CC BY
193УДК 94(438).02 ; ББК 63.3 (0=польша) P Urbanczyk
ORIGINS OF THE PIAST DYNASTY*
Contemporary Polish national identity is strongly referred to the medieval roots of the country and to the early state organized and run by the rulers of the first historical dynasty — the Piasts. This family name was introduced in the 16th century and since then used in the historiography to denote various aspects of the period framed by the baptism of Mieszko I in 966 and the death of Casimir the Great (Kazimierz III Wielki) in 1370. Thus, we have the «Piast period», «Piast state», «Piast Poland», etc., and obviously the «Piast dynasty».
In Europe, historians, archaeologists and linguists have intensively explored since the 19th century the connection between the distant history and contemporary collective identities. Their work resulted with creation/invention of the modern national identities which were largely founded on knowledge of the «own» past. History and archaeology were therefore used to provide a solid foundation for a national consciousness that defined itself both in opposition to neighbouring societies and to the general «outside».
In Poland that process took place under specific circumstances when after the political catastrophe in the late 18th century the country was under the occupation of three neighbouring empires: Russian, Prussian and Austrian. The collapse of the first respublica provoked intellectual ferment when the previous Jagiellonian geopolitical strategy and the so-called Sarmatian political ideology were discarded and replaced with the then rediscovered Piast roots of the statehood and with the Slavic origins of the nation.
This historiographic trend was reinforced after the World War II when Poland’s territory was substantially reduced and moved towards the west by the victorious allies. The official
* Full argumentation to be found in Urbanczyk P. Mieszko Pierwszy tajemniczy. Torun, 2012. Chapter 3.
post-war propaganda interpreted that decision as the «return to the Piast lands» delimited by river Odra in the west, river Bug in the east, Baltic Sea in the north and the mountain belt of Sudeten and Carpathians in the south. Huge archaeological programme was launched in the 1950s and 1960s with the main aim to prove the Piast origins of the so-called Reclaimed Lands (Ziemie Odzyskane) while historians concentrated on studying the Piast period with special attention for the earliest history of the country. One of the crucial questions to answer was the emergence of the state which was symbolically connected to the voluntary baptism of Mieszko I in 966.
Unfortunately, the available historical information is sadly limited to the story recorded in the early 12th century by Gallus Anonymus — a foreign guest at the Polish court. In the Chronica Polonorum he recalls a semi-legendary account on Mieszko’s family line derived from some humble peasant named Piast who overtook from a mysterious inhospitable prince Popiel the supreme power, and whose four progenitors gradually strengthened and enlarged the state. «Because of their expressive names... they look like typical heroes of an establishing myth»1. From them Mieszko I allegedly inherited a ready-made political structure with which he entered the regional geopolitical stage soon after 960.
Contemporary Saxon chronicler Widukind of Corvey saw Mieszko as a rex and the ruler who enjoyed substantial power (potestas). Similar was the impression of a Jewish traveler Ibrahim ibn Yaqub who in 965 visited Prague where he learned about Mieszko — the mighty Slavic «king (malik) of the north». The sudden appearance in East Central Europe of this new political agent came as surprise to the external observers of the region. None of them left any clue as to the possible sources of this new political and military power; none disclosed any knowledge on the earlier history of this territorial entity which silently grew in the forests of Wielkopolska (Greater Poland — Polonia maior) during the six decades of the 10th century.
The area was geographically favorable because of the safe distance from all possible external dangers: the mighty Ottonian Reich, sea-born vikings, valiant Prussians, expansive Rurikids sitting in Kiev, dangerous Magyars locked in the mid-Danube steppe zone, and from the Premyslids who ruled the Bohemian Basin. Archaeologists identified in central Wielkopolska a core zone of ca. 5000 km2 where during the second quarter of the 10th century a unified system of mighty strongholds (grody) was established with key points in Bnin, Giecz, Gniezno, Grzybowo, L^d, Moraczewo, Ostrow Lednicki and Poznan. They were surrounded with dense network of agrarian settlements. By the mid-10th century the inflow of imported goods (mostly silver) indicates opening a connection to the outside world. This material evidence proves the presence of a socio-political elite who managed to curb the subordinated population and to extract resources which could be turned into exclusive consumption. Modern historiography suggests trade in slaves as an important source of their income.
