Siti searchedvn PichonFrench Foreign MinisterThe next day with the Ukrainian delegation on February 9, 1918(19)Brest region to find solutions to the Ukrainian crisis, howeverafter a few hoursIt was completedThe fall of the city of KyiV at the hands of the Soviet forcesH,Which led to the recognition of the French Foreign Minister SitivPichon complained of the failure of the French mission to reach an agreement with Ukraine(20)He stressed that the French government cannot recognize the peace concluded by Ukraine with the Central Powers, and that it considers it null and void.(21)Then Trotsky announced a statement on February 10, 1918 confirming his refusal to sign the peace terms with the Germans, because it rejects the separation of its army from the homeland, and announced his decision to all peoples and nations.(22) . On the other hand, the French Foreign Minister published SitivPichon issued a report on February 11, 1918 in which he asserted that the dismemberment of Russia would be in the interest of the Central Powers, and that the territorial integrity of Russia is important in confronting the ambitions of the Central Powers. A strong parallel to the Central Powers, in Eastern Europe and guaranteeing each of the federated nationalitiesFree developmentTherefore, French officials emphasized urging their country's government to rapprochement with the Soviet government, on the condition that Soviet Russia continues to resist German claims, and to prevent Germany from exploiting Ukraine economically by obtaining raw materials from it.(23) .

Send French General Georges TabbousOn February 13, 1918, a telegram to the head of the Soviet government, Lenin, confirmed the rejection of the representatives of the Entente countries of the Soviet-German agreement, and addedChief of the General Staff of the French Military MissionHenri Nessel ParisOn February 14, 1918That the Bolsheviks did not recognize the separate peace between Ukraine and the Central Powers, as confirmed by the French consul in Moscow Eric LabonEric Labonne(1888-1971)(24) In his letter to Paris on February 15, 1918, the same meaning, when he said that "Russian extremists and their opponents alike" had become aware of the danger of worsening conditions in the Russian provinces.(25) .

As a result of these heated events, the German forces headed towards Russia on February 17, 1918 by order of the Chief of the German General Staff, PaulvWN HindenburgPaul Von Hindenburg(1847_ 1934)(26)His deputy is Eric LudendorffEric Ludendorff(1865_1937)(27)The German attack began without any significant resistance from the Soviet side, and on February 18, 1918,When the news of the German offensive reached St. Petersburg, He wasLeon TrotskyThe Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs participated in the meeting with the Central Powers (Caesar Germany and the Bilateral Empire (Austria and Hungary), Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire) to find solutions, and upon learning of the German attack on Russia, the representatives of the Central Powers split into two teams between supporters of the war and those opposed to it, and when Lenin heard of these developments He gave a personal promise of peace if hostilities ceased(28)On the contrary, Trotsky took a hard stance towards the Germans and opposed the Germans' demand for peace talks, but he voted in implementation of Lenin's orders, so a new meeting was held on February 19, 1918 at the request of the head of the Soviet government, Lenin, with representatives of the central governments, and during that meeting the Bolshevik government resorted formally asking for peace from GermanyunderThe pressure of the German offensive towards the cities of Russia, and after four days, Germany responded to Petrograd by agreeing to open negotiations(29). While the German armies advanced towards the city of Petrograd, the Bolshevik government formed a Revolutionary Defense Committee in the city headed by Trotsky, so Trotsky submitted a question to the Entente embassies and military missions(30),Asked whether the Western powers would help the Soviets if Russia entered the war again with Germany, the British and French responded three days after sending them a request for help.( 31 ), Trotsky informed the representatives of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party that France and Britain had offered Russia military cooperation, which led to the refusal of elements (Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries) because they believed that the intervention of the Entente might reduce the chances of peace, and prevent them from entering into an agreement with Germany, so they tried Trotsky was prevented from dealing with Britain and France, which led to Trotsky announcing on February 23, 1918 his intention to leave the position of Commissar for Foreign Affairs if opponents of the idea of understanding with the Germans did not understand the seriousness of the situation, then Lenin firmly supported him in order to persuade the Soviet Central Committee to pass the matter(32) .

