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189EEK 63.3(4Hex); y^K 94(437) Hexua
Petr Charvat
THE INCHOATE STATE OF BOHEMIA
Source editions
It is right and proper to open this review of research work on the origins and emergence of the early state of medieval Bohemia by references to new source editions which became available to scholars recently. First and foremost, a highly laudable event has occured in the re-publication, by a Masaryk-University team of Brno, of the long unavailable first volume of the «Magnae Moraviae Fontes Historici», containing data from charters and historical works pertaining to the 9th-century history of ancient Moravia1. Second, we owe to the effort of Professor Jan Pauliny of the Bratislava university in Slovakia the re-edition of Arabic writings on early Slavs2. Strictly speaking, this is a publication printed abroad, and it would, in all correctness, have to be included in the «Resarch on Bohemian history abroad» section. Nevertheless, in view of the significance of this compendium I have deemed it advisable to open this short review with reference to it.
History
Up to now, the dominant perception of the origins and earliest history of the Bohemian state is that coined by the two most eminent historians of early medieval Bohemia, the late Dusan Trestik and Josef Zemlicka. The two have worked closely together, both at the Historical Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech republic at Prague, and at the Centre for Medieval Studies, a joint undertaking of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic (Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences before 1993) and Charles University, Prague. At the lat-
1 Magnae Moraviae fontes historici, source edition in five volumes / Ed. by L. Havlfk. Brunae, 1967-1977. — The first volume has been recetly re-edited: Magnae Moraviae Fontes Historici I. 2nd ed. / Red. D. Bartonkova, L. Havlfk, Z. Masa-rfk, R. Vecerka. Brno, 2008.
2 Pauliny J. Arabske spravy o Slovanoch (9.-12. storocie). Bratislava, 1999.
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ter institution, this line of research has found a worthy successor in the person of its current Director, Petr Sommer. The set of hypotheses which they proposed has found expression in a number of historical monographs and research papers, of which the most comprehensive have been published after 20003.
In order to state the initial position of Czech research, let me present succinctly Dusan Trestlk’s and Josef Zemlicka’s views and opinions concerning the origins, emergence and stabilization of the earliest statehood in the Czech-speaking lands. Trestlk believes that the arrival of Slavs to what became the Czech-speaking lands of the Middle Ages is to be dated as early as the thirties of the 6th century A. D. Throughout their early medieval, and especially pre-state history, he perceives this geographical entity to have been occupied by only one single Slav «tribe», called Bohemi, supposed by him to have included a number of princes. Dusan Trestlk has always denied the existence of any other «tribes» in Bohemian history. This political body purportedly convened, in regular intervals, at the «field of assembly», situated on the site of the later Prague Castle, to discuss and decide matters of common interest.
The Bohemian state, as both abovementioned savants assume, arose at the beginning of the eighties of the 9th century, when duke Borivoj of the Premyslid lineage girted this «field of assembly» by an enclosure, declaring himself its overlord, and thus he elevated his own sovereign will above the traditional liberties of the ancient Bohemians.
In Trestlk’s and Zemlicka’s concept, the Premyslid dukes then proceeded to render themselves masters of all land within the borders of the inchoate state of Bohemia, giving their realms the form of a huge redistribution mechanism. For both scholars, the only source of wealth within medieval Bohemia, to which the elites of the nascent state could aspire, was represented by shares in revenues raised for the paramounts of the land, and the only way up the social ladder led through ducal service. This arrangement they presented as a new historical model, proper to the early states of East-Central Europe — Bohemia, Poland and Hungary («state-of-a-Central-European-type» model).
It was only in the 12th century — pace Trestlk and Zemlicka — that the holders of major offices wielded sufficient wealth and power to establish, out of bounds of their «service hold-ings» which they enjoyed as appurtenances of their public offices, complexes of their own landed property, not subject to the paramounts but representing exclusively and solely their own private possessions. To this the dukes and then kings of medieval Bohemia reacted approvingly, as they could hardly do anything else, feeling sorely the need to buy the support of the elite circles (on this see the oft-cited laws of duke Conrad Otto of 1189: CDB II: 325, p. 330 ll. 7-9: «Omnes hereditates, quas viri nobiles, tam maiores quam minores, tempore ducis Conradi sine querela iuste et pacifice huc usque possederunt, in bona tranquillitate pacis ammodo possideant»).
According to Trestlk and Zemlicka, a major breakthrough then happened in the 13th century. They suppose that the traditional system of ducal offices gradually fell into disuse and ulti-
3 See: Trestlk D. 1) Pocatky Premyslovcu — Vstup Cechu do dejin (530-935). Praha, 1997; 2) «Eine grosse Stadt der Slawen namens Prag» (Staaten und Sklaven in Mitteleuropa im 10. Jahrhundert) // Boleslav II. Der tschechische Staat um das Jahr 1000, Internationales Symposium, Praha 9.-10. Februar 1999 / Red. P. Sommer. Praha, 2001. S. 93-138;
3) Myty kmene Cechu (7.-10. stoletf). Tri studie ke «Starym povestem ceskym». Praha, 2003; as well as the contributions by Trestlk and by Zemlicka to: Europas Mitte um 1000. Catalogue of an exhibition. Bd. 1-3 / Hrsg. von A. Wieczorek und H.-M. Hinz. Stuttgart, 2000; Sommer P., Trestlk D., Zemlicka J., Opacic Z. Bohemia and Moravia // Christianization and the rise of Christian monarchy - Scandinavia, Central Europe and Rus' c. 900-1200 / Ed. by N. Berend. Cambridge,
2007. P. 214-262; and especially: Premyslovci — Budovanf ceskeho statu / Red. P. Sommer, D. Trestlk, J. Zemlicka, P. Maskova, R. Novotny. Praha, 2009.
mately vanished. From this point on, the nobility concentrated all their efforts on the establishment, holding and development of their own estates (Zemlicka has even used the expression «privatization of the state»). Meanwhile, kings had to draw their principal wealth from other sources: shares in the exploitation of mineral wealth, taxes paid by monasteries, towns and cities, and certain other revenues declared exclusive royal privileges such as toll fees.
A corollary to what has just been observed, and a parallel line of research, is pursued by Zdenek Merlnsky, Head of the Department of Archaeology at the Masaryk University of Brno. He has launched a large-scale project of history of the Czech-speaking lands in the early Middle Ages, and especially of their pre-state period, or, as is still customary to call the Middle Ages in this country, the «Slav period». Of the proposed four volumes of this publication series, two have already seen the light of day4: volume One begins around 500 A. D., volume Two about 800. Merlnsky has been taking into account virtually all specialized literature on the issue available now. We all look forward to the publication of the last volume of the series, proposed to contain the literary references. Zdenek Merlnsky has, in the treatise in consideration here, also submitted the most recent, and most extensive, treatment of the very first statehood centre on the territory of the present-day Czech Republic, situated in ancient Moravia, also referred to as Great Moravia (roughly 822-907). We owe further contributions on the archaeology and history of 9th-century ancient Moravia to the efforts of Jin Machacek5.
These, of course, are by no means the only presentations of the most ancient phase of Bohemian medieval history. A few years ago, the Paseka publishing agency (Prague and Litomysl) launched an ambitious «remake» of the age-sanctioned Czech History (Ceske dejiny) series, printed during the first three decades of the 20th century by the renowned Jan Laichter publishing house of Prague. In the first volume of this series, the topic under consideration here has been taken up by the eminent representative of early medieval studies at the Philosophical Faculty of Charles University, Prague, Marie Blahova6.
The advent of a new generation of scholars formed by their prolonged sojourns in centres of learning beyond the frontiers of the Czech Republic after 1990 has resulted in a number of contributions to the solution of whatever problems of the history of the Czech-speaking lands in the Middle Ages are felt as inadequately treated. Among these, mention must be made first and foremost of David Kalhous7. His published works speak eloquently of the author’s knowledge of specialized literature. Kalhous has already modified some of Trestlk’s statements, seeking to react to objections to, and weak points of, Dusan Trestlk’s argumentation. Thus he has commented the series of assumptions that have led Dusan Trestlk to the postulation of the overall domination of the Bohemian paramounts over all the immmovable properties and estates within the land8, showing their indebtedness to the theoretical concepts
4 Мётт^ Z. Ceske zemё od prfchodu Slovam po Velkou Moravu. Sv. I. Praha, 2002; Sv. II. Praha, 2006.
