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КУЛЬТУРНОЕ НАСЛЕДИЕ НАРОДОВ СЕВЕРА В ЛИТЕРАТУРЕ И ФОЛЬКЛОРЕ
УДК 821.111
Maxime Briand *
REPRESENTATIONS OF LAPLAND IN BRITISH ROMANTIC LITERATURE: TOWARD ETHNOGRAPHICAL DISSEMINATION?
Romantic representations of Lapland were chiefly the joint product of the eighteenth century primitivist and sublime theory, notably responsible for the ossianic revival initiated by Scottish antiquarian James Macpherson in the 1760s. Still unknown to many, the mythical Gaelic bard Ossian and his poems set off all over Europe a real "Celtomania" that eventually earned him later the very distinctive title of "Homer of the North", whose cultural significance far outstretched the bounds of the Scottish Highlands. As a matter of fact, sporadic literary allusions to Lapland and the Sami had already been made by that time through the publication and successive rewriting or imitations of two Lappish ballads. Subsequently entitled "Orra Moor" and "The Reindeer song," they were presented as genuine specimen of Lappish poetry first communicated by a native named Olaus Matthias to German humanist Johannes Scheffer who included them in his history of the Sami, Lapponia (1673). This rather contrasted with a dogmatic Christian approach of Arctic religions and mythologies in terms of superstition directly connected with an only half-suppressed European belief in witchcraft still prevailing as a popular referential medium. The proposed aim of this paper would be to study the process of what might be termed "ethnographical dissemination", as resulting from the influence of Arctic travel writing upon Romantic poetry as in the Lappish episode of Samuel Taylor Coleridge's poem "The Destiny of Nations"(1796/1817).
* Maxime Briand, Ph. D. in English literature and history, University of Versailles-Saint-Quentin-en -Yvelines, France.Member of Paris-Saclay, where he has been teaching introductory courses on English and Scottish literature. E-mail:
Key words: British Romanticism, S. T. Coleridge, Lapland, KnudLeem, Arctic mythology.
Romantic representations of Lapland were chiefly the joint product of the eighteenth century primitivist and sublime theory1, notably responsible for the Ossianic revival initiated by Scottish antiquarian James Macpherson in the 1760s. Still unknown to many, the mythical Gaelic bard Ossian and his poems set off all over Europe a real "Celtomania" that eventually earned him later the very distinctive title of "Homer of the North", whose cultural significance far outstretched the bounds of the Scottish Highlands.2 Indeed, as Frank Edgard Farley already observed in 1906: "In view of the "runic" and 'Ossianic' vagaries of the half century following 1760,we can hardly avoid the conclusion that the pleasure which the 'numerous Lapland compositions' gave, arose largely from the romantic suggestiveness of the background."3 As a matter of fact, sporadic literary allusions to Lapland and the Sami had already been made by that time through the publication and successive rewriting or imitations of two Lappish ballads. Subsequently entitled "Orra Moor" and "The Reindeer song," they were presented as genuine specimen of Lappish poetry first communicated by a native named Olaus Matthias to German humanist Johannes Scheffer who included them in his history of the Sami, Lapponia (1673).4 Of these two poetical rarities, "Orra Moor" was the most oft-praised, which even led Ossian's first advocate Dr Hugh Blair to quote the entire latin original in his Critical Dissertation on the Poems of Ossian(1763) to prove his point that "Barbarity" was not "inconsistent with
1 See Ellingson, Tir, The Myth of the Noble Savage. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001. Ashfield, Andrew, de Bolla, Peter, The Sublime: A Reader in British Eighteenth-Century Aesthetic Theory. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1996.
2 See Gaskill, Howard, « The Homer of the North », in Interfaces; n°27 (August 2007), pp. 13-24. See also Id., The Reception of Ossian in Europe. London: Continuum, 2008.
