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Guzel Makarova,
candidate of philosophical sciences (Institute of History, RAS RT) THE DYNAMICS OF RUSSIAN, REGIONAL AND ETHNIC IDENTITIES IN TATARSTAN
The period of the 1990s and the 2000s was marked by realization of federal and regional strategies to mobilize all-Russian civil local and ethnic identities. To what extent was it possible to put them into practice? What identities were formed or actualized in case of their interconnection and owing to the impact of other factors?
The answer to the set questions needs an analysis of subjective significance for Tatars and Russians of Tatarstan of the ethnic identities. As indicators of this significance are used the selected (out of proposed) views of the respondents concerning their attitude to their own ethnic group. The data of the public poll in 1994 showed high actuality of ethnic identity of Tatars. A half of the representatives of this ethnic group (city residents) and almost three fourths of rural residents said that they never forgot that they were Tatars. It is connected with some factors, including consolidation of the social-status positions of this ethnic group in the republic. At the same time, ideology of national and political elites stimulated the growth of self-consciousness of Tatars. To some extent, it might be continuation of the trends for the 1980s-1990s, when the leaders of national organizations were able to promote the sense of a part of population of the hurt status of is own ethnos. On the other side, the great subjective significance of ethnic identity may be interpreted as the consequence of the regional policy of renaissance of national language and culture since the 1990s.
The data of the research showed a greatly expressed ethnic identity of Tatars-rural residents. The ethnic identity of rural residents is characterized by "protection" tendencies and to greater inclination to
keep ethnic traditions and culture comparing with city residents. At the same time, it might be the result of the new strategy of the republican authorities, which opened new perspectives for those, who new the Tatarian language. The rural residents with good knowledge of the Tatarian language (usually received at school with teaching in this language) could use this language as a symbolic capital and get certain dividends.
In its turn, the Russian population of the republic (those, who never forget about their nationality) accounted only for one fourth of city residents (two times less than Tatars) and for almost the same share of the rural residents. By the middle of the 1990s they showed a much greater indifference to their own ethnic identity. These feelings might be the result of declarations made by the leaders of national movements, who accused Russians of "faults" of the Soviet national policy and of "imperial" thinking, which did not promote the positive estimation by them of their own ethnic group. Besides, the apathy of Russians, side by side with social-economic and political factors, might be caused by the cultural policy of the region, which was concentrated on preservation and development of language and culture of Tatars and "avoided" ethnic-cultural demands of Russians.
The beginning of the 2000s was characterized by keeping even the continued rise of indexes of intensive ethnic identification processes among Tatars. The response "I never forget about my nationality" was marked by a greater number of Tatars-respondents in cities and by 11% more among Tatars living in rural districts than in 1994. It should be mentioned that in 2001 the respondents except "extreme" fidelity to their ethnic community had a chance to "go away" to a neutral variant of the response: "I remember about my nationality in certain cases". This keeping and even growing adherence of representatives of the title
nation to their ethnic community may be interpreted as a result of the national policy favorable for Tatars.
By 2001, Russians, living in Tatarstan, showed a small growth of ethnic self-consciousness in cities and a rather considerable growth in rural districts. The general correlation of indexes rested the same, though. It means that by the beginning of the 2000s the ethnic identity had greater significance for the title ethnos of the region.
According to the poll in 2010, the subjective significance of ethnic identity of Tatars was kept as a whole. The intensity of its display was grown thanks to addition to the questionnaire of the residents in the city of Almetievsk, where 67.7% of the respondents answered that they never forgot about their nationality. At the same time, the indexes of ethnical identity of Tatars in rural districts were reduced to some extent. In total, for the first decade of the 2000s, the identity of the title group at the regional level remained rather demanded among considerable part of its representatives.