5 Machacek J. Pohansko bei Breclav. Ein fmhmittelalterliches Zentrum als sozialwirtschaftliches System. Bonn, 2007; Fmhgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa. Internationale Konferenz und Kolleg der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung zum 50. Jahrestag des Beginns archaologischer Ausgrabungen in Pohansko bei Breclav, 5.-9.10.2009, Breclav, Tschechische Republik / Hrsg. von J. Machacek und S. Ungerman. Bonn, 2011. (Studien zur Archaologie Europas. Bd. 14).
6 Blahova М., Frolik J., Profantova N. Velke Dёjiny zemf koruny Ceske. Sv. I. Praha; Litomysl, 2008.
7 For a major study by him see: Kalhous D. Ceske zemё za prvnfch Premyslov^ v 10.-12. stoletf. Praha, 2011.
8 Kalhous D. Mittelpunkte der Herrschaft und Cosmas von Prag — Zum Charakter der Macht des fmhmittelalterlichen Fasten // Fmhgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa. Internationale Konferenz und Kolleg der Alexander von Hum-boldt-Stiftung zum 50. Jahrestag des Beginns archaologischer Ausgrabungen in Pohansko bei Breclav, 5.-9.10.2009, Breclav, Tschechische Republik / Hrsg. von Jiri Machacek und Simon Ungermann (Studien zur Archaologie Europas. Bd. 14). Bonn, 2011. S. 669-689.
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of Trestik’s days, and to archaeological knowledge gathered, in a masterly fashion, in the fifties and sixties of the 20th century by Jin Slama, Professor of the Department of medieval archaeology of the Philosophical Faculty of Charles University, Prague (whose major works were now summarily edited by Klapste9).
Dwelling both on the shortcomings of earlier ideas of the efficiency of (even early) medieval agriculture, the ability of which to sustain persons exempted from primary production had clearly been underestimated, Kalhous insists on the necessity to pay attention to extra-economic, primarily political and spiritual, factors playing major roles in the emergence of early statehood. He especially emphasizes the representational role of early medieval elites, who asserted their supremacy by simply being present at a number of sites of their holdings, and by displaying publicly their leading roles.
Another comment on Trestlk’s and Zemlicka’s ideas has come from Ivo Stefan, author of a contribution on the history of the ancient Moravian state10. There, he takes into consideration the «state-of-a-Central-European-type» model. In this, a) the sovereign poses as lord supreme over land and people, b) territorial administration operates by means of a network of castles or rather fortified sites, and c) qualified work is supplied by specialists making up the so-called service organization, providing services, taxes and deliveries of most diverse kind needed by the central administration and its organs. Stefan observes that the supposed derivation of all these features from the eastern Frankish empire lacks any support in the sources11.
Up to now, the inland community of Czech-speaking historians has experienced only one head-on collision with the concepts outlined above, which have now became traditional. This came from Libor Jan, Head of the Department of History at the Masaryk University of Brno. In his recent book about king Wenceslas II (1283-1305)12, Jan criticizes the Trestik-cum-Zemlicka hypothesis set, raising questions on two points:
a) What character did the property of the paramount rulers of early medieval Bohemia assume? Is it true that all the arable and uncultivated land was theirs, or did the wider community of Bohemian power-holders assign the paramounts particular estates and privileges enabling them to carry out their office?
b) What is the origin of Bohemian aristocracy? Is it true that in early medieval Bohemia, the only sources of wealth, power and prestige lied within the power orbit of the redistribution system of the paramounts, or did Bohemian nobles wield their landed property from very early times, without any substantial interference from the rulers of the land?
Jan’s publications13 met with determined opposition from Dusan Trestlk and Josef Zemlicka, who wrote a devastating review of the book. This is deplorable, since both issues belong to major research problems, for which no satisfactory answers can be considered to have been provided by modern historical studies. On our information about the origins of Bohemian nobility I will speak later in the «Archaeology» section.
9 Na prahu ceskych dejin — Sbornfk pracf Jirfho Slamy / Red. J. Klapste. Praha, 2006.
10 Stefan I. Great Moravia, Statehood and Archaeology. The «Decline and Fall» of One Early Medieval Polity // Fruhgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa. Internationale Konferenz und Kolleg der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung zum 50. Jahrestag des Beginns archaologischer Ausgrabungen in Pohansko bei Breclav, 5.-9.10.2009, Breclav, Tschechische Republik / Hrsg. von Jiff Machacek und Simon Ungerman. Bonn, 2011. S. 333-354. (Studien zur Archaologie Europas. Bd. 14).
11 Stefan I. Great Moravia, Statehood and Archaeology... S. 348-349.
12 Jan L. Vaclav II. a struktury panovnicke moci. Brno, 2006.
13 Jan L. 1) Vaclav II. a struktury panovnicke moci.; 2) Skryty puvab «stredoevropskeho modelu» // CCH. 2007. Roc. 105. S. 873-902.
As to the «service holdings» of Bohemian paramounts, an earlier generation of Bohemian scholars have already noticed that up until 1100, dukes of the land disposed only of movable wealth sources — humans in service, and revenues in (also coined) silver and in kind14. Only in 1115 or thereabouts, duke Vladislav I, founder of the Benedictine monastery at Kladruby in SW Bohemia, provided his new institution with certain immovable estates, in addition to the usual moveable sources, declaring, however, with unusual emphasis that he did nothing which the customary law of the land would not have permitted him (strengthening thus our suspicion that this was precisely what happened: CDB I: 390, p. 394 ll. A: 26-29 = B 23-26: «nichil iniuste, nihil vi cuiquam ablatum ei obtuli, nihilpreter hoc, quod antecessoribus meis religiosis viris secundum consuetudinem terre offerre licuit»). Who then actually «owned» the arable- and pasture land?
A courageous attempt at re-dating one of the most valuable, but also most controversial, texts of the early Middle Ages — the so-called Christianus text, actually a double legend of SS. Ludmila and Wenceslas, deemed now to date back into late 10th century — has been undertaken by Petr Kubln of the Catholic Faculty of Charles University, Prague15. He has proposed a 12th-century date for it, linking its authorship with the efforts of bishops of Prague to enhance the cult of St. Ludmila and to confer a special glamour on it by integrating it with the well-established cult of St. Wenceslas.
Archaeology
Now I take the liberty to pass in review the results of a host of sister diciplines of history, starting with archaeology. Here I entreat my readers to show patience, as archaeology is my own discipline, and this passage of my text may seem excessively long and detailed.
Much interesting work has been done on the last phases of the Migration period and on the residual Germanic-speaking populations on the territory of present-day Czech Republic. The names to dedicate attention to are Eduard Droberjar and Jaroslav Jink. Eduard Droberjar has authored a chapter on the Migration period in the most recent review publication of Czech prehistoric archaeology16. Jaroslav Jink has excavated an important Migration-period cemetery at Praha-Zlicm, and is now working on the interpretation of this most significant data set, showing well the re-orientation of bearers of Germanic cultures on Bohemian territory from the lower Danube via the Elbe regions towards Rhineland, most probably in accordance with the translocation of the foremost political centres of the epoch, during the 5th century17.
For the origins of medieval settlement on our territory after 500 A. D., the huge settlement site of Roztoky by Prague, consisting of several hundred sunken huts of the late 6th through late 7th century, still looms large on the research horizon of Czech archaeology18.
14 E. g., Novy R. Premyslovsky stat 11. a 12. stoletf. Praha, 1972.
15 Kubin P. Znovu o Kristiana // Od knfzat ke kralum. Sbornfk u prflezitosti 60. narozenin Josefa Zemlicky / Red. E. Dolezalova, R. Simunek, D. Dvorackova, A. Ponzka. Praha, 2007. S. 63-72; the Christianus text is now available online, see: http://www.clavmon.cz/clavis/FRRB/chronica/Legenda%20Christiani.htm (cited February 18 th, 2012).
16 Droberjar E. Mladsf doba rfmska // Archeologie pravekych Cech. Sv. 8: Doba rfmska a stehovanf narodu / Red. V. Salac. Praha, 2008. S. 127-155; see also: Droberjar E. Vek barbaru. Ceske zeme a stehovanf narodu z pohledu archeo-logie. Praha; Litomysl, 2005.
17 Vavra J., Jink J., Kucharik M., Kubalek P. Vyzkum pohrebiste z doby stehovanf narodu v Praze-Zlicfne v letech 2005-2008 // Archaeologica Pragensia. 2008. Vol. 19. S. 211-232.
18 Kuna M., Profantova N., et al. Pocatky raneho stredoveku v Cechach — Archeologicky vyzkum sfdelnf aglomerace kultury prazskeho typu v Roztokach. Praha, 2005.