3 Farley, Frank Edgar, "Three 'Lapland Songs'", in PMLA; vol. 21, n°1 (1906), [pp. 1-39] p. 32.
4 Scheffer, John, The History of Lapland: Wherein are Shewed the Original, Manners, Habits, Marriages, Conjurations, &c. ofthat People. Oxford: George West and Amos Curtein, 1674, pp. 112-5.
generous sentiments and tender affections."5 This rather contrasted with a dogmatic Christian approach of Arctic religions and mythologies in terms of superstition directly connected with an only half-suppressed Europe-anbelief in witchcraft still prevailing as a popular referential medium. The proposedaim of this paperwould be to study the process of what might be termed "ethnographical dissemination", as resulting from the influence of Arctic travel writing upon Romantic poetry. The impact of Europeansuper-stition concerning witchcraft shall be first illustrated by a survey of traditional representations of Lapland in British Romantic literature, while the emergence of a novel attitude towards Samimythology shall be discussed within the frame of Samuel Taylor Coleridge's poem "The Destiny of Na-tions"(1796/1817).
Lapland and the Sami people were first introduced to British readers through Scandinavian accounts such as Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus6 (1555) by Swedish archdeacon Olaus Magnus, already mentioned Scheffer's Lapponia (1673), Swedish Carl Linn^us's Iter Lapponicumdei gratia institutum 1732 7 (1732), and De Lapponibus Finmarchio^ (1767) by Norwegian missionary KnudLeem, as well as the scientific observations made in La figure de la terre9 (1738) by French naturalist Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis, whose name we find attached from 1746 to what may be the most influential poetical depiction of Lapland in eighteenth-century English-language literature,
5 Blair, Hugh, ADissertation on the Poems of Ossian, the Son of Fingal. London: T. Becket and T. A. De Hondt, 1763, pp. 13-14.
6 Olaus Magnus, Description of the Northern peoples: Rome 1555; transl. by Peter Fisher and Humphrey Higgens ; ed. by Peter Foote ; with annot. derived from the commentary by John Granlund. London: the Hakluyt society, 1996-98.
7 Linn^us, Carl, Lachesis Lapponica: Or, A Tour in Lapland [...] ; transl. by James Edward Smith.
London: White and Cochrane, 1811, 2 vols.
9 Leem, Knud, An Account of the Laplanders of Finmark, Their Language, Manners, and Religion[...], in General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels in All Parts of the World: Many of which are Now First Translated Into English; Digested on a New Plan; ed. John Pinkerton. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, OrmeetCadell& Davies, 1808, vol. 1, pp. 376-490.
9 de Maupertuis, Pierre louis Moreau, The Figure of the Earth : determined from Observations made by Order of the French King, at the Polar Circle. London: T. Cox, J & P. Knapton and A. Millar, 1738.
James Thomson's first seasonal ode to « Winter » (1726)10. One has to wait 1789 to read about an English travel narrative of Lapland, A Tour Through Sweden, Swedish-Lapland, Finland and Denmark11 (1789), based on the Fennoscan-dian summer expedition led by Sir Henry George Liddell of Ravensworth, Durham in 1786.
However, representations of Lapland and its inhabitants in British literature had for a long time been reduced to an eldritch vignette resulting partly from Europe's own beliefs in witchcraft and spirits, which found in the far and mysterious North a fitting home ground, especially if one is reminded of this biblical prophecy predicting how « Out of the north an evil shall break forth upon all the inhabitants of the land. »12 In the end, what was deemed a domestic affliction could also be easily projected to the distant Arctic wilds, like Shakespeare's « Lapland sorcerers »13 or Milton's « Lapland witches »14 who crystallized James Vl's royal certitude, allegedly speaking from personal experience,15 that «the devil finds greatest ignorance and barbarity [...] in such wild parts of the world, as Lapland and Finland».16
Unsurprisingly, the myth of northern witchcraft flourished during the eighteenth century and still dominated Romantic literary productions,start-ing with Richard Hole's Arthur: Or the Northern Enchantment (1789) whose
10 Thomson, James, The Works of James Thomson: With His Last Corrections, Additions and Improvements. London: A. Millar, 1757, p. 203-5, ll. 843-901.