This process should be analyzed within the framework of political, ideological and economic changes which occurred during the course of the late 9th and in the 10th century in the then non-Christian Europe. These were: (1) the gradual replacement of traditional, dispersed structures of political power by «royal» dynasties with an interest in internal centralising authority and external expanding of their territory; (2) the penetration of Christianity which
1 Muhle E. Die Piasten. Polen im Mittelalter. Munchen, 2011. S. 12.
Commentarii / Cmambu
promoted a strictly hierarchic social structure that was organised by and around the highest centre of political authority, supported by ecclesiastical institutions; (3) the transition from a subsistence economy in which a range of unspecialised products were exchanged at local markets to a market-like economy, where productivity was increased to gain a surplus that could then be politically consumed or «exported»; and (4) the extensive reorganisation of geographical space as land, previously under collective control, was modified to growing areas that were subject to political and military centres which fiercely competed with other similarly centralised territories.
The obvious question is: who were those people who relatively quickly established in central Poland a strong territorial organization and quickly expanded their domain in all directions? The basic historical alternative in the two-hundred-years-old discussion was between the «patriotic» position whose adherents took for granted the local origin of the Piasts and those scholars who suspected their foreign origin. Both parties had to refer to the Gallus’s story where the former saw the proof for vernacular roots of the dynasty which derived from a simple peasant, while the latter pointed to the recorded memory of the semi-violent replacement of the old dynasty of Popiel by a new one — the Piasts.
Archaeologists refer to the results of dendrochronological dating of the eminent strongholds to propagate competitive ideas as to the localization of the very «cradle» of the Piasts. Andrzej Buko has been consequently promoting Kalisz as the place where Mieszko I was born2. The only argument is the fact that the «tribal» stonghold there had not been destroyed during the vigorous enlargement of the Piast domain. Zofia Kurnatowska points to Giecz, because «this is the only of the five main early-Piast strongholds in the Gniezno land which undoubtedly originates from the 9th century»3. Other authors suggest Poznan or Gniezno.
Available written sources, toponyms and archaeological evidence do not allow any conclusive statement but they enable serious discussion of the problem. Myself, I hardly believe that in the forests of Wielkopolska there suddenly «popped up» the idea of building a territorial state which was effectively and quickly executed according to a precise plan of extensive investment in the administrative and military infrastructure. Such a vision would need a convincing explanation of where the necessary technical and organizational know-how came from and how was it mentally adopted and practically adapted by local leaders living in the area which does not boast any archaeological evidence for contacts with the more advanced parts of Europe and which existed during several decades unnoticed by the contemporary descriptors of the «world».
These doubts made me to accept the alternative solution that Mieszko’s forefathers had arrived to Wielkopolska from some more civilized outside and grabbed supreme power there. Such a situation would be rather typical for the early Slavic societies which frequently accepted foreigners as their political and military leaders4. With such a concept, the
2 E. g. Buko A. 1) Pocz^tki panstwa polskiego. Pytania — problemy — hipotezy // Swiatowit.
1999. Vol. 42 (2). S. 32-45; 2) Archeologia Polski wczesnosredniowiecznej: Odkrycia, hipotezy, interpretacje. Warszawa, 2005. S. 173-176.
3 Kurnatowska Z. Pocz^tki Polski. Poznan, 2002. S. 64.
4 Cf. discussion in: Urbanczyk P. Foreign leaders in Early Slavic societies // Integration und Herrschaft. Ethnische Identitaten und soziale Organisation im Fruhmittelalter / Hrsg. von W. Pohl und M. Diesenberger. Wien, 2002. S. 215-267.
basic questions are: who were people who triggered the «sudden» political development in Wielkopolska?; and where have they come from?
Numerous scholars tried to solve this problem but with rather meager results. The most popular was the so-called «Normanist hypothesis», which sought Scandinavian roots not only of the earlier Piasts but even of Mieszko I himself. This concept was instigated by the reading of the mysterious document commonly known as Dagome iudex. It is a late 11th century corrupted copy of a Vaticano document issued in 991-992 by Mieszko I, his Saxon wife Oda and their two child-sons Lambert and Mieszko. In this symbolic «donation» of their state to the Holy See the duke is introduced under the strange name Dagome. Germanic root of the name made some scholars to suggest some relation to Frankish Dago[bert] or to Scandinavian Dag[o].
Historical parallels from Rus, Normandy, northern England or eastern Ireland led numerous scholars (mostly German but also some Polish) to connect the original success of the Piasts to Scandinavians who penetrated vast areas of Europe during the 10th century. Following the hypothesis by Karol Szajnocha5 they suggest that Mieszko I was a Varangian, i. e. a Swedish viking. In a softened version, it is suggested that some Scandinavians initiated establishment of the early Piast state, with no respect to the ethnicity of its rulers6. Archaeologists came with handy support pointing to burials of men equipped with imported weapons which might confirm the presence of «foreign warriors, mostly Norman, in the armed forces of the first Piasts»7.