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The site presents a mystery: in spite of its enormous size, it is situated in a narrow river valley where the inhabitants simply could not live by the work of their own hands only. Evidence for transport of comestibles to Roztoky in the form of finds of millstones, for which the grain must definitely have been imported, does exist, but no plausible explanation of the functions of this settlement has been put forward as yet. What does matter, however, is the fact that the material culture of Roztoky visibly displays exposure to components of the last Migration-period cultures, and to the milieu of the incipient Middle Ages, of Bohemia. Stamped decoration on pottery, bone combs copying similar utensils found in the latest Migration-period graves, as well as iron implements all reflect contacts with the world of Merovingian material culture of Western Europe. In addition to this, a decorated fragment of a sheet-silver casing shows contacts with the Mediterranean, and finds of imported amber visualize a connection with northern Europe.
The most ancient phases of medieval settlement of the Czech-speaking lands are closely connected with the so-called Prague type of early medieval pottery. This has been, and, to a large extent, still is considered as material correlate of the earliest Slavic-speaking population on our territory, though, of course, no positive proof of such a linkage can be provided. This is no wonder, as any ethnic interpretations of archaeological material always present slippery ground, and discussions of this topic will undoubtedly continue in the future.
In the Czech popular culture, the advent of the first groups of medieval inhabitants of the Czech-speaking lands has been connected with the mythical ancestor of the Bohemians and Czechs, Bohemus, reported to have ascended the mountain of Rip in NW Bohemia and proph-ecized a glorious future to his nation. A recent archaeological survey of the lansdcape setting of the Rip mountain19 has contributed no evidence for early medieval settlement there. The question whether this does imply that as a «sacred mountain», Rip and its vicinity remained out of bounds for the average population groups of early medieval Bohemia, as interpreted by the author of the medieval phase of this survey20, remains a challenge for future research.
The existence of the subsequent waves of early medieval newcomers to our territory, formerly supposed to have arrived in the 7th century from regions by the Danube river, has now been cast into doubt, and recent research tends to push this event or these events into later time periods, namely into the 8th century21.
The 8th century presents something of a mystery, or a «dark age» of the history of Czechspeaking lands. Written sources are next to non-existent, and it is extremely hazardous to go by the sparse nad tenuous archaeological evidence. No site comparable to Roztoky exists, and, to make matters still worse, most of the cemetery evidence comes from cremation burials under funerary barrows, notoriously difficult to date. All that is left to us is thus evidence offered by a host of dispersed and incomplete specimens of southeast (Avar)-oriented material culture, especially components of warrior belts or baldrics, and of horse harness, indicating the warrior ethos of coeval elites (autochthonous or external?). In this aspect, Nad’a Profantova has contributed the most substantial results22.
19 Archeologie krajiny pod Rfpem / Red. M. Gojda, M. Trefny, et al. Plzen, 2011.
20 Novacek K. Rip a jeho kostel. K vyvoji a kontextu rotundy svateho Jiff // Archeologie krajiny pod Rfpem / Red. M. Gojda, M. Trefny, et al. Plzen, 2011. S. 140-142.
21 Lutovsky M. Praha slovanska // Lutovsky M., Smejtek L., et al. Praveka Praha. Praha, 2005.
22 Profantova N. 1) Awarische Funde aus den Gebieten nordlich der awarischen Siedlungsgrenzen // Awarenforschungen. Bd. 2 / Hrsg. von F. Daim. Wien, 1992. S. 605-801/ (Archaeologia Austriaca: Monographien 1: Studien zur Archaologie der Awaren 4); 2) On the archaeological evidence for Bohemian elites of the 8th-9th century // Central Europe in 8th-10th
Relations to the Avar kaganate, situated SE of the Czech-speaking lands in the middle Danubian regions, which collapsed after nearly two centuries of existence when attacked by the armies of Charlemagne in 791 and 796, have always constituted a theme of heated discussions. At present, it seems reasonable to suppose that if any part of the Czech-speaking lands had ever acknowledged the suzerainty of the kaganate, it was a tiny segment of most southeastern Moravia, and that only during the mature and late 8th century.
The demise of the Avar kaganate opened up a host of problems for the administrators and frontier defenders of the eastern Frankish empire. Instead of one single power, they now had to face a series of neighbour communities headed by princes quick to assert their independence, who all wished to negotiate peace and good relations with the eastern Franks, but who did not hesitate to take up arms if they deemed it expedient. Thus, the 9th century ushered in a wholesale re-shaping of east-central Europe in accordance with the realities of the day. The eastern neighbours of Bohemia, Moravians, proceeded to build up their own early state.
In Bohemia itself, two major changes may be perceived in the 9th century. The first of these is the complete re-structuration of the power base of the land. Take up most, nearly any, walled site(s) of the early medieval period in Bohemia: the 9th century either saw their desertion, or their foundation23. This presumably indicates the collapse of the old political structures of the land, and the buildup of new power bases, possibly by a new generation of leaders eager to put forward their claims to political visibility.
The second change involved the character of elite power. 9th century chiefs and paramounts no longer insisted on the warrior ethos proper to their 8th century predecessors. Swords and their trappings, as well as female jewellery, now constituted the hallmark of the period’s great men and women24. For the first time in the Middle Ages, women joined men in high-society roles, presumably as administrators, managers and status transmitters, insofar as can be judged according to the importance of the swords, never weapons only, but symbols of administrative and judiciary powers of medieval elites.
The 9th century also witnessed the first floruit of Bohemian chiefly culture, attested to by burials and cemeteries of the land’s foremost men and women (the relevant materials being presented in Czech contributions to Wieczorek-Hinz 2000). In a richly equipped double burial of a gentleman and a lady at Kolm-nad-Labem, datable into the second half of the century, recent research perceives the remains of one of the fourteen chieftains of Bohemia (quatuordecim ex ducibus Bohemannorum), baptised in the Christian fath at the Bavarian city of Regensburg in January 845, probably with his consort25. Another lady of rank, a Christian on the evidence of a sheet-silver cross sewn to the shroud covering her face and wearing precious jewellery of both Western and autochthonous origin, found her last resting place under a funerary barrow at the site of Zelenky by the NW Bohemian town of Duchcov. Finally, the huge Central Bohemian site of Stara-Kourim by Kolm-nad-Labem yielded a whole cemetery
Centuries, International Scientific Conference, Bratislava, October 2-4, 1995 / Ed. by D. Caplovic and J. Dorul'a. Bratislava, 1997. P. 105-114.
23 The archaeological record being summarily presented in Ctverak V., Lutovsky M., Slabina M., SmejtekL. Encyklopedie hradisf v Cechach. Praha, 2003.
24 Profantova N. On the archaeological evidence for Bohemian elites of the 8th-9th century // Central Europe in 8th-10th Centuries, International Scientific Conference, Bratislava, October 2-4, 1995 / Ed. by D. Caplovic and J. Dorul’a. Bratislava, 1997. P. 105-114.
25 On this event see most recently Goldberg E. J. Struggle for Empire: Kingship and Conflict Under Louis the German, 817-876. Ithaca; New York: Cornell University Press, 2006. P. 139, footnote 88.
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of elite individuals laid to rest at the site’s highest point by what was apparently a sacred spring or lake. This burial ground, dating, by and large, between 850 and 950, entombed remains of some four generations of the local leaders. Here the lineage solidarity persisted to such na extent that the cemetery remained in use even after the local chiefly family had turned Christian around 900, kinship solidarity evidently superseding their religious orientation in strength.
The world of external relations of Bohemian 9th century elites expanded as they themselves took over the land’s administration26. Newly gathered evidence, especially that collected by the metal-detector users responsible enough to consult with archaeologists, such as attire articles of Anglo-Hibernian style27, coins struck in Charlemagne’s mints28 or original imports and local imitation of Frisian wine amphorae29 all points especially to contacts towards the west and northwest of Europe.
The 10th century, crucial from the viewpoint of the establishment of Bohemian statehood, presents another archaeological enigma (the evidence being again summarized in Czech contributions to Wieczorek-Hinz 2000). A host of sites within central Bohemia, linked historically with the first sovereigns of the Premysl dynasty (Levy-Hradec, Prazsky-Hrad, and the recently identified site of Klecany30) display elite material culture definitely related to that of the highest society of ancient Moravia, visualizing thus an undeniable link between the two centres of early state building. However, we find hardly anything in them that could persuade us that a state had been born, had we not the testimony of written sources at our disposal. Indeed, another transition phase seems to confront us in the archaeological materials.