11 Consett, Matthew, A Tour Through Sweden, Swedish-Lapland, Finland and Denmark: In a Series of Letters, Illustrated with Engravings. London: J. Johnson, J. Goldsmith and T. Lewis, 1789.
12 Jeremiah 1:14, in The Bible, Authorized King James Version with Apocrypha; ed. Robert Carroll and StephenPrickett. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 827.
13 Shakespeare, William, The Comedy of Errors IV, 3; ed. Charles Whitworth. Oxford: OUP, 2002, p. 147, l. 11.
14 Milton, John, Paradise Lost II; ed. Alastair Fowler. Oxon: Routledge, 2013, p. 143, l. 665.
15 In allusion to the particularly adverse weather, among other mishaps, that delayed Anne of Denmark bride's naval escort back to Scotland after he had married her by proxy in August 1589. Worried about her safety, he sailed there himself to take his bride and became convinced to be the victim of a conspiracy of northern witches, Scottish, Danish and Norwegian. Cf. Stew-art,Alan, The Cradle King: A Life of James VI & I. London: Chatto and Windus, 2003, pp. 105-23. Wil-lumsen, Liv Helene, Witches of the North: Scotland and Finnmark. Leiden : Brill, 2013, pp. 331, 361.
16 Normand, Lawrence, Roberts, Gareth, eds., Witchcraft in early modern Scotland: James VI's Demonology and the North Berwick Witches. Exeter: Exeter University Press, 2000, p. 414.
sixth book opens with the description of a winter scene in Eastern Lapland said to be derived from Olaus Magnus, before moving into the interior of a cavern where the "Weird Sisters, or Northern Parc^",17 immediately evocative a Shakespeare's witches in Macbeth, are found performing some incan-tations.18 Once again, we catch them conspiring against the British crown then held by legendary King Arthur, by hindering his union to sweet Inogen, Merlin's daughter, and by assisting the Saxon invader through their occult agency. Similarly, Henry Boyd's "imitation of Gray's Descent of Odin", written in a climate of post-revolutionary gallophobia with the growing threat of a French invasion, ascribes the storm that scattered the British naval blockade of Brest in January 1803 to the supernatural intervention of "The Witch of Lapland", summoned here by the « fiend of Gaul », namely Napoleonic France.19 Most of the time, poetical references to Lappish witchcraft were rather brief and anecdotal, be they one quatrain long, like in Dr.Na-than Drake's «Ode to Superstition» (1790): "Mid Lapland's woods, and noisome wastes forlorn,/Where lurid hags the moon's pale orbit hail:/There, in some vast, some wild and cavern'd cell,/Where flits the dim blue flame,/ They drink warm blood, and act the deed of hell"20; James Hogg's ballad, The Queen's Wake (1813): "And quhan we cam to the Lapland lone/The fairies war all in array;/For all the genii of the north/War keipyng their holeday."21 Or swiftly mentioned in a line of John Keats's "Epistle to John Hamilton Reyn-olds"22 (1818) or Lord Byron's Waltz: An Apostrophic Hymn (1821): "Like Lapland
17 Hole, Richard,Arthur: Or, The Northern Enchantment. A Poetical Romance, in Seven Books I. London: G.G.J & J. Robinson, 1789, p. 7.
18 Hole, Richard, Arthur: Or, The Northern Enchantment VI, pp. 171-82.
19 Boyd, Henry, "The Witch of Lapland" in Monti, Vicenzo, The Penance of Hugo: A Vision on the French Revolution, in the Manner of Dante, in Four Cantos; transl. Henry Boyd. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees and Orme, 1805, pp. 173-80.
20 Drake, Nathan, « Ode to Superstition », in Literary Hours: Or, Sketches Critical and Narrative. Sudbury: J. Burkitt, 1800, vol. 1, pp. 150-1, ll. 13-20.