Germany decided to give the Soviets forty-eight hours to think and only three days to negotiate when it heard of the conditions in Brest-Litovsk. Germany imposed on Russia a complete demobilization of the army, giving up Latvia and Estonia and withdrawing from Ukraine and Finland(33)So the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party met to take the decision on February 23, 1918, to implement Lenin's orders to agree to peace with the Germans, but it did not agree with

Lenin's vision that the Soviet government was unable to defend itself.(34)Trotsky replied: "Lenin is far from convincing. If we have unanimity we can take over the task of organizing the defence, we can handle this... We will not be on the wrong foot even if we are forced to surrender Petrograd and Moscow. We will keep the whole world in suspense." If we sign the German ultimatum today, we can get a new ultimatum tomorrow... But by signing the peace, we will lose support from the advanced elements of the proletariat, and in any case we will lead to its disintegration."(35)On the other hand, Lenin sought to obtain a period of time in order to restore relative order in Russia, and to establish new armed forces, and therefore Lenin decided that the struggle would be on two fronts.for pious sakejDra movementGermany in progressOn the western front, the situation was bad between Germany and Russia due to the large number of conflicts, while the southern front was trying to restrict the German forces and the bilateral kingdom (Austria and Hungary) that were trying to occupy Ukraine and the regions of southern Russia.(36) . The second topic: the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

After the recent Soviet tensions and failures, the Soviet delegation received on March 1, 1918 the final text of the terms of the peace treaty, and on March 3, 1918, the treaty was signed that put an end to the conflict between the two countries, giving Russia a greater opportunity to maneuver with France and other countries.(37)The Brest-Litovsk conference included a number of delegations from different countries(38). Map No. (6) includes:

The Brest-Litovsk Agreements of March 3, 1918(39) .

AndUnder the treaty concluded, the following items were agreed upon:_

1. Bolshevik Russia ceded the lands of Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, in favor of Germany and the Bilateral Kingdom (Austria and Hungary), in addition to its ceding of the regions of Kars, Ardahan, and Batumi in favor of the Ottoman Empire.

2. Force Russia to recognize the right to self-determination and independence for Finland, Georgia and Ukraine.

3. Bolshevik Russia's commitment to pay six billion gold marks in reparations to a Germana. Russia gave up its sovereign rightsand nationalization proceduresAndDebts claimed by the Entente countriesThis led to the deterioration of its economic situation*40' Russia's request was opposed by the French ambassador, Joseph Nolins, after Lenin's government signed peace with the Central Powers and not with France, stating that the French government is only concerned with preserving its economic interests in Russia.(41)Then, on March 20, 1918, Soviet Russia demanded it from the French government(42)More technical cooperation for the French military mission in reorganizing the Soviet army, and warned that refusing to help harms the Franco-Soviet friendship, and may be reflected in the Moscow government's tendency to evacuate the French companies operating in Russia, and called on Trotsky, who assumed the post of People's Commissar for War Affairs on March 13, 1918 To the need for continued cooperation between his country and France and not to allow

reconciliation with Germany to affect that relationship, France should not sacrificejthe strategic and economic position of Soviet Russia(43).

The Chief of Staff of the French Army, Philippe Petain, confirmedPhilip Betan(1856_1951)(44) On March 21, 1918 PanRussia aimsBehind the continued rapprochement with France is survival and steadfastnessEastern frontin front of Germany,Because the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk gave the Germans the right to annex and exploit important areas of Soviet Russia, but the Bolsheviks and Russian nationalist groups tried to resist the German occupation by encouraging French intervention in Soviet Russia(45).

Even more interesting is the French ambassador, Joseph Nolens(46) At the same time, he pointed out that the re-establishment of the Russian Eastern Front might be harmful to France, because the latter does not want to intervene if the Bolsheviks retained power, and would be hostile to French influence, and that the continuation of the occupationtoGerman would push the Bolshevik factions in those lands to come to terms with the Central Powers rather than the Entente.(47), but because of the poor conditions in Russia and in consideration of the request of the Commissar for War Affairs Leon Trotsky who agreedwithsunMembers of the French Military MissionJack SadolTo provide Russia with aid in order to work to reorganize the Red Army, which was founded on January 28, 1918(48), then presentedVice-President of the French Constituent Assembly Armand LaVirginOn March 23, 1918A number of proposals to the Soviet Commissar Leon Trotsky regarding a joint reorganization of the Red Army. Despite the official positive motive for cooperation between the French military mission and the Soviet leadership, the project to organize the Red Army with the participation of specialists from the Entente countries was doomed to failure for several reasons, which are as follows(49) .