Some of the earlier elite sites vanished into oblivion, such as Stara-Kourim, likely to have been deserted after 950, with another site having been established in the vicinity. The map of new Premysl-dynasty hillforts close to the earlier ones which had been deserted, presented by Jin Slama, is impressive, but the evidence from these site pairs may be so elusive that it can hardly constitue an undeniable proof of this process31. But new sites do nonetheless spring up, as, for instance, the Premyslid base at Stara-Boleslav by Prague, notorious as the place of murder of duke Wenceslas on 28th September 93532, or Libice-nad-Cidlinou by Podebrady in central Bohemia. Traces of elite presence before 900 are constituted there by luxury articles, which could all have been brought to the site later. Some parts of Libice have been fortified as late as c. 900, and a transformation into an elite site came about there only around 950. Libice underwent conquest and plundering subsequent to an attack by Premysl-dynasty warriors, targetting the family of St. Adalbert of Prague, on September 27-28, 99533. Another crux has been brought about by the impressive wood-covered hill of Zavist just south of Prague, on the
26 Profantova N. Karolinskё importy a jejich napodobovanf v Cechach, pnpad^ na Moravё (konec 8.-10. stoletf) // Zborrnk Slovenskёho narod^ho muzea. Archeologia. 2011 (Supplementum 4). S. 71-104.
27 Ibid. P. 81, Fig. 8 on P. 86.
28 Ibid. P. 82.
29 Ibid. P. 87, 91 and Fig. 15 on P. 95.
30 See: Profantova N. New Evidence concerning Dating, Importance and Hinterland of Early Medieval Hillfort of Klecany, district of Prague-East // Fmhgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa. Internationale Konferenz und Kolleg der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung zum 50. Jahrestag des Beginns archaologischer Ausgrabungen in Pohansko bei Breclav, 5.-9.10.2009, Breclav, Tschechische Republik / Hrsg. von J. Machacek und S. Ungerman. Bonn, 2011. S. 355-370. (Studien zur Archaologie Europas. Bd. 14).
31 See most recently: Varadzin L. K vyvoji hradisf v jadru Cech se zretelem k pfemyslovskё domёnё (pf^spёvek do diskuse) // AR. 2010. Roc. LXII/3. S. 535-554.
32 Stara Boleslav — Pfemyslovsky hrad v ra^m stfedovёku / Red. I. Bohacova. Praha, 2003.
33 See: Marik J. Libicka sfdelnf aglomerace a jejf zazemf v ra^m stfedovёku. Praha, 2009.
top of which a small cemetery, founded around 900, contained elite articles34, but enshrined remains of personages in no way connected with the ruling Premyslid lineage, as attested to by a physical-anthropology examination35.
Things being as they are, we dispose of no more than two indications for true statehood in 10th century Bohemia. The first of these is represented by sovereign sponsorship of building projects of public character, especially Christian churches, employing new and hitherto unknown technologies such as building in stone. These structures first saw the light of day in ducal strongholds of central character (such as the Prague Castle or Vysehrad castle of Prague), finding their way to rural sites only gradually36. Nevertheless, stone churches or-nated Premyslid administrative foci as early as about 1000, as shown by the frontier site of Domazlice37. It goes without saying that for a long period of time, building in stone constituted rather an exception than a rule, and a number of ecclesiastical structures of early medieval Bohemia, including monastic houses of the Benedictine order, still used wood as principal building material (again Sommer 2001a). The other indicator of early statehood, coins struck by the Premyslid administration, will be commented below.
In fact, the whole situation before the emergence of state in Bohemia, and after it, finds a most fitting illustration at the central Bohemian site of Caslav, annexed presumably to the Premysl-dynasty holdings after 99038. In comparison with the pre-state situation, a threefold change characterizes the archaeology of Caslav of the Premyslids: a) existence of a Christian church, with a cemetery, on its hilltop, b) occurrence of coins, and c) presence of base marks on pottery. I believe that base-marks on pottery designate «recipient addresses» within the circuits of secondary redistribution of taxes in kind collected fort the sovereigns of Bohemia (ibid.), similar to the inscribed «locks of wood», closing fur packages and found in the early medieval Novgorod and elsewhere39.
As to the above sketched question of origins of the Bohemian nobility of the 11th-12th centuries, this presents an extremely intricate problem.The first moment, when one of their number becomes more visible on the horizon of written sources, comes with Saint Procopius of Sazava (on whom see Sommer 2007). This gentleman, born about 970, frequented an ecclesiastical school at an unkown site, becoming subsequently a member of the parochial clergy serving most probably at one of the successor sites of Stara-Kourim. Inspired by religious zeal, he vacated his post, left his family and went to live as a hermit at a site called Sazava, on the Sazava river in central Bohemia. Having gathered a group of followers, he changed his establishment into a Benedictine abbey, where he died in peace on 25 March 1053. Procopius’s
34 Motykova K., Rybova A. Slovanskё pohrebi^ na Hradisti nad Zavistf // AR. 1975. Roc. 27. S. 504-513.
35 Chochol J. Pfedbёzna antropologicka analysa lidskych pozustat^ ze slovanskych ЬгоЪй I-VII na Zavisti // AR. 1975. Roc. 27. S. 513-515.
36 On this see: Charvat P. Matёriel fu^raire et identification ethnique en Boheme-Moravie, VIIe - Xe siecle // Autour des Morts — Mёmoire et Ident^, Actes du Ve colloque international sur la sociabil^, Rouen, 19-21 novembre 1998 / Ed. par O. Dumoulin et F. Thelamon. Rouen, 2001. P. 321-335; on the emergence of Bohemian Christianity see: Sommer P. Zacatky kresfanstvf v Cechach: Kapitoly z dёjin ra^ stfedovёkё duchovnf kultury. Praha, 2GG1.
37 BrichacekP., Cechura M. Kirche St. Jakobus in Taus/Domazlice und ihre Stellung in der ortlichen fmhmittelalterlichen Siedlungsagglomeration // Fmhmittelalterliche Kirchen als archaologische und historische Quelle / Hrsg. von L. Polacek und J. Maffkova-Kubkova. Brno, 2010. S. 289-304. (Internationale Tagungen in Mikulcice. Bd. VIII).
38 Charvat P. On Slavs, silk and the early state: The town of Caslav in the pristine Middle Ages // Pamatky archeolo-gick^. 1994. Roc. 85/1. S. 108-153.
39 Янин В. Л. 1) О начале Новгорода // У истоков русской государственности: Историко-археологический сборник. Материалы международной научной конференции, 4-7 октября 2005 г., Великий Новгород / Отв. ред. А. Е. Мусин. СПб., 2007. С. 205-212; 2) Очерки истории средневекового Новгорода. М., 2008.
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birthplace, the village of Chotoun, Kourim and Sazava all lie within a north-south zone some 20 km long, in central Bohemia about 50 km east of Prague. The conclusion that Procopius was wheeling and deeling within his family estate(s), possibly dislocated along a north-south belt combining the economic advantages of the fertile lowlands of the Cetral Bohemian basin with those of the woodland hills around the Sazava river, lies at hand but unfortunately, I see no chance for substantiating this hypothesis, which must remain a mere speculation.
It is only with the 12th century that we begin to see nobility residences in the countryside, emulating the sovereign in the erection of stone-masonry churches close to them. Quite frequently, this pertains to sites that the aristocracy donated to the Church for the establishment of eternal institutions. The cases in point include Sedlec in central Bohemia, where a nobleman named Miroslav gave his residence, comprising then a Romanesque-style church, to a community of Cistercian monks established in 114240, or Milevsko in southern Bohemia, where a Romanesque-style stone church, in building for a colony of Premonstratensian canons since 1184, covered the remains of at least two proceding stone-built ecclesiastical architectures, the whole being situated within the precinct of an extensive 9th-to-10th-century cemetery41. The most recent example at Tepla shows again an earlier Romanesque-style structure, probably belonging to the residence of its founder, the well-born Hroznata, removed upon foundation of a house of Premonstratensian canons in 119342.
The origins of the aristocracy of medieval Bohemia thus remain shrounded in mystery. All we can say is that before 1000 A. D., we have evidence for elite families of which some might have survived for at least four generations (Stara-Kourim). After 1000, Bohemia clearly hosted noble families, attested to in the 12th century but in some instances boasting a respectable tradition, possibly reaching back to the 11th century (Milevsko). However, at no site do there two traditions meet, and so it seems that the Premyslid state actually built up its own elite circles, so to speak, «out of the blue».