This broadly shared archaeological reasoning has been recently seriously questioned. The doctoral dissertation of a young German scholar Wiebke Rohrer pointed to numerous problems, including the lack of proper excavation records, chronological uncertainty and doubtful ethnic identification of specific metal artifacts (arms, buckets and horse harness)8. Another serious criticism has been directed against interpreting extraordinary chamber graves as burials of «strangers» who lived in Polish lands. It is argued that this specific type of burials should be connected to the symbolic expression of a supra-regional consciousness of the upper class and not to some specific ethnos9. The final blow to this hypothesis, however, took place during a conference «Scandinavian culture in Poland in the Middle Ages», organized by the Centre for Late Antique and Early Medieval Studies of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of Polish Academy of Sciences in Wroclaw and the Institute of History at the University of Wroclaw (Wroclaw, 20-21 October 2011). There was presented an extensive review of the available evidence which clearly showed that the visible inflow of Scandinavian or Scandinavian-styled artifacts begun only in the very end of the 10th century10.
5 Szajnocha K. Lechicki pocz^tek Polski: Szkic historyczny. Lwow, 1858.
6 See recently: Woiucki J. Wiking a sprawa polska. Gdansk, 2005. S. 326.
7 Kurnatowska Z. Pocz^tki Polski. S. 111.
8 Rohrer W. Wikinger oder Slawen? Die ethnische Interpretation fruhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbeigabe in der deutschen und polnischen Archaologie. Marburg, 2012.
9 See: Janowski A. S. Are the chamber graves from Pien really Scandinavian? // Scandinavian Culture in Medieval Poland / Ed. by B. Stanislawski, S. Mozdzioch, and P. Wiszewski. Wroclaw, 2013. P. 398.
10 The result of the conference is the recent publication: Scandinavian Culture in Medieval Poland / Ed. by S. Mozdzioch, B. Stanislawski, and P. Wiszewski. Wroclaw, 2013.
Commentarii / Cmambu
Much less attention was paid to risky concepts which explain the emergence of the Piast state by migration from the west of some Obodrite warriors who allegedly escaped from the Saxon aggression11. Even less convincing is the suggestion to look for the origin of the early state elite «in the east, behind the Vistula» wherefrom some silver was brought to Wielkopolska during the first half of the 10th century12.
Strangely enough, the south has not been seriously taken into these considerations as a possible origin of the Piasts themselves. Some authors, however, sought there the sources of the inflow of new ideas and people. We have substantial archaeological evidence and some onomastic indicators which point to the southern direction of such contacts. Already in the early 10th century «the southern influences grew» in central Wielkopolska13 which contributed to the formation of an eclectic material culture in this politically crucial area14. Specific burial ritual identified at the Poznan-Solacz cemetery seems to have parallels in Moravia — namely in the area of contemporary Nitra15. These interpretations made historian Tomasz Jasinski to explain this phenomenon by possible migration of some Moravians who escaped from the Great Moravia after its collapse in 90616. Also late Zofia Kurnatowska accepted the idea of the arrival of «some Moravians» who, besides the Northmen, helped Mieszko I to modernize his state17.
Archaeological evidence may be supplemented by toponymic analyses. Late Tadeusz Lalik suggested that the name of important medieval town Sandomierz reflects some late memory of a Moravian eponym Sudomir18. Similarly, Poznan — the alleged capital own of the early Piasts — may bear the name of «.a representative of the Great Moravian Poznan family. [who] arrived to the Gniezno land during the early 10th century and actively joined in building of the new state by offering his knowledge and experience»19.
In my opinion this discussion of the southern source of Mieszko’s I organizational experience and technological knowledge should be developed much further. This needs,
11 See criticism in: Labuda G. Mieszko I. Wroclaw, 2002. S. 50.
12 Mozdzioch S. «Bodaj si§ Piastow rz^dy nam swi^cily». Archeologia o pocz^tkach panstwa pias-towskiego // Populi terrae marisque. Prace poswi^cone pami^ci Profesora Lecha Leciejewicza / Red. M. R^bkowski, S. Rosik. Wroclaw, 2011. S. 73-74.