21 Hogg, James, The Queen's Wake: A Legendary Poem I,viii. Edinburgh: George Goldie, 1813,p. 74.
22 "Then there's a little wing, far from the Sun, Built by a Lapland Witch turn'd maudlin Nun;" cf. Keats, John, « Epistle to John Hamilton », in The Complete Works of John Keats; ed. H. Buxton Forman. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell & Co., 1818, vol. 2, pp. 213, ll. 45-6.
witches to ensure a wind".23 Scottish writer Walter Scott made twice an allusion to that occult and profitable trade of selling winds driven by Laplanders according to Olaus Magnus, whose authority is first invoked in the metrical poem Rokeby24 (1813) and in the 1833 re-edition of The Pirate(1821) for his Magnum Opus.25 The latter novel even features a buffoon mise en scène parodying a northern oracle for the amusement of an assembly of Saint John revelers in Shetlandaround the end of the seventeenth century:« [...] the housekeeper we have already mentioned, was installed in the recess of a large window, studiously darkened by bear-skins and other miscellaneous drapery, so as to give it something the appearance of a Laplander's hut[...] ».26 The cultural association between Lapland and witchery was then so evident to Scott's readership that it only needed be suggested here with a slight hint of exoticism.
Besides witchcraft, Lapland was also fantasized as the realm of spirits and could therefore provide the perfect setting for "gothic" or supernatural tales of terror that flooded the British literary market at the turn of the nineteenth century. Thus, "Hrim Thor or The Winter King. A Lapland Ballad"(1801) merely relies on the otherworldly dimension of northernmostFennoscan-dia,27 while Anne Bannerman's "The Fisherman of Lapland" (1802) makes use of the boreal gloom to stage the apparition of a spectral shadow on the icy ridges of a storm-beaten cliff, after its former owner, a fisherman named Peter, disappeared at sea.28
23 "Like Lapland witches to ensure a wind;" cf. Byron, George Gordon, Lord, Waltz: An Apos-trophic Hymn—by Horace Hornem, Esq. (The noble author of Don Juan). London: W. Clark, 1821, p. 13.
24 "Whate gales are sold on Lapland's shore,"cf. Scott, Walter, Rokeby; A Poem II, xi. Edinburgh: John Ballantyne& Co.,1813, p. 70, as well as the corresponding « Note VI. », p. xxx.
25 See note entitled "Sale of Winds", in Scott, Walter, Sir, Introductions, and Notes and Illustrations, to the Novels, Tales, and Romances of the Author of Waverley. Edinburgh: Robert Cadell, 1833, vol. 2, pp. 44-5.
26 Scott, Walter, Sir, The Pirate XXI; ed. Mark A. Weinstein and Alison Lumsden. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2001, p. 195.
27 [Anon.], "Hrim Thor or The Winter King. A Lapland Ballad", in Tales of Terror; with an introductory dialogue. London: R. Faulder, J. Walker, Scatcherd et al., 1808, pp. 16-21.
28 Bannerman, Anne, "The Fisherman of Lapland", in Tales of Superstition and Chivalry. London: Vernor and Hood, 1802, pp. 91-6.