Philology
Our knowledge of the early Middle Ages of Bohemia is being constantly multiplied thanks to the efforts of specialists in both Old Church Slavonic and Latin philology. One of the major assets of recent years is undoubtedly represented by the publication of a major part of the scientific bequest of Frantisek Vaclav Mares, an eminent connoisseur of Slavic philology, who left this country after 1968 and, having found refuge in Vienna, passed away there43. In addition to other works, this contains a number of studies on the Czech version of Old Church Slavonic language and literature, including hitherto unpublished papers «Clrkevneslovanske plsemnictvl v Cechach (Literature in Church Slavonic in Bohemia)» and «Hospodine, pomiluj ny» (Lord, have mercy on us), the earliest church hymn of medieval Bohemia. The monograph also contains the curriculum vitae, and bibliography, of Professor Mares.
40 See: Charvatova K. Dejiny cisterciackeho radu v Cechach 1142-1420. Dfl I: Fundace 12. stoletf. Praha, 1998; most recently: Macek P., Zahradnik P. Byvaly cisterciacky klaster v Sedlci u Kutne Hory a jeho barokrn promeny // Sedlec. Historie, architektura a umelecka tvorba sedleckeho klastera ve stredoevropskem kontextu kolem roku 1300 a 1700, Mezi-narodnf sympozium, Kutna Hora, 18.-20. zarf 2008. = Sedletz. Geschichte, Architektur und Kunstschaffen im Sedletzer Kloster im mitteleuropaischen Kontext um die Jahre 1300 und 1700. Internationales Sympozium, Kuttenberg, 18.-20. September 2008 / Red. R. Lomickova. Praha, 2009. S. 419-439.
41 Brichacek P. Nebe a peklo na zemi — Romanske a rane goticke dlazdice z milevske premonstratske kanonie. Milev-sko, 2007.
42 Karel Novacek, kind personal communication.
43 Mares F. V. Cyrilometodejska tradice a slavistika / Preklad E. Blahova. Praha, 2000.
Thanks to another impressive undertaking of the colleagues working in this discipline, we now have at our disposal a publication of perhaps the most ambitious, but also most demanding, project of literary culture of early medieval Bohemia. This is the edition of the Old Church Slavonic translation of the Homiliae of St. Gregory the Great, carried out in Bohemia in the 11th century, from the only existing manuscript deposited now at Moscow and comprising the incredible number of 324 manuscript folios44. In addition to this, the whole thesaurus of the Old Church Slavonic literature of Czech origin has been receiving further attention, with new datings of hitherto known texts45.
As to Latin philology, a work coveted by many is undoubtedly represented by the Dictionary of Medieval Latin in the Czech-speaking lands (Latinitatis medii aevi lexicon Bohe-morum). Up to now, Part I. A-C (fasc. 1-7, incl. description of editing practice, source list and abbreviations in fasc. 1), Part II. D-H (fasc. 8-14) and Part III. (fasc. 15-21) have been published46. The last published fascicle received No. 21 (magnus-membralia, Latinitatis medii aevi lexicon Bohemorum 21).
The treasures of Bohemian medieval manuscript fund have recently been put to online use by a project entitled «Manuscriptorium»47. Administrators of this domain have rendered accessible for public use selected documents of the Latin literature of medieval Bohemia, in an easily usable format and with many important works.
Of the editions of previously unpublished materials, I must mention a homily of the so-called Heiligenkreuz Codex, ascribed to St. Adalbert of Prague (f997)48.
Numismatics
This discipline, which has already contributed so many important conclusions to our studies of the early Middle Ages of the Czech-speaking lands, continues to expand our field of vision, but also to challenge many accepted opinions. The chapter opens with a most welcome research tool, a corpus of coin finds from the territory of Bohemia, dating from the late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages, by Jin Militky49. Significantly enough, coin finds of early Byzantine origins vanish from our territory only during the third quarter of the 7th century, much as from everywhere else, hinting thus at the conclusion that until then, early medieval Bohemia belonged to the networks of international long-distance trade.
Most recent research has taken a pessimistic stance to a coin found in 10th-century layers at Staraya-Ryazan on the Volga river, and ascribed to duke Wenceslas, later Saint Wenceslas of Bohemia50.
44 Ctyricet homilif Rehore Velikeho na evangelia v ceskocfrkevneslovanskem prekladu. Dfl prvnf: Homilie I-XXIV / K vydarn pripravil Vaclav Konzal (Sancti Gregorii Magni, Romani pontificis, XL homiliarum in evangelia in versione bohemo-slavonica. Pars prima: Homiliae I-XXIV / Ad editionem praeparavit Vaclav Konzal). Praha, 2005.
45 For instance, Cajka F. Cfrkevneslovanska legenda o svate Anastazii. Praha, 2011.
46 All information on this undertaking are available on this address: Lexicon Bohemorum, Ustav pro klasicka studia AV CR, Na Florenci 3, 110 00 Praha 1, and on the electronic address: http://www.clavmon.cz/slovnik/lexicon/slovnikvice. htm.
47 http://www.manuscriptorium.com/index.php?q=cs/content/o-manuscriptoriu
48 Trestik D., Zachova J. Adhortace De ammonicione adpresbyteros a biskup Vojtech // CCH. 2001. Roc. 99. S. 279-293.
49 Militky J. Finds of Greek, Roman and early Byzantine coins in the territory of the Czech Republic. Vol. 1/1-3. Wet-teren, 2010.
50 Petran Z. Mince prisuzovane knfzeti Vaclavovi // Svaty Vaclav — Na pamatku 1100. vyrocf narozenf knfzete Vaclava Svateho / Red. P. Kubfn. Praha, 2010. S. 103-129.
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The one-time controversy over the beginnings of coin-striking in medieval Bohemia seems to have ended up by a stalemate. While the domestic numismatic community professed the view that duke Boleslav I (935-972) minted the very first coins of this country, foreign specialists (Stanislaw Suchodolski, Wolfgang Hahn), concentrating on evidence like the sequence of dies and comparisons with Bavarian issues of Regensburg, believed that the first coins of Bohemia came out only with the establishment of the Prague bishopric at the beginning of the seventies of the 10th centuries51.
Coin-striking of the Slavnlk family (roughly 980-995), the first case of breach of the Premyslid monting monopoly, does not cease to fascinate the Czech numismatic community. Studies, in which the chronology of the Slavnlk-family coins is constantly adjusted, appear every now and then52. An interesting question has emerged in this connection: where did the Slavnlk-family mint masters procure silver for striking coins? The well-known silver deposits of Kutna-Hora/Kuttenberg could not have been opened in the 10th century, since their ores possess a peculiar chemical composition necessitating melting with addition of particular minerals. This technology was not known in the 10th century, having been discovered only later. A team of geologists from the Prague National Museum have now proposed a suprising hypothesis: the Slavnlk-family mint obtained their silver from re-melted Arabic dirhams in which Islamic merchants paid for commodities which they exported from Bohemia53.
Particular attention has been paid by recent research to minting activities of queen Emma (around 950-1006), dowager duchess of Boleslav II of Bohemia and widow of Lothaire IV, king of France (reigned 954-986). After the death of Boleslav in 999, she retired to her widow holding at Melnik, central Bohemia, and apparently minted coins of Bohemia there. Specialists in numismatics have come to the conclusion that thousands of coins must have left the Melnlk mint at the dawn of the second post-Christian millennium, and that Emma must thus have played a rather important role in Bohemian economy of that time54.
The only coin hoard of the Czech-speaking lands containing a significant quantity of Islamic currency, that of Kelc in central Moravia, has been analyzed and published recently55.
Contributions from abroad
This account must, of course, taken into account work on the early state of Bohemia carried out by colleagues from abroad. As is only natural, most of these contributions have sprang up in neighbour lands of Bohemia, Austria, Germany, Hungary and especially Poland, followed by those of Russia, France and the USA.
Herwig Wolfram of Vienna has submitted many important studies in connection with his work on Austrian history, especially a recent rehearsal of evidence for Samo, the Frankish merchant, and his activities among the Slavs in the 7th century56. A major survey of Western
51 For all the issues concerned see now works by Zdenek Petran, especially Petran Z. Prvnf ceske mince. Praha, 1998.
52 For a recent one see Petran Z. Mincovnictvf Slavnfkovce Sobeslava — Geneze jednoho numismatickeho omylu // Numismaticky sbornfk. 2006. Roc. 21. S. 57-82.