Firstly: The Bolshevik leaders were not interested in continuing the war with Germany, contrary to the wishes and ambitions of France and its allies.

secondly:The French representatives, especially the diplomats, were wary of reorganizing the Red Army for fear that it would be used by the Bolsheviks to spread revolutions in various countries of Europe.

The position of the Entente countries, especially France, had a clear impact on the economic situation of the Soviet government, which was ready to pay in gold for the import of Western military equipment that was inbadly neededAs none of the major banks nor any government in the world could deal with Russian gold, because it pushes direct conflict with the Entente countries, and indeed Paris, London, Washington and Brussels considered that Russian gold should return to them in order to compensate the capitalists whose property was confiscated in Russia and pay debts(50)On March 28, 1918, the governments of Britain and France published a joint declaration declaring that "There are obligationsapplyon RussiaAndonallthegovernmentsThe new one representing Russia" ( 51 )France agreedOn providing military aid to Soviet RussiaOn March 29, 1918,forPrevent the decline of the economy th situationSovietFrance also aimed in its policy to two things(52).

1. protectionProperty and investment companiesEconomicafor Franceendangered state in Russia.

2. Organize all parties involvedtoYehshe hasTo diplomatically reconfigure a pro-French Russian state, by means of economic influence leading to the welfare of both countries(53).

France's proposals to support Soviet Russia remained in the narrowest limits related to the attempt to recover French funds employed in Russia since the tsarist era, and this made France more flexible in dealing with the internal events of Russia, especially the white anti-Bolshevik opposition, which I waited in dealing with until it was unable to solve The problem of its previous debts, which prompted it to deal with the Russian opposition in May and after it in 1918. Through this study, we found the following:

1. Russia lost large areas of its lands after signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, so it prepared them for an unfair treaty.

2. Russia's foreign policy was aimed at building a strong Soviet state that influenced all international relations.

3. The Soviet government worked to spread the ideas of communism in various parts of the world, especially Europe.

4. Internal developments in Soviet Russia were reflected in its foreign relations.

5. In its foreign relations, Soviet Russia adopted a policy of defending its new regime, to break the isolation, as it exploited internal conditions, especially economic ones, to conclude many agreements.

Margins

[1] Миколапська Обласна Державна Адмтстращя Державний Apxie Микола1всько1, Областi, Миколаïвi Чорноморський Флот За Доби Укртнсько1 Ревоюцй: Роки 1917- 1919, Л. Л. Lyovchenko, Державний Apxie Миколтвсь^ Областi, Lyovchenko L. L., 2018, PP. 18-20.

[2] Russia had political obligations in favor of Germany, and Russia must pay them at the specified time in order to get rid of German interference and prevent its progress towards its lands. For more see:

Я. And. Listov, Federally Sobriety of the Russian Federation, a Russian politician who is a member of the Russian Federation, a member of the Russian Politics: Historic As Exact materials for "Kruglomu Stolu" fraction CPRF, published: I.I. And. Listov, Icelandic Doctor of Medicine, Moscow, 2018, SS. 54- 56.

[3] Justus H. Ulbricht, Das Ende des Alten Europa Der Erste Welkrieg in Geschichte und Erinnerung Mitteleuropäischer Regionen, Sächsische Landeszentrale Für Politische Bildung, Dresden 2016, SS. 67- 72.

[4] Jochem Hrehorovic MedvedevBorn in the city of Bakhmut, one of the cities of Ukraine in 1886, he received his education there, and worked as an electrician in Bashmut factories, joined the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1904, and became a member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1917, and was one of the participants in the first conference All-Ukrainian council of workers and soldiers in Kharky districtv,First Chairman of the Presidium of the Central Committee of UkraineAnd he established the Central Executive Committee of the Ukrainian Congress, supported the plans of the Bolsheviks to liquidate the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic, then headed the Ukrainian delegation in the Brest-Litovsk negotiations in 1918, and in March he was dismissed from the position after Russia left Ukraine, and became a member of the Presidium of the Ukrainian left-wing Social Democratic Party In exile, he died in 1938. For more see:

Енциклопедiя 1сторт Украши, Tom.6, Видавництво Наукова Думка, Украта, 2009, Б. 790.