13 Brzostowicz M. Od starozytnosci do sredniowiecza. Wielkopolska na drogach rozwoju kulturo-wego mi^dzy schylkiem IV wieku a pierwsz^. polow^. X wieku // Populi terrae marisque. Prace poswi^cone pami^ci Profesora Lecha Leciejewicza / Red. M. R^bkowski, S. Rosik. Wroclaw, 2011. S. 28.
14 Kara M. Archeologia o pocz^tkach panstwa Piastow. Wybrane zagadnienia // Kolory i struktury sredniowiecza / Red. W. Falkowski. Warszawa, 2004. S. 279-280.
15 Kara M. Posen (Poznan) // Europas Mitte um 1000. Beitrage zur Geschichte, Kunst und Archaologie / Hrsg. von A. Wieczorek und H.-M. Hinz. Darmstadt, 2000. Bd. I. S. 475.
16 Jasinski T. Die Konsolidirung des altesten polnischen Staates um 940 // Questiones Medii Aevi Novae. 2000. Vol. 5. S. 92.
17 Kurnatowska Z. Pocz^tki Polski. S. 75.
18 Lalik T. Sandomierz w swietle zrodel pisanych // Sandomierz: Badania 1969-1973: Praca zbiorowa. T. I / Red. S. Tabaczynski. Warszawa, 1993. S. 54.
19 Kurnatowska Z, Kara M. Na tropie Poznana — eponima naszego miasta // Civitas Posnaniensis. Studia z dziejow sredniowiecznego Poznania / Red. Z. Kurnatowska, T. Jurek. Poznan, 2005. S. 17.
however, acceptance of a possibility that not only their collaborators but also early Piasts themselves could have arrived to Wielkopolska from Great Moravia wherefrom they inherited necessary knowledge of how a viable state should be organized. They must have belonged to some political elite knowledgeable in building and ruling territorial domains.
Historical sources inform us that at the very beginning of the 10th century the once mighty Moravian state was in deep economic and political crisis caused by internal dynastic conflict and disturbances in the continental slave trade network. The final blow was launched in 906 by Magyars who defeated duke Svatopluk II20. Soon after administration system collapsed, magnificent towns were left deserted and churches fell in ruins. Despite this disintegration of the centralized state some regions and centers survived the catastrophe even if their function was substantially reduced.
There is no information on the death of the last dynastic Moravian rulers — two conflicting dukes-brothers Moimir II and Svatopluk II. This allows us to suspect that they could have survived the military defeat and retreated to the north which was the only region safe from the Magyar aggression. There a very suitable «shelter» offered the town of Olomouc, which continued its development after the decisive defeat of the Moravian army in 906. Further existence of the local centre is indicated by the available archaeological evidence21 which proves that after the disruption of the Bratislava-Venice connection, a new transcontinental trade route was established in the second quarter of the 10th century. Leading from the Muslim Cordoba Caliphate to the Black Sea and Caspian markets, this land route led via Olomouc which controlled the route between Prague and Cracow.
However, the political map of the time shows that this area was still too close to the expansive Magyars and to Bohemia which was steadily growing in power under the rule of the Premyslids. Therefore, Olomouc could not offer a safe adobe for possibly survived members of the Moravian dynasty of Moimirids. In the light of the above mentioned archaeological discoveries and toponymic data, it looks reasonable to guess that possible survivors subsequently retreated further north, i. e. to Wielkopolska. Such an exodus would not be very risky because it did not result in a radical change of natural, cultural or linguistic environment. There was neither any danger of confrontation with some local strong power center or with some external aggression — e. g. Saxon, Scandinavian, Prussian, Russian, Magyar or Bohemian. In this safe «resort» Moravian exiles could restore their status by organizing anew a territorial state
Early 10th century chronology of the first Poznan stronghold22 and the eponymic indication of a Moravian connection23 fit such a vision very well. The 10-metres-thick rampart made of wood, stones and earth testifies high technical skills of its builders and their logistical ability. During the third and fourth decades of the 10th century this investment was followed by raising similar strongholds in Bnin, Giecz, Gniezno, Grzybowo, Moraczewo,
20 See detailed discussion in: Panic I. Ostatnie lata Wielkich Moraw. Katowice, 2000.
21 See: Michna P Archeologie Olomouce // Olomouc / Red. I. Hlobil, P. Michna, M. Togner. Praha, 1984. S. 12nn; Blaha J. Olomouc im 10.-11. Jahrhundert. Topographie und die Frage der Kontinuitat eines fruhmittelalterlichen Zentrums // Colloquia Medievalia Pragensia. 2001. Vol. 2: Boleslav II. Der tschechische Staat um das Jahr 1000. S. 325-362.