53 Petran Z. Mince prisuzovane knfzeti Vaclavovi // Svaty Vaclav — Na pamatku 1100. vyrocf narozenf knfzete Vaclava Svateho / Red. P. Kubfn. Praha, 2010. S. 80, footnote 131.
54 Polansky L. Streit um die Herkunft der bohmischen Furstin Emma // Boleslav II. Der tschechische Staat um das Jahr 1000, Internationales Symposium, Praha 9.-10. Februar 1999. / Hrsg. von P. Sommer. Praha, 2001. S. 43-78.
55 Novak V. The Kelc Hoard revised: Fragments of Islamic Silver Coins. Prague, 2010.
56 Wolfram H. Salzburg, Bayern, Osterreich — Die Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum und die Quellen ihrer Zeit. Wien; Munchen, 1995.
European origo gentis tales, including a chapter on Cosmas of Prague, has come from the working table of Allheydis Plassmann57.
The Central European University at Budapest has seen the budding and blossoming of several significant projects focusing on the history of early medieval Bohemia. Katerina Hornlckova, who studied minor arts of the early Middle Ages there, contributed a treatise on the Byzantine reliquary crosses found in this country58. Jan Machula successfully defended his thesis on Bohemian trade in the 10th century before the same institution59. Properly speaking, the work of Dimitriy Mishin, who wrote his thesis on Ibrahim ibn Ya’qub at Budapest, belongs here also.
Abundant works have sprung up from our Polish colleagues. This concerns not only the monograph on Boleslav II of Bohemia60, but especially the magnum opus on early Premyslid history by Marzena Matla-Kozlowska61. We owe a concise and well-done treatment of duke Wenceslas, later Saint Wenceslas of Bohemia to Joanna Nastalska-Wisnicka62. Valuable Bo-hemica have been brought forth by a number of other studies as well63. The legacy of Ibrahim ibn Ya’qub is well-managed with contributions like that of Andrzej Zaborski64.
I cannot omit references to discussion of Bohemian history by our Russian colleagues. A recent treatise on SS. Wenceslas of Bohemia and Boris-cum-Gleb of Russia65 has fittingly brought out the differences: the cult of St. Wenceslas was primarily due to the interests of Latin clergy of Western Europe, while the veneration of SS. Boris and Gleb was based on national, especially dynastic, considerations. Dimitriy Mishin66 has authored important work on Ibrahim ibn Ya’qub and Slavs in the Arab world, and we are eagerly awaiting his further contributions to the theme.
Of colleagues based in more distant lands, let me remind my readers here of the comparative work on origo gentis tales of Slav dynasties by Pierre Gonneau of Paris, France67. In France,
57 Plassmann A. Origo gentis — Identitats- und Legitimitatsstiftung in fruh- und hochmittelalterlichen Herkunft-serzahlungen. Berlin, 2006.
58 Hornlckova K. Byzantine Reliquary Pectoral Crosses in Central Europe // Byzantinoslavica. 1999. Vol. 60. S. 213-250.
59 Machula J. Bohemia during the tenth century in the light of imports. M. A. Thesis in Medieval Studies. Budapest: Central European University, June 1999 (I am thankful to the author for rendering his work accesssible to me for study).
60 Sobiesiak J. A. Boleslaw II Przemyslida (|999): Dynasta i jego panstwo. Krakow, 2006.
61 Matla-Kozlowska M. Pierwszi Przemyslidzi i ich panstwo (od X do polowy XI wieku): Expansja terytorialna i jej polityczne uwarunkowania. Poznan, 2008.
62 Nastalska-Wisnicka J. Rex martyr. Studium zrodloznawcze nad legend^, hagiograficzn^. swi^tego Waclawa (X-XIV w.). Lublin, 2010.
63 Panner A. Kult sw. Wita w sredniowiecznym pismiennictwe czeskim // Pismiennictwo Czech i Polski w sredniowieczu i we wczesnej epoce nowozytnej / Red. A. Barciak, W. Iwanczak. Katowice, 2006. S. 252-271; Panic I. Krak w polskiej i czeskiej tradycji wczesnosredniowiecznej // Ibid. S. 48-62; Wiszewski P. Domus Bolezlai: Values and social identity in dynastic traditions of medieval Poland (c. 966-1138). Leiden; Boston, 2010.
64 Zaborski A. Bilans i przyszlosc badan nad tekstem Ibrahima Ibn Jakuba // Ibrahim ibn Jakub i Tadeusz Kowalski w szescdziesi^ rocznic^ edycji, Materialy z konferencji naukowej, Krakow, 10 maja 2006 r. / Red. A. Zaborski. Krakow,
2008. S. 25-74.
65 Парамонова М. Ю. Святые правители Латинской Европы и Древней Руси: Сравнительно-исторический анализ вацлавского и борисоглебского культов. М., 2003.
66 Mishin D. (Мишин Д. Е.) 1) Ibrahim ibn Ya’qub At-Turtushi’s Account of the Slavs from the Middle of the Tenth Century // Annual of Medieval Studies at the Central European University 1994-1995, Budapest, 1996. 184-199; 2) Сакалиба (славяне) в исламском мире в раннее средневековье. М., 2002.
67 Gonneau P. Recit des origines et fondation des dynasties slaves a travers les premieres chroniques polonaise, russe et tcheque // Annuaire de la Section des Sciences historiques et Philologiques de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes. Cent quarante et unieme annee. Paris, 2010. P. xxi-xlix.
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however, I wish to stop awhile to report on an archeological undertaking of consequence. Patrick Perin, Director of the Musee Archeologique National at Saint-Germain-en-Laye and his team, comprising, among other, Michel Kazanski and Thomas Calligaro, noticed some time ago that Merovingian articles of luxury attire and equipment, executed in the so-called «colourful style» and decorated by stones of red colour set in golden compartments, display two kinds of red stones. Before roughly 600 A. D., these were beautiful, large and clear-coloured red stones of high quality, belonging to the almandin series. After 600 A. D. up to about the beginning of 8th century, Merovingian jewels bore smaller, darker stones of poorer quality than those of the earlier period, frequently combined with complementary decorative patterns executed in granulation or filigree; these stones belong to the garnet (pyrope) series. Why this difference, and wherefrom both categories of red stone? The beautiful, pre-600 stones presented no particular difficulties: they were imported from Indian sources. But the post-600 small and less showy items proved, on examination, to be closest in their chemical composition to Bohemian garnets68.
There seem to be now so many analyses at hand that this observation cannot be simply dismissed as unfounded. The rationale behind this export of semiprecious stones from Bohemia is sought in politics. In 570, the army of Sasanian Iran occupied Arabia, and thus the passage through the channel between Arabia and Africa, through which Indian luxury goods came to Europe, became much more difficult. In this situation, jewellers of the Merovingian world had to search for an alternative raw-material source, and they found it in Bohemia. This body of evidence sheds light on a number of questions of the history of Bohemia at the very beginning of the Middle Ages.
Last but not least, voices from beyond the ocean. A comprehensive volume on power structures and relations between the sovereigns and their elite supporters has been written by Lisa Wolverton69. The debate on the origin of Slavs has generated some heat recently with the entry of Florin Curta into a seemingly consolidated situation70. With the stirring up of traditional paradigms and patterns of thought, he has brought a new impetus to studies of beginning of the Middle Ages in this country, and we shall be looking forward to what he will have to say in the future.
The author of these lines has submitted his own hypothesis of the emergence of the early state of Bohemia71. Let me expoud it here in a succinct form. The first Slavic-speaking newcomers to this country found here the ancient Germanic elite referring to themselves as BOHEMI, most probably of Longobard stock. The presence of an ethnic group named BOHEMO, attested to by Italian toponyms likely to have been introduced to the country in consequence of the Longobard Landnahme, shows the presence of such a group among the Longobards even before 568, when they are reported to have left central Europe. The newly arriving inhabitants, (also) of Slav stock, at first took up the service with the Germanic-
68 Earlier data subsumed in Charvat P. Fransky kupec Samo a sasanovsky zabor Arabie // AR. 2002. Roc. 54/4. S. 903-907; most recently see: Perin P., Calligaro T., et al. La tombe d'Aregonde. Nouvelles analyses en laboratoire du mobilier metallique et des restes organiques de la defunte du sarcophage 49 de la basilique de Saint-Denis // Antiquites nationales. 2005. Vol. 37. P. 181-206, especially pp. 192ff.