[5] vaa torrent of snoringHe was born in the region of Bretten (now one of the cities of Ukraine) in 1888. He received his education at the Teachers' School in Feodosia in 1907 and the Commercial Institute in St. Petersburg. He was a member and activist with the Bolsheviks in 1913. He was able to complete his studies.militaryHin BoltaVa1917And he worked to support Ukrainian interests, and in the same year, he was elected as a delegate to the First All-Ukrainian Consultative Conference of the Ukrainian Communist Party and was appointed People's Commissar for Military Affairs in the Ukrainian Soviet government, and in 1918 he accompanied Trotskyto conduct treaty negotiationsIn Brest-Litovsk, he died in 1919. For more see:

B^.Soldatenko, Ukraine- Russian Philosophy В 1917- 1924 year: Obrusheney Starogo and Obretenie New Kratsky History- Histographie Ochark, nom .2, Izdatelstvo Directmedia Publishing, of Formline, 2021, p.205.

[6] The peace agreement between Ukraine, the bilateral kingdom (Austria-Hungary) and the Germans was signed imminently, because the Ukrainians were determined to sign the peace as soon as possible, due to the tragic situation in Ukraine. For more see:

Irry Felshtinsyaky. Володимер Попов, Bid Червоного Терору До Мафиозно1 Держави Себецслужби Рот В Borotbi За Свтове Panuvannnia (1917-1936), Breklad: Sir i rROMENLike, New Year, Kiev, 2021, PP. 64- 66.

[7] Richardvon Coleman He was born in Constantinople (present-day Turkey) in 1873. He was educated at a German school. He obtained a doctorate in law from the University of Leipzig, Berlin, which prepared him for work in the diplomatic corps. He moved to St. In London between (1908 1914), he was appointed as an advisor to the German Embassy in Constantinople at the beginning of the year 1914, and in October 1914 he established an office for German propaganda news in the Ottoman Empire, then he worked as ambassador to Constantinople (September 1916_4ugust 1917), he held the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs German for two years (August 1917-July 1918), in order to enable him to lead the German delegation in Brest-Litovsk in 1918. He died in 1948. For more see: Encyclopedia of new Jersey, Rutgers University Press New Brunwick New Jersey and London, 2004, P. 706.

[8] d. K. Bogatyrev, V.A. E. Bagno, IDrugie, Lev Davidovich Trocskiy (1879-1940) Revolutionary Revolutionary Officer, Odin Is the First October Revolutionary, Krasnoy Army, Russian Revolutionary Коммунистического) and Четвертого Internacionalov, Ключевая Фигура БольшевизMA, and a ZATEM, ANTISTALINSCOGO TECHENIA in the Коммунистическом Дви-Жении. Protivorechive Obraz L.A. d. Truccogo, Сlogivshйся В Russian Культурной Памяти России Примущественно В Межвоенные Годы, Остается Крайне Доставка Достается бо Сей День, Д. K. Bogatyrev Sostavitel A.I. В. Резник, 2- е изд. , Izdanie Осуществлено Pri Ivanansovye Podderjke Governor-General of the Pechati and I am a member of the Board of Directors of the Federal Graduate Program ы Культура России (2012- 2018 Годы ), 1993, PP. 17- 25.

[9] B.S. Жигалов, Б.С. Жигалов Германия И Ссср: Экономические И Polititicheskie Отношения (Mart 1918- Июнь 1941 гг.), Конспект Лекций о Спецкурсу Дяля Студентов, Обуча ющихся By the Master Programme, American and German, Tomsk, 2013, SC. 19-30.

[10] Georges-Henri Soutou, La France et le problème des Nationalites pendant la guerre de 1914-1918: the case of Serbie, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Quai d'Orsay, Paris, Balcanica. XLV, 2014, S.S. 386- 391.

[11] Jonathan. Smele, The Russian Civil Wars, 1916- 1926 Ten Years That Shook the World, Oxford University Press, United States of America, 2015, PP. 75- 80.