22 Kocka-Krenz H. Poznan in the 10th century. Poznan, 2011. P. 10-11 and Fig. 6.
23 Urbanczyk S. Nazwy naszych stolic. Poznan, 1965. S. 15n.
Commentarii / Cmambu
and Ostrow Lednicki. This network of reinforced localities delimited a compact territory of ca. 5000 km2. Of interest is the specific form of the wooden ramparts’ skeletons where a new «hook construction» was applied. This innovation is generally considered as an early Piast invention and has been used by archaeologists to identify the range of the rule of this dynasty.
From this core area following expansion waves were launched in all directions, but with visible interest in the south which offered contacts with rich lands of Malopolska (Lesser Poland, Polonia minor) and Sl^sk (Silesia) and with the already mentioned transcontinental trade route which connected Iberia with the Black Sea area. This expansion was completed by Mieszko I who established his state in between the Baltic Sea and two big rivers — the Odra (Oder) and Wisla (Vistula).
There are further hints as to the above-suggested Moravian roots of the early Piast state. One is the exclusive name Swi^topelk (Sventopluk) given to one of the younger sons of Mieszko I. This could not have been a coincidence because the use of dynastic names was strictly limited in early medieval Central Europe. Therefore, such a decision may be viewed as an open manifestation of the Moravian dynastic memory24 or even a declaration of some claims to the Moravian political/territorial legacy. Another indication of the suggested political continuity may be found in similarity of two symbolic oblations of states to the Holy See — by Svatopluk I in 880 and by Mieszko I in 991. Both rulers symbolically «donated» their countries to popes John VIII and John XIII respectively25. There are also numerous organizational similarities of Mieszko’s I state to Great Moravia as characterized by Ivo Stefan26.
Finally, such a «Moravian connection» helps to understand the unexpected decision of the Bohemian duke Boleslav I who in 965 agreed to marry his daughter Dobrava to the northern pagan barbarian Mieszko I who openly «demanded the hand of this good Christian» (Gallus Anonymus I, 5). Some genealogical memory present both in Wielkopolska and in Prague would have surely eased such a decision and the following alliance of both princely courts. This inter-dynastic marriage joined two post-Moravian traditions in their struggle against the expansion of the East-Frankish kingdom represented by vigorous military activity of the mighty Saxon Margrave Gero who pushed the imperial border zone towards the Odra river.
* * *
Thus, the topical story of a simple but sincere and hospitable peasant Piast who was granted political power taken from an arrogant former ruler Popiel may reflect some vague memory of an ancient political turmoil. This (hi)story written down by Gallus Anonymus may be interpreted as a propaganda cover up for the original coup d’etat which resulted in
24 So already in: Zakrzewski S. Boleslaw Chrobry Wielki. Lwow, 1925.
25 See discussion by Warnke Ch. Ursachen und Vorassetzungen der Schenkung Polens an den Heiligen Petrus // Europa Slavica — Europa Orientalis. Festschrift fur Herbert Ludat zum 70 Geburtstag / Hrsg. von K.-D. Grothusen und K. Zernack. Berlin, 1980. S. 127-177.
26 Stefan I. Great Moravia, Statehood and Archaeology. The «Decline and Fall» of One Early Medieval Polity // Fruhgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa. Internationale Konferenz und Kolleg der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung zum 50. Jahrestag des Beginns archaologischer Ausgrabungen in Pohansko bei Breclav, 5.-9.10.2009, Breclav, Tschechische Republik / Hrsg. von J. Machacek und S. Ungerman. Bonn, 2011. S. 333-354.
coming to authority in Wielkopolska of a new family of Moravian strangers who started there a new successful dynasty. Such a politically manipulated vision allowed persuading the Poles that the Piasts despite their original «foreignness» were their domini naturales (Gallus Anonymus XXX) who had been raised to power by God’s will.