69 Wolverton L. Hastening Towards Prague — Power and Society in the Medieval Czech Lands. Philadelphia, 2001.
70 Curta F. 1) «Utvarern Slovanu» (se zvlastnfm zretelem k Cecham a Morave) // AR. 2008. Roc. 60. S. 1-54; 2) The early Slavs in Bohemia and Moravia: A response to my critics // AZ. 2009. Roc. 61. S. 725-754.
71 Charvat P. 1) Zrod ceskeho statu 568-1055. Praha, 2007; 2) The Emergence of the Bohemian State. Leiden; Boston, 2010.
speaking BOHEMI, becoming subsequently their allies and frieds, and ultimately taking over their identity.
Profiting from the knowledge of the ancient elites, the new BOHEMI took up contacts not only with the east, but with north, west and south, integrating themselves speedily into the circuits of the international long-distance trade of the epoch. Witness the export of Bohemian pyrop stones into the Merovingian cultural sphere after 600; Samo, the Frankish merchant, is hardly likely to have trudged over half Europe in order to buy slaves, as is commonly assumed. These he could have easily obtained in most of the great Western ports of trade of his time; not so the sparkling red stones. The presence of Byzantine coins including the golden solidi, «dollars» of early medieval long-distance trade, in Bohemia up to about 680 constitutes another argument in favour of this quick and successful integration of early medieval Bohemia and its inhabitants into the world circuits of Late Antiquity. All this also helps us to understand how did it come about that the Roztoky craftspeople left behind such clear imprints of Western material culture in their pottery-, bone- and iron artifacts.
Evidence for such an ethnic synthesis may be seen in the Bohemia origo gentis saga. The name of the mythical Krok, successor to office to Bohemus, purported ancestor of all Bohemians, sounds identical with the name Crocco or Crocus, king of the Alamans instrumental in placing Constantine the Great (306-337) on the throne of the Roman empire. The character of the Premyslid pedigree, with treble repetition of the -mysl element (Premysl, Nezamysl, Mnata, Vojen, Vnislav, Kresomysl, Neklan, Hostivlt) alludes to a pedigree of one of the Longo-bard dynasties with triple repetition of the -hugu element, with exactly the same meaning. Let us not forget the mythical seeress Libuse, who originally held sway over the Bohemians and who, upon their objections, chose by an oracle a man to rule over her grumbling flock, the plowman Premysl. The motif of conferring sovereignty over a land by means of a union with a woman seems to have been handed down from the old Indo-European lore, with good parallels from Irish and Welsh tales (Rhiannon, Macha). Thus, the Bohemian origo gentis saga might have emerged by means of interaction of the traditional Indo-European lore with borrowings from the Alamannic and Longobard spheres, by and large, between the 5th and 7th century.
This peaceful coexistence was disturbed by two events of major importance. First, the long-distance international trade died out after c. 680, depriving the BOHEMI of the ways and means of contact with neighbourly peoples, and possibly also of the trade profits. Second, one or several waves of new population groups came in, and settled down, in 8th-century Bohemia. This may pertain to at least two of the major «tribal» groups the existence of which is attested to by written sources of medieval Bohemia. The Doudlebi ethnonym has been derived either from a Germanic or from a Turkic language, while for the denomination Charvati we still adhere to the Middle Persian etymology proposed once by Max Vasmer (= «shepherds», «livestock-keepers»). Both groups may have arrived during the 8th century, settled down and become thoroughly slavicised including their speech. Together with the resident BOHEMI and with other vernacular groups (among whom the Lemuzi «tribe» derived its name from a Celtic language), they formed a mixed population facing now the question of the future political management of their new home country.
The non-Slavic names of the new resident «tribes» of Bohemia need not disturb us too profoundly. Though these socio-ethnic bodies might have emerged outside Bohemia, and have been forged together by action of elites speaking the original languages, they might
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have gradually been penetrated by their Slavic-speaking members to such an extent that the entire groups appropriated Slavic as a communication language, though retaining their original identity and political affiliation. Cases of a similar character are known from the territory of present-day Greece, where the sources indicate that the language change could have happened fairly quickly. The Life of St. Pancratius of Taormina, written around 700, refers to Avars settled in the vicnity of Athens, but when St. Willibald of Wurzburg passed Monemvasia at the southernmost tip of the Peloponnesus peninsula en route to the Holy Land in 721-724, he already referred to its hinterland as to «Sclavanica terra».
Thus began the 9th century, with the ancient land’s elite of BOHEMI facing a new social situation. Confronted with a heterogenous population maintaining contacts first and foremost towards the south, southeast and east, and without support and advice of the established neighbourly elites, the BOHEMI felt a challenge to the legitimization of their rule over the land’s new inhabitants, before whom they had to defend the ancient glamour of their ancestry.
These facts induced the BOHEMI to hold a traditional Indo-European ceremony of claiming suzerainty over the land72, in order to give expression to their power aspirations. This ceremony is likely to have taken place in the land’s very heart, at the long and narrow rocky ridge where the Prague Castle now stands, sometime in the first third of the 9th century, or at any rate before 850. Delimiting two areas of western and eastern sacred space segment, situated on two low hillocks at the peak of the Prague-Castle ridge, the officiants first offered sacrifice to the great gods at its western focus, roughly where the Episcopal Palace of the Prague Castle stands now. Then, proceeding to the eastern segment, they erected a columna mundi, a stone pillar or boulder in which the great gods, guardians of sovereignty, of oaths and of keeping of treaties, especially Mir (= Middle Persian pronunciation of the name of Mithra, lord of suzerainty and guardian of oaths), now took up their residence, somewhere below the chancel of the present-day St. Guy cathedral.
It may not even be excluded that as a token of this new state of things, the BOHEMI instituted the collection of tribute from all those acknowledging their supremacy (tributum pacis known from later written sources, pax = Mir = Mithra). Mithra must have been rather an important deity by then. Of course, the Slavs had brought the knowledge of this Indo-Iranian god from their original homeland, but let us take notice of the fact that as late as post-Sasanian times, Mithra’s name (remember, his name was pronouned Mir now) already meant what has survived in Slavic languages to this day, «peace», «harmony», «balanced and stable state of things». In addition to this, Mithra grew so popular in medieval Iran that his name gradually came to mean Baga, = «god», «God» in general, which could well have brought into the world the idea of Mithra being identical with the whole world.
Icons of Mithra have appeared both in Bohemia and in Moravia during the 8th century. Moreover, the same semantic content of the Mir notion may be found in the earliest Church hymn of Bohemia, «Lord have mercy upon us» (Gospodi pomiluj ny), lately dated to the second half of 10th century. There, Mir is both the «world» (Ty, spase vseho mira) and «peace», «harmony», «balance» (daj nam vsem...zizn a mir v zemi), much as in post-Sasanian sources.
This idea, admittedly hypothetical and built on indications, may seem strange, even weird, in view of the fact that at least from about 800, Latin Christianity was known and apparently
72 WoodardR. Indo-European Sacred Space — Vedic and Roman Cult. Urbana; Chicago, 2006.
practised in Bohemia. In 845, fourteen chieftains of Bohemia cum hominibus suis underwent a solemn baptism in the Christian faith at the Bavarian Regensburg on the initiative of Louis the German, king of the eastern Frankish empire ((843-876). We may even suspect the presence of Drogo, archbishop of Metz and Vicar Apostolic of Gaul and Germany and thus the second highest dignitary of the Catholic Church after the pope north of the Alps, at the ceremony. Yet, for most of his reign Louis behaved like a sworn enemy of his Bohemian and Moravian neighbours, ravaging their territory by incessant wars year after year. This fact hardly proved a successful advertisement of Christianity, and Bohemian elites, less eager to accept the message of Jesus Christ than their Moravian neighbours, could have resorted to devices borrowed from their own Indo-European cultural and spiritual heritage.
However, the results which the BOHEMI apparently hoped to reap from this ceremony came to nought, and a long and bitter civil war is likely to have ravaged the lands on the Vltava and Ohre rivers for the last two thirds of the 9th century. Chances are that these wars, to which the campaigns of conquest of Louis the German certainly contributed, resulted from the decomposition of the ancient social groupings which have been named above (major «tribes» — Doudlebi, Charvati, Lemuzi, even the BOHEMI themselves), and from the ensuing rivalry of their component groupings (clan segments? lineages?) for leading positions in the new order.
This might have been the reason why virtually any walled site of early medieval Bohemia has either been deserted, or established, throughout the 9th century. Such a wholesale destruction of fortified structures all over the country must indicate a heavy social conflagration, a collapse of the preceding power structures and attempts to provide points d’appui for the power of the new elites.