[12] Nadezda Kalisova, Vznik a VyvojCeskoslovenskrj Republiky Establishment and Development of the Czechoslovak Republic,Studay pràva, Ekonormie a Financii, Bankovni Institute Vysokä Skola Praha, Zahranicnä Vysokä Skola Banska Bystrica, 2009, PP. 14-20.

[13] I.E. В. Алексеенко, А. Х. Маргулов, I Iншi, 1стория Мiжнаpодниx Biдносин, Мтктерство Внутрштх Справ Украши Днтропетровський Державний Утверситет Внутржшх С прав, Dnipro, 2020, PP.105- 113; Jonathan. Smile, Op. Citt., PP.75-80;

The meeting of Juma Abd al-Hasan al-Ta'i, Ottoman-Russian relations 1667_ 1923, Journal of the College of Education, Al-Mustansiriya University, Issue / 2, 2017, p. 290; Nasser Zaidan, previous source, p. 84.

[14] Donald Hancock. David P., and others, Politics in Europe, Third Edition, Seven Bridges Press, New York, 2003, PP.430-440.

[15] Jean-François Egron, 1918 Construire la Paix, Gironde Le Departement, 2018, SS. 7-9.

[16] Donald Hancock. David P., and others,Op. Cit., PP.430-440.

[17] Herausgegeben Von. Werner Abelshauser, Das Letzte, Wirtschaftspolitik in Deutschland 1917- 1990, Deutschen Nationalbibliothek, Germany, 2016, SS. 155- 160.

[18] VsevolodholoboVitch: Born in Podolsk Province, one of the cities of Russia in 1885, he received his education at the Theological Seminary and Kie Seminary.vPolytechnic, and in 1903 he became a member of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Party, and in 1912 he joined the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionary Party,In 1915 he obtained his diplomainengineeringH theTelecomAnd between (1916-August 1917) he worked as an employee in the Kobyansk of the Ukrainian Southern Railway, then became a member of the Ukrainian Odessa Board of Directors in 1917, and became Minister of Trade and Industry, and in 1918 he headed the Ukrainian delegationPeace talks with GermanyIn Brest-Litovsk, he assumed the premiership of Ukraine in January 1918-April 1918, he died in 1939. For more see: Большая Советская Энциклопедия: Гимназия - Горовицы, Том. 17, Soviet Socialist Society, California State University, 1930, P 78-99.

[19] On February 9, 1918, Germany and its allies signed a peace treaty with the Government of GermanyvbadvLudwig against the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian legislature), under which Germany and Austria-Hungary pledged military aid to the government ofvbadvLoyalty against Soviet Russia, in exchange for providing Ukrainian raw materials to Germany and the Bilateral Kingdom (Austria-Hungary). For more see:

Herausgegeben Von. Werner Abelshauser, Das Letzte, Wirtschaftspolitik in Deutschland 1917- 1990, Deutschen Nationalbibliothek, Germany, 2016, SS. 155-160.

[20] N.N. And. SUPRUNENCO, Очерки Гражданской Войны и Иностраной Военной Internovation НАаукратне (1918-1920), Издательство, Наука, Москва, 1966, SS. 281-200;

Wissam Ali Thabet and Muhammad Ahmed Zaidan, The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and its Impact on German-Soviet Relations December 1917_March 1918, Diyala Journal, College of Education for Human Sciences, Issue / 67, 2015, p.618_ 620.

[21] Volodymyr Starik, Oleksandr Volodymyrovich Dobrjanshakiy, ruler of the city of Ukraine (1914-1921), ruler and ruler, Vol. Odimir Starik, Foreign Affairs, Ukraine, 2009, PP. 99-105.

[22] United States, CIA, Polish-Soviet Frontier: Alternative Boundaries, USSR, March/ 26/1943, p. 2; Warten E. Williams, Die Politik Dar Alliierten Gegenuber Den Freikorps im Baltikum 1918- 1918, Vierteljahrshefte Für Zeitgeschichte, Vol. 12, Nein. 2, Lnstitut Für Zeitgeschichte München-Berlin, 1964, SS. 152- 155;

Wissam Ali Thabet and Muhammad Ahmed Zaidan, previous source, p. 619_ 620.