As far as Russians in Tatarstan are concerned, from 2001 to 2010 the rise of significance of ethnicity was quite evident. The share of Russians who never forget about their nationality was growing among city residents and attained almost half of this part Russians in the republic (the rise of such responses of the Russians in rural districts made 9%). But simultaneously there was reduced the share of Russian city residents, who do not care for significance of their nationality. Thus, if by 2001 the just started rise of ethnic identification intensity of Russians was only noticed in Tatarstan, by the end of the first decade of the 2000s this tendency was marked quite definitely. This dynamics most likely was connected with the governance vertical strategy, which was started by the leadership of the RF; hence, Russians felt themselves in the regions to be better "protected". Further, this strategy started to be accompanied at the federal level by the policy of consolidation of
the status of the Russian language and Russian culture and to some extent of Russians as a state-forming ethnos, while at the regional level, for instance in RT, - by the policy of parity of development of Tatarian and Russian cultures. All this promoted consolidation of the positive appraisal by Russians of their own their own ethnic group, as well as increase of their self-respect. (However, probably, the discourse of certain, primarily national-patriots, political forces had influenced the ethnic self-consciousness).
It is worth discussing the formation and development for the same period of all-Russian and Tatarian (regional) identity of Russians and Tatars in the republic. In the beginning of the 1990s, from the time of proclamation of sovereignty of RT, the process of shaping new regional community was started. On the one side, its creation was promoted by the special economic strategy of the republic, called at that time "soft enter in the market" (in contrast to "the shock therapy" of the Center), which was understood and supported both by Tatars and Russians in RT. On the other side, the adherence to this community by representatives of the title ethnic group was also connected with the republican policy of putting into life of slogan "ethnic-cultural renaissance" of Tatars. For that period, the federal center was very weak due to economic crisis and social-political contradictions in society, extreme tension of inter-national relations in the North Caucasus.
As a result, in 1994 the majority of Tatars shared the dominant feeling of their adherence to the region. It was very significant for them, side by side with state Russian identity. And the per cent of "exclusive Russians" among them was very small (2.7% of city respondents and 0.9 % of rural respondents).
For that period, Russians were divided into three groups. One third of them felt themselves Rossians and Tatars equally. One fifth of
city residents and one fourth of rural residents considered themselves even as "to a larger extent, Tatars". These data showed their support of the regional policy in the social-economic sphere. At the same time, they testify to the fact that for the 1990s a special identity of Russians started to form in the region. Co-existing with "the other", which politically and symbolically had for these years greater impact on regional policy, they started to agree to new "rules of game" and to recognize the right of "the other" for development of its ethnic-cultural originality.
Nevertheless, over one third of city residents and one fifth of Russians in rural districts of Tatarstan, under conditions of the weak and torn by internal strife Center and of the just appeared new civil identity forming within new borders and based on other ideological principles, indicated that they regarded themselves primarily as Russians. It was important for them to feel their adherence to the big and united country-successor of traditional Russian (Soviet) statehood
By 2001 (in the context of new trends of centralization of the state power, when for the first time in the post-Soviet period the state power rationalized national construction and proclaimed the program of forming Russian nation) the change for gradual rise of significance of all-Russian identity was marked in RT. Nevertheless, it took place in RT not to the disadvantage of regional identity but side by side with it. By that period (comparing with 1994), the share of the people identifying themselves with both Russia and the republic at the same time had increased among Tatars and Russians (city residents) by 1011%. Correspondingly, the part of the people regarding themselves exclusively as Tatars was reduced (Tatars-city residents - by 17%, rural districts-residents - by 10%, Russian city-residents - by 9% and rural districts-residents - by 20%). The percent of "Rossians" among Russians remains unchanged, while it rose from 3% to 10% among
Tatars-city residents. Meanwhile, the share of "pure Tatars" in the title ethnos of the republic at that period was rather great and accounted for one half of it, making on tenth among Russians.
For the last decade, the mentioned trend continued. The share of Tatars and Russians increased by 2010: by more than one fourth - of Tatars and by one tenth - of Russians. The share of "pure Tatars" reduced considerably. It reduced among Tatars from one half to almost one fourth, while the rather great difference between Tatars-city residents and rural residents remained. This index in the group of Russians decreased from 10% to 3%. The number of "only" Russians remained the same in both groups (36% Russians and 7% Tatars).