Of all these poets previously cited, Samuel Taylor Coleridge was certainly the most outstanding in his representation of Lapland and Sami cul-ture."The Destiny of Nations. A Vision"29 (1817) seeks to allegorize the historical progress of man according to David Hartley's psychological empiricism and Joseph Priestley's necessitarianism (a materialist determinism imbued with theological optimism), whose influence wasdeterminant to his early writing.30 Indeed, such an ambition dates back to autumn 1794, when he composed the 364 original lines for Robert Southey's Joan of Arc, an Epic Poem (1796),31 before completing them into an independent piece the same year, only to be published in 1817. Be that as it may, Coleridge choosesto build an Arcticallegory of superstition, this time from a progressive perspective where "Superstition with unconscious hand/Seat Reason on her throne" and thus stands for an intermediary stage from ignorance to reason as the manifestation of man's elementary response to his natural environment. To do so, he recreatesa winter scene in Lapland with the help of Knud Leem's travel account, quoted rather extensively, which seems to indicate a real concern forethno-geographical verisimilitude:
As ere from Lieule-Oaive'svapoury head The Laplander beholds the far-off sun Dart his slant beam on unobeying snows, While yet the stern and solitary Night Brooks no alternate sway, the Boreal Morn With mimic lustre substitutes its gleam. Guiding his course, or by Niemi lake
29 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, The Poems of Samuel Taylor Coleridge; ed. Ernest Hartley Coleridge. London: Oxford University Press, 1960, pp. 131-48.
30 See part of Peter Mann's introduction in Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, The Collected Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Volume 1: Lectures, 1795: On Politics and Religion; ed. Lewis Patton and Peter Mann Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015, pp. liii-lxvii.
31 Southey, Robert, Joan of Arc, an Epic Poem II. Bristol: Joseph Cottle, 1796, pp. 39-65, ll. 1-140, 144-7, 223-65, 273-85, 292-452.
Or BaldaZhiok, or the mossy stone Of Solfar-Kapper, while the snowy blast Drifts arrowy by, or eddies round his sledge Making the poor babe at its mother's back Scream in its scanty cradle: he the while Wins gentle solace as with upward eye He marks the streamy banners of the North, Thinking himself those happy spirits shall join Who there in floating robes of rosy light Dance sportively. (Destiny; 133-4, ll. 64-80)
Despite his scrutiny of the sacred topography of Lapland, Coleridge takes Niemi32 to be a lake instead of a mountain, reported by Maupertuis who, unlike his companion the abbé Outhier, forgets to distinguish it from the neighbouring lake Anjaagf3 in the most romantic description of his scientific treaty. This negligence invited James Thomson to refer both to the lake and the eminence as Niemi, or rather as being located in a region of that name,34 which probably induced the poet of the Quantocks to christen the lake in the same manner. Lowes demonstratesquite convincingly this passage to be the aggregation "of entities themselves substantially unmodified — Lee-mius, and [David] Crantz, and Maupertuis, and [Erasmus]Darwin adroitly pieced together [...]",35 even though it is Leem's authority that stands out, with four footnotes being transcribed straightfrom De LapponibusFinmarchiœ.
One may still wonder why Coleridge wouldn't give more details in his
32 Let us be notified that niemi is a common Finnish place name that means "cape", "peninsula" or "tongue of land".
33 Outhier, Reginald, Journal of a Voyage to the North in the Years, 1736 and 1737, in General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels[...]; ed. John Pinkerton, vol. 1, 1808, p. 288.
34 See Thomson, James, "Winter", in The Works of James Thomson, p. 204, l. 875, as well as appended footnote.
35 Livingstone Lowes, John, The Road to Xanadu: A Study in the Ways of the Imagination. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014, p. 95. See also whole chapter 6 entitled "Joiner's Work: An Interlude" (Ibid. pp. 86-102).
fourth note on "Jaibme Abmo"[sic], two words quite unfamiliar to an English ear and barely enlightening the line to whichthey are affixed: [Vuok-ho] Speeds from the mother of Death his destin'd way "(Destiny 1796; p. 134, l. 96). At this point, we might criticize the poet's slipshod documentation that leaves his reader in the dark concerning Leem's precious account of the Sami underworld, "Jabme Aibmo, where Jabme-Akko, or the mother of death, holds her empire."36 Here is now the full folkloristic extract that can easily be traced back to Leem:
I deem those legends terrible, with which The polar ancient thrills his uncouth throng: Whether of pitying Spirits that make their moan O'er slaughter'd infants, or that Giant Bird Vuokho[sic], of whose rushing wings the noise Is Tempest, when the unutterable Shape Speeds from the mother of Death his destin'd way To snatch the murderer from his secret cell. (Destiny of Nations 1796; p. 134, ll. 90-7)
Just like his contemporaries, Coleridge knew the sublime potential of such obscure northern beliefs put into verse, which may explain his relative silence upon their source and original form, as well as the poetic licence he took with them. This is certainly how he could engage into mythopoeia, by interpolating three different legends, namely that of mourning spirits called "Epparis, or Shjort"37, of the demon bird "Vuokko", and possibly that of tutelary mountain-birds called "Saivo-Lodde";38 thus making of the Vuokko a