[23] Martin Lutz, Siemens und Die Sowjetunion Nach Dem Ersten Weltkrieg Grundlagen and Rahmenbedingungen Für Die Geschäftsbeziehungen, Studium Der Soziologie, Magisterarbeit, Universität Konstanz, Deutschland, 2007, SS. 76- 80.

[24] Eric Labone He was born in Paris in 1888. He obtained a BA in literature and law. He entered the diplomatic corps in 1913. He was the first French diplomatic representative in Moscow after the revolution. He played a role in World War I. Commercial and political affairs in the Quai d'Orsay (French Ministry ofForeign Affairs), and he held several political and diplomatic positions in Europe, and he worked on training the Russians, and he was the French ambassador to Moscow in 1918, he died in 1971. For more see:

La Grande encyclopedie Marconi-mouvement, Vol. 13, Larousse, University of Michigan, 1971, S. 7674.

[25] N.N. And. suprunenko,P R. IS.CC. 281-200.

[26] Paulvon Hindenburg He was born in the city of Bozetan (one of the cities of Poland) in 1847. He joined the Officers' School in Berlin in 1858. He fought in the Franco-Prussian War in 1871. After the declaration of the establishment of the German Empire in 1871, he joined the Third Regiment of the Infantry Guard. He was accepted to study at the Staff College. Prussian, for three years, then he became a member of the Grand General Staff, and in 1905 he was promoted to the rank of infantry general, and in 1911 Hindenburg announced his retirement from military service, and at the outbreak of World War 11914 he was called up for military service and managed to achieve victory On the Eastern Front, and in 1916 he became Chief of the Great German General Staff and Commander of the German Army, and he had a prominent role in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and after his failure on the Western Front and his country's surrender to the Entente countries in the armistice of 1918, which led to his stepping down from the post of Commander-in-Chief of the German Forces, died in 1934. For more see:

[27] The German War Machine in World War II: An Encyclopedia, Library of Congress, United States of America, 2020, p. 107.

[28] Eric Friedrich Ludendorff Born in the Poznan region of Poland in 1865, and continued his education near Berlin in 1882, then completed his military education, then he was commissioned as a military officer in 1885, and in 1893 he was accepted into the prestigious German Military Academy, and in 1894 he became a member of the German General Staff, and in In 1914 he played a prominent role in World War I by being appointed chief of the supplies and administration forces, and he was appointed chief of staff under the command ofPaulvonHindenburgAnd in 1916 he was appointed director of the Special Quartermaster Hindenburg, and he had a role in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and in 1918 he launched a massive offensive on the Western Front, but he failed to do so, so he was forced to resign from his post, he died in 1937. For more see:

World War I: Encyclopedia, Vol.1, Library of Congress, United States of America, 2005, P. 715. George A. Brinkley, Allied Intervention In South Russia 1917-1921, University of Notre Dam Press, 1966, PP. 190200;

Wissam Ali Thabet and Muhammad Ahmed Zaidan, previous source, p. 620_ 622.

[29] Kerstin Bötticher, Der Erste Weltkrieg in Dokumenten, Landesarchiv Berlin, Organization of Vereinten Nationen Für Bildung, Wissenschaft und Kultur, 2011, SS. 83- 89.

[30] Павлов Андрей Юрьевич, Soyusniki and Protivniki: Franco-Russian Soyuz B 1918 G., Peterburgskogo rosydarstvennogo Университета, №. 15, 2020, CC. 227- 229;

Safana Maan Abdul Karim, Soviet Russia's Policy towards Poland (1917_ 1921), unpublished master's thesis, College of Education for Human Sciences, University of Diyala, 2021, p. 111 114.

[31] Ibid, PP. 190- 200; United of States, CIA, The Russians Expect Arms Control to Fail, USSR, November/17/1977, p. 1.

[32] Dmitriy Alekseyevich Shkarin, Soviet Socialist Republic, 1917- 1920 year, ANSSSR, Moscow, 1976, SS. 91- 92.