The mentioned specificity of ratio and of development in Tatarstan of Russian and regional identity was characterized by the number of residents of Tatarstan expressing their adherence to Russia, rose simultaneously with the remained significance for them of local identity. This phenomenon is explained by a number of circumstances.
First, it is the remained rather high level of social-economic development of the region making it possible successfully to implement a number of social programs.
Second, the efforts and the will of the political elites of the republic, which are able to set strategic aims and to achieve them and urge towards information about them at the all-Russian and world levels; some social-cultural projects (connected with celebration of the thousand years anniversary of Kazan, preparation for Universiad in 2013 etc.).
Third, the modern ethnic cultural policy of Tatarstan, particularly the official policy, supported by a part of Tatars, to keep the trend of the 1990s aimed at development of the Tatarian language, national education and culture. The Russian population adopted a favorable attitude to the formula of equality in developing Tatarian and Russian
cultures in RT, proclaimed for the 2000s. The known thesis of Tatarian identity as a part of all-Russian identity promotes the non-contradictory correlation of regional and Russian identity.
It is possible to mention the circumstances, which unite Russians and Tatars of the republic with Russia and Rossians, on the one side, and with the region and Tatars. The memorized historic events turned out to be the most advantageous ideas for consolidation of Russians and Tatars of RT with the country. This fact was noted by 59% of Russians and 55% of Tatars. The main date promoting solidarity (according to interviews with Russians and Tatars, held for 2008, in Tatarstan) is considered to be the Victory in the Great Patriotic War; the memory of this event was actualized for the last decade. The propagation of sports successes and the support of sport at the state level was another factor, which contributed to consolidation of Rossians, particularly of the youth.
The following main consolidating factors in the Republic of Tatarstan may be mentioned: history (to a lesser extent for Russians than for Tatars, indirectly showing lesser impact of ethnic-cultural policy in this case - in RT), sport, culture and economic successes of the region - equally. It should be noted that the level of adherence to all-Russian and regional identity is different in these two ethnic groups: the first - more significant for Russians, the second - for Tatars.
Summing up, it is possible to make conclusions concerning correlation and development of all-Russian, regional and ethnic identities in Tatarstan. For the 1990s, thanks to some social-political, economic and social-cultural factors the regional identity was prevailing for most Tatars and for a part of Russians in RT. For the last decade, the evident growth of subjective significance of all-Russian identity takes place. At the same time, the regional identity remained significant for the first decade of the 2000s for the majority of Russians
and for the great majority of Tatars in RT. As was mentioned, the consolidation of the role of state-civil identity continued not at the expense of regional identity but side by side and in correlation with it.
At the same time, a high level of subjective significance of ethnic identity of Tatars remains intact and the essential actualization of ethnic identity of Russians goes on. This tendency also does not hinder the growth of all-Russian identity, which is proved by the opinion, expressed in scientific literature, about a feasibility of their organic correlation.
"Sotsis: Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya", M., 2011, N 5, p. 71-77.
Stanislav Chernyavsky,
doctor of historic sciences, director of Center for Post-Soviet studies MGIMO RUSSIA AND AZERBAIJAN IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD
At present, the Russian-Azerbaijani relations represent a significant component of the versatile structure of the world community. In spite of seemingly pure regional characteristic of bilateral cooperation, it has an essential influence on solving problems of not only of energy but also f military-political security at the global level. Iran, Iraq, Pakistan and Afghanistan - all these countries marked by higher level of instability are located near Azerbaijan in terms of geography. Hence, the special role in solving the connected problems is urged to play the Russian-Azerbaijani reciprocal action.
For the first years following disintegration of the USSR, Russia was occupied with introducing proper order in the Federation, did not take political measures in the South Caucasus regarding it as its