As time went by and the clash of arms did not subside, one of the (junior?) lineages of the BOHEMI, who appropriated(?) the mythical Premysl and his pedigree as their ancestor, decided to turn the tables by accepting Latin — in fact, still Ecumenic — Christianity. Starting from their castles and residences(?) at Levy-Hradec and Klecany northwest of Prague, their first chieftains or dukes — Borivoj (? - before 890), Spytihnev (895-905/915) and Vratis-lav (905/915-921) — proceeded to demonstrate their new religious affiliation by building modest-sized churches around — not at the centre of — the Prague Castle: (Borivoj? and) Spytihnev westward, up the hill but outside the castle area proper (St. Mary), and Vratislav eastward, downslope, within the ramparts but below the twin hillocks over which the ancient sacred area extended (St. George).
Why ascribe significance to the topography of the earliest shrines of the Prague Castle? Precisely because it is so unusual. For the church of Virgin Mary, a place was chosen uphill as against the castle core, correctly from the hierarchical point of view preferring the divine over the secular, but entirely outside the castle itself. Saint George was even situated downhill as against the Castle core; could this be because this church, standing by a road leading through the Castle, hosted the first elementary structure of ecclesiastical administration of Bohemia — a group of clergy administering to the needs of Christians behind, and beyond, the ramparts? Why was the core area of the Prague castle so obviously avoided by the earliest Christian houses of worship? What secret, incompatible with the message of Jesus Christ, did this space enshrine?
At the same time, the ancient double-core sacred area received a new appointment. Its western end now became a burial ground (for «traditionalist» members of the ruling elite who
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refused to comply with Christianity?), while the eastern columna mundi, ancient residence of Mir (= Mithra), became a stone seat on which the dukes of Bohemia were now inthronized. By coming into contact with the abode of Mir (= Mithra), the dukes of Bohemia «became imbued with» Mir — in fact, they became Mir themselves.
The keystone of this early-state construction was put in place by duke Wenceslas, son of Vratislav, later Saint Wenceslas of Bohemia (925-935). Unlike his predecessors, Wenceslas chose the site of his new church (St. Guy) in the very heart of the ancient sacred area, between the two holy hillocks. Having erected a monument of the new faith, he thus subdued the now established Mir, making him subordinate to the Christian God, and so stipulated that the age-old inthronization ceremony continue, but in a new, Christian garb.
From now on, Bohemian dukes received on inthronization not a simple Mir, but «St. Wenc-eslas’s Mir», as worded by the legitimization formula that they subsequently wore on their seals of office (Pax sancti Wencezlai in manu ducis XY or Pax ducis XY in manu sancti Wencezlai, both versions attested to by original seals) up to the end of the Premysl dynasty in 1306.
Резюме
В статье освещаются исследования возникновения чешской государственности, появившиеся в Чешской республике после 1990 года. Первые средневековые обитатели территории, которая впоследствии станет Чешским княжеством, а затем и королевством, пришли и поселились здесь, вероятно, в середине VI в. Их страна была открыта на все четыре стороны света: притом, что их прародина должна была находиться на северо-востоке или юго-востоке Богемии. Они быстро вступили в контакт со своими соседями на севере (Прибалтика), на западе (Меровингский мир) и на юге Европы (Средиземноморье). Эти взаимосвязи прекратили функционировать с наступлением всеобщего кризиса пост-античного мира в третьей четверти VII в. По прошествии времени, в течение VIII столетия, в Чехию, по-видимому, прибыли следующие группы славяноязычных переселенцев, которые поддерживали контакты главным образом с юго-востоком, являясь партнерами находившегося в Среднем Подунавье Аварского каганата.
После 800 г. коллапс этого раннего среднеевропейского государства привел к образованию вакуума власти в Чехии, вследствие чего местные политические структуры ощутили потребность утвердить свое право на самостоятельное управление. Традиционная элита страны, «богемы» (BOHEMI), возможно, уже в первой трети IX в. осуществила древнюю индоевропейскую церемонию утверждения верховной власти над страной. Несмотря на это, лидеры богемов вступили в длительную и ожесточенную внутреннюю войну за гегемонию в условиях новой политической ситуации. Внутренняя междоусобица привела к вмешательству могущественных соседей — ВосточноФранкского королевства, особенно при Людовике Немецком (843-876), и Моравского государства.
Не ранее рубежа IX-X вв. смута постепенно утихла, и большинство первых людей страны признало верховную власть правителей Центральной Чехии, претендовавших на происхождение от пары мифических предков, княгини Либуше и Пржемысла, считавшегося первым избранным князем Чехии.
Затем чешское раннее государство постепенно увеличивало свою власть. Традиционные элиты были окончательно преданы забвению, когда чешские лидеры
предприняли серию успешных военных кампаний, расширивших зону богемской экспансии до границ Киевской Руси. Чехия Х века принимает экуменическое христианство. Большую роль в этом процессе играл находившийся при Пражском дворе латинский клир духовенства из Регенсбургского епископства, а также духовенство славянского обряда, вероятно, пришедшее из погибшего к тому времени моравского раннего государства (оно пало после 907). Шаг за шагом, Чехия приближалась к миру латинского христианства Западной Европы, приобретая атрибуты самостоятельности, в их числе и чеканку монет местными владетелями (начиная со второй трети Х в.).
После кризиса в первой трети XI в., когда Чешское княжество существенно сузилось под давлением недавно сформированных в Центральной Европе очагов государственности — Польши и Венгрии, правители из династии Пржемысловичей продолжили выстраивать систему управления страной, создавая новые земские элиты. Очень скоро последние обустроили свои сельские резиденции и стали по примеру правителей осуществлять общее покровительство Римско-католической церкви. Постепенно знатные люди обособили собственные земельные владения и законность их держаний была признана князем в конце XII в.
Наконец, в XIII столетии произошла окончательная интеграция Чешского королевства в мир латинского христианства. Знать, прочно утвердившись в своих имениях, почувствовала себя достаточно сильной, чтобы претендовать на то, чтобы делить публичную власть со своими сюзеренами, иногда даже принимая функции правителя страны (как, например, в малолетство короля Вацлава II — 1278-1283). Очень скоро, бюргерство новооснованных малых и больших городов, передав свои знания и энергию в распоряжение властей, присоединилось к королю и аристократии в качестве «третьей силы» теперь уже полностью конституированного королевства Богемии.
Данные о статье
Автор: Петр Харват, доктор археологии, профессор Западночешского университета в Пльзне, Пльзень, Чешская республика, [email protected]
Заголовок: The inchoate state of Bohemia (Раннее Чешское государство)
Резюме: В статье освещаются исследования о становлении чешской государственности, появившиеся в Чешской республике после 1990 г. Первоначальная модель, отводившая ключевую роль в становлении Чешского княжества огромному механизму редистрибуции, вышедшему из строя в XIII в., в настоящее время подвергается основательному пересмотру и критике. Исследования специалистов в области археологии, филологии и нумизматики по-новому высветили результаты исторических исследований. Современные чешские ученые фокусируют взгляд на таких темах, как характер первых средневековых поселенческих групп на территории Чехии, их интеграция в международные торговые сети, развитие чешских элит в течение VII-IX вв., медленное, но устойчивое продвижение к государственности, а также события решающего IX столетия. Природа и характер раннего Чешского государства Х в., связанные с этим вопросы об элитах и их социальном и духовном состоянии также привлекают внимание чешских исследователей.
Ключевые слова: Чехия, раннее Средневековье, формирование государственности, чешская историография, археология, индоевропейские исследования
Information about the article
Author: Petr Charvat, Ph. D. in Archaeology, Professor of the University of West Bohemia at Plzen, Czech Republic, [email protected]
Title: The inchoate state of Bohemia
Commentarii
Summary: This is a contribution on the studies of the emergence of the state in the Czech Republic after 1990. The original model, supposing one will behind the establishment of the duchy of Bohemia and seeing in it a huge redistribution mechanism which went out of function in the 13th century, is currently undergoing a thorough review and critique. Contributions by specialists in archaeology, philology and numismatics shed new light on the results of historical studies. Present-day Czech research focuses on such topics as the character of the first medieval populations of Bohemia, their integration into the networks of long-distance trade, development of Bohemian elites throughout the 7th-9th centuries, slow but steady progress towards statehood and events of the crucial 9th century. The nature and character of the inchoate Bohemian state of the 10th century, with interconnected questions of its elites and their social and spiritual standing, have also received attention of Czech scholars.
Keywords: Bohemia, early Middle Ages, state formation, Czech historiography, archaeology, Indo-European studies
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