[33] The French mission was forced to leave Ukraine for two reasons: firstly, because it was hostile to the Soviet authorities, and secondly, because the German armiesgeneral attack onregionsthe entire eastern frontnear KiivThird, that the Bolsheviks' acceptance of the Germans' difficult conditions came after the German occupation threatened the capital, Petrograd, on February 18, 1918, which prompted them to move the capital to Moscow and take it as the country's capital from that date until the present time. For more see:

Gilbert H. Gornig. Alfred Eisfeld, Der Friede von Brest-Litowsk Vom 3. March 1918 in Russland and Germany. Brotfrieden vom 19. Februar 1918 mit in Ukraine Die Vergessenen Frieden: 100 Jahre Später in den Blickpunkt Gerückt, Duncker and Humblot, Berlin, 2020, SS. 115- 121.

[34] Alberta Berta Davidovna, President of the Soviet Revolution in Russia, September 1917- January 1918 Г., Elizabeth in the Soviet Union Hauk, Kan дидатская Диссертация, Российский Государственный Педагогический Университет, Sankt-Peterburg, 2014, SS. 444- 455;

Wissam Ali Thabet and Muhammad Ahmed Zaidan, previous source, p. 622_ 623.

[35] Pavelov Andrei Irvich, Soyusnik and Protivniki: French-Russian ancestor of 1918, Peter the Great University, No. 15, 2020, CC. 227- 22.

[36] Justus H. Ulbricht, Das Ende des Alten Europa Der Erste Welkrieg in Geschichte und Erinnerung Mitteleuropäischer Regionen, Sächsische Landeszentrale Für Politische Bildung, Dresden 2016, SS. 67- 72.

[37] Peter Dzh, Evin Stendera Poticniy, Ukraine Головна Визвольна Рада: Документ, Офщтт Publika^i, Tom 4, Vid-in ЛiTOPIS YPA, Мiчи gansbkiy Ушверситет, 2009, SS. 176- 177.

[38] The congress included members headed by the Soviet delegation, member of the Central Executive Committee of the Council of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, Grigory Sokolenkov Grigory Sokolnikov(1888_1939), member of the Central Executive Committee of the Council of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' DeputiesvKarakhan)Lev Karakhan1889-1937), and Assistant People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Georgy ChicherinGeorgy Chicherin(1872_ 1936), People's Commissar for Internal Affairs GregorypPetrovskiGrigory Petrovsky(1878_1958), while the members of the German delegation included: The German Imperial Foreign Minister, RichardvWen Coleman, Imperial Envoy and Minister Plenipotentiarypand sovvon Hindenburg, Chief of the General Staff and Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Armed Forces Max HoffmannMax Hoffmann(1869_1927), members of the government of the Bipartite Kingdom (Austria-Hungary), royal advisor and plenipotentiary to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk KajetanvOne MerryKajetan von Merey(1861_1931), Foreign Minister and Chancellor of the Bipartite Empire (Austria-Hungary) Ottokar CerninOttokar Czernin(1872_1932), Commander-in-Chief of the Infantry Forces and Chancellor of the Bipartite Empire (Austria-Hungary) Maximilian TsitserichMaximilian Psychics(1856_1948), members of the delegation of the Bulgarian government, Minister Plenipotentiary V.IvJena Andre Toshiv Andrei Tochev(1867_1944), Colonel of the General Staff, Royal Bulgarian Military Plenipotentiary to the German EmperorpYatar Janciv Peter Ganchev(1874_1950), First Secretary of the Bulgarian Royal CommissionvAsil RadoslavAndv Vasyl Radoslavov(1854_1929), members of the delegation of the Ottoman Empire, the Grand Vizier and member of the Ottoman Senate, Ibrahim Hakki Pasha (1863 1918) and the delegated traveler of His Majesty the Sultan in Berlin, Zaki Pasha (1862 1942), the leader and commissioner. For more see:

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Theodor Anastasov aihki, Friedensvertrag zwischen Deutschland, Österreich-Ungarn, Bulgarian und der Turkish einerseits und Russland anderseits [Friedensvertrag von Brest-Litowsk], 3. März 1, Politisches Archiv of Auswärtigen Amtes, Berlin, 2011, SS. 5-6.

[39] The source is from the researcher's work, relying on the international information network (the Internet) at the link. https://dzen.ru/media/id/5f073d34db00016bd74b3365/za-chto-

[40] Kari Aga Myklebost. Jens Petter Nielsen, and others, The Russian Revolutions of 1917 The Northern Impact and Beyond, Library of Congress, Boston, 2020, PP. 85- 60.