36 Leem, Knud, An Account of the Laplanders of Finmark[...], p. 460.
37 "This kind of spectre is believed to wander up and down where any infant who had not received a name had been slain. It is [said] to cry out until the infant has a name given in, then to vanish." (Ibid., p. 480).
38 "Its office is to shew the way to a magician while journeying. The Laplanders say that this bird is frequently sent out by a rival and revengeful magician, to the destruction of magicians
sort of avenging thunderbird deity, whereas it is simply described by Leem "as a bad demon, appearing in the form of a huge and foul bird, from which the Noaaid, or magician is said to receive those infamous and noxious [Gan] flies39 [...] numbered among their magical instruments most remarkable [...] as an instrument of injuring."40 Or must we suppose that the poem's "Vuok-ho" was sent by some shaman after the murderer of the infants mentioned right before? Luckily for Coleridge, Finnish religion historian Sigfried Rafael Karsten would later admit that "passevare [or saivo] lodde" was "generally called vurneslodde (also vuokko),"41 which almost legitimizes, still partly only, the English poet's retelling of Lappish mythology in "The Destiny of Nations".
On the one hand, the grafting of such a copious Arctic digression in a poem first of all dedicated to the feminine martyr hero of medieval France Joan of Arc doesn't go without raising some interrogations. It confirms on the other hand this well-averred Romantic search for new poetical horizons far up north. Consequently, authors like Coleridge realized how the wealth of scenic and ethnographical descriptions contained in Arctic travel accounts such as Leem's De Lapponibus Finmarchrn could considerably enrich their own compositions. This is made all the more obvious in "The Destiny of Nations", where a versification of what looks very much alike the Inuit myth of Sed-na, a sea goddess, follows immediately the Lappish episode (Destiny; pp. 135-6, ll. 98-126), starting with the terrifying voyage of "The Greenland Wiz-ard"42 commonly known as "angekok" down into the darkness of her watery abyss.43 It comes then as no surprise that the success achieved by his "Rime
and other men." See Leem, Knud, An Account of the Laplanders of Finmark, p. 460.
39 SeeLeem, Knud, An Account of the Laplanders of Finmark,pp. 479-80.
40 Ibid., pp. 462, 479.
41 Karsten, Rafael, The Religion of the Samek. Ancient Beliefs and Cults of the Scandinavian and Finnish Lapps. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1955, pp. 86.
42 See the eponymous chapter in Ward, David, Coleridge and the Nature of Imagination: Evolution, Engagement with the World, and Poetry. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, pp. 34-51.
43 Likewise, Coleridge gives his source: Cranz, David, The History of Greenland: Containing a Description of the Country, and Its Inhabitants: and Particularly a Relation of the Mission, Carried on — 14 —
of the Ancient Mariner" (1798), owing very much also to his Arctic readings,44 secured him a place in the British literary pantheon. So while the Romantic imagination became fuelled with heretofore unknown wild legends and sublime landscapes, it also directed northern primitivism toward ethnographical dissemination, as previously exemplified by Coleridge's Lappish prelude to "The Destiny of Nations", which clearly departs from the stale vignette of the Lapland witch still widely popular at the turn of the nineteenth century. With that in mind, as well as the benefit of hindsight, would it be deemed too absurdto credit the Romantic poet for, in a way, attempting a first small but nonetheless significant step towards Arcticfolkloristics and religious history?
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