[41] AA. M. Spirin, Class I Party in Gordanskoe Voine in Russia (1917-1920 rg.), Izdatelstvo, Moscow, 1968, SS. 214- 218.

[42] At the same time, the People's Commissar for War Affairs, Leon Trotsky, requested assistance from the United States of America to send 10 railway officers and engineers. For more see:

Galkina Illia Mikhailovna, Soch. Цит, С. 129.

[43] Traugott Bautz, Deutschlands Friedensverträge Nach Dem L. Weltkrieg Von Brest- Litowsk und Versailles Nach Lausanne, London, 2019, SS. 20-22.

[44] Henry Philip Petain He was born in the Coche-a-la-Tour region of France in 1856. He joined the Saint-Cyr Military Academy in 1875. He graduated in military life during the period (1890 1910) in military ranks, and in 1914 in the war he commanded the Petain battalion, which led to his promotion to the rank of brigadier general and he became commander of the Third Corps. Thirty, and Petain became Chief of Staff of the French Army in 1917, then became Commander-in-Chief of the entire French Army and in 1918 Petain titled Marshal of France, as well as played an important role during World War II, he died in 1951. For more see:

World War I Encyclopedia, Vol. Ume I: AD, Library of Congress, United States of America, 2005, p. 913.

[45] A . A. B. And Ananchenko. В. z.j. Цветку, последний, ВОЙНА и Revolution: Social workers and catastrophes, Moskovsky pedagogical universitet, russian materials are now New Conference Г, Moscow, 2016 Г, СС. 144- 159.

[46] Britain was more open to dialogue with the Soviets. Britain was asking France to restrict the activities of the French ambassador, Joseph Nolens, which it considered very unwise in his positions.Because of the conflicting positions between the Government of France and Great Britain, they condemned their diplomatic services in Russia to isolation. For more see:

Adrian Poirier, Sur. Citt, S. 97.

[47] Edward Acton. Vladimir Iu. Cherniaev, I Другие, Critic Slovar Russian Revolution: 1914- 1921, Sostavitelli Edvard Acton, I Друgia, Nestor-1 Story Sankt- Peterborough, 2014, СС. 565- 575.

[48] Krapivenczev Maxim Elrevich, History of the Transformation Politics-Pravovogo State Krasima V 1917- 1921 God, Icelandic by National History in History ских Науках, Canada's Dissertation, Moskovskiy Государственный Университет Имени, Севастоpolь, 2014 gg., CC. 85- 90

[49] d. K. Bogatyrev, V.A. E. Bagno, IДругие, Lev Davidovich Trocskiy (1879-1940) Revolutionary Revolutionary, Odin Is the First Octavian Revolutionary, Krasnoy Army, Russian Коммунистического) and Четвертого Internationalov, Kliwchrevaya Фигура БольшевизMA, and Затем ANTISTALINSCOGO Течения В Коммунистическом Дви-Жении. Protivorechive Obraz L.A. d. Troccogo, Slogivshia in Russia's largest city of Russia, formerly among young women, has developed a dissociation from recently, D. K. Bogatyrev Sostavitel A.I. В. Резник, 2- е изд. , Izdanie Осуществлено Pri Ivanansovy Podderjke Federal Government Agentstva Po Pechati I am a professional cumminist in Ramkakh Realizazzii Federal Revolutionary Program my Культура России (2012-2018 Годы ), 1993, SC.17-25.

[50] To. IS, SC.17- 25.

[51] Michael Jabara and Universityede Montreal, The Origins of the French Intervention in the Russian Civil War, January-May 1918: A Reappraisal, Modern History Magazine, Vol. 48, No. 3, The University of Chicago Press, 1976, p. 423.

[52] Ibid., p. 423.

[53] And. В. Siberiakov, Constitutional Court ofHistory of the Russian Federation, of the People's Republic, of the Ministry of Justice and of the Russian Federation Federal Government Obrazovattelnoe Obrazovattelnoe Ichrejdenie Vusschego Professionnalnogo Obrazovanieya Ihlabinskii Государственный Университет Классическое Университское 06razovanie,4 Elylabinsk, Isdatelstvo Ilylabinskogo Государственного, Ukraine, 2012, SS. 292300.

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