Данные о статье
Автор: Урбаньчик, Пшемыслав — доктор археологии, профессор Института археологии и этнологии Польской академии наук в Варшаве, профессор Института археологии Отделения исторических и общественных наук Университета кардинала Стефана Вышиньского в Варшаве, Польша, [email protected] Заголовок: Происхождение династии Пястов
Резюме: Современная польская национальная идентичность имеет прочную привязку к средневековым корням раннего Польского государства, созданного и управлявшегося первой исторической династией Пястов. Кем были люди, столь быстро установившие в центральной части Польши сильную территориальную организацию и вскоре распространившие свое господство во всех направлениях? В ходе двухсотлетнего спора основной стала альтернатива между «патриотической» позицией, сторонники которой считали сами собой разумеющимися местные истоки Пястов, и мнением, предполагавшим иностранное происхождение династии. При этом обеим сторонам приходилось обращаться к одному и тому же сюжету в Хронике Галла Анонима, в котором одни видели свидетельство народных корней династии, будто бы происходившей от простого крестьянина, а другие — отражение памяти о полунасильственной смене прежней династии Попелидов пришельцами-Пястами. На наш взгляд, трудно поверить в то, что в лесах Великой Польши внезапно возникла идея строительства территориального государства, которая стала быстро и эффективно претворяться в жизнь в соответствии с намеченным планом. Такое видение не объясняет, откуда взялось необходимое техническое и организаторское «know-how» и как оно было ментально воспринято и практически адаптировано местными лидерами, проживавшими в районе, применительно к которому не обнаружено никаких археологических свидетельств контактов с более развитыми частями Европы и который существовал на протяжении нескольких десятилетий, оставаясь незамеченным авторами описаний тогдашней ойкумены. Эти соображения заставляют принять альтернативное мнение, согласно которому предки Мешко I прибыли в Великую Польшу извне, из более цивилизованных районов, захватив в ней верховную власть. Мы уже располагаем весомыми археологическими свидетельствами, а также данными ономастики, указывающими на южное направление такого рода контактов. На наш взгляд, гипотеза о южном источнике организаторского опыта и технологических знаний Мешко может быть еще более развита. Так, в свете имеющихся материалов археологических раскопок и топонимических данных кажется разумным предположить, что часть правящей элиты Великой Моравии, выжившая после венгерского вторжения в районе Оломоуца, отступила еще дальше на север, а именно — в Великую Польшу. Нам следует принять возможность того, что не только помощники и соратники Пястов, но и они сами прибыли в Великую Польшу из Великой Моравии, откуда они унаследовали необходимые знания о том, как создать жизнеспособное государство и как оно должно быть организовано. Таким образом, записанная Галлом Анонимом история простого, но искреннего и гостеприимного крестьянина Пяста,
Commentarii / Статьи
которому была дана власть, отобранная у высокомерного Попеля, может отражать некоторые смутные воспоминания о древнем политическом перевороте. Эта история может быть истолкована как пропагандистское прикрытие первоначального «государственного переворота», в результате которого власть в Великой Польше принял пришлый род из Моравии, положивший начало новой успешной династии.
Ключевые слова: династия Пястов, Мешко I, раннесредневековая Польша, Великая Моравия
Information about the article
Author: Urbanczyk, Przemyslaw — Doctor in Archaeology, Professor at the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Warsaw), Professor at the Institute of Archaeology of Cardinal Stephen Wyszynski University in Warsaw, Poland, [email protected] Title: Origins of the Piast dynasty
Summary: Contemporary Polish national identity is strongly referred to the medieval roots of the early Polish state organized and run by the rulers of the first historical dynasty — the Piasts. Who were those people who relatively quickly established in central Poland a strong territorial organization and quickly expanded their domain in all directions? The basic historical alternative in the two-hundred-years-old discussion was between the «patriotic» position whose adherents took for granted the local origin of the Piasts and these scholars who suspected their foreign origin. Both parties had to refer to the Gallus’s story where the former saw the proof for vernacular roots of the dynasty which derived from a simple peasant, while the latter pointed to the recorded memory of the semi-violent replacement of the old dynasty of Popiel by a new one — the Piasts. In our opinion, it is hardly believe that in the forests of Wielkopolska there suddenly «popped up» the idea of building a territorial state which was effectively and quickly executed according to a precise plan. Such a vision does not explain where the necessary technical and organizational know-how came from and how was it mentally adopted and practically adapted by local leaders living in the area which does not boast any archaeological evidence for contacts with the more advanced parts of Europe and which existed during several decades unnoticed by the contemporary descriptors of the «world». These doubts made me accept the alternative solution that Mieszko’s forefathers had arrived to Wielkopolska from some more civilized outside and grabbed supreme power there. We have substantial archaeological evidence and some onomastic indicators which point to the southern direction of such contacts. In my opinion, the hypothesis of the southern source of Mieszko’s I organizional experience and technological knowledge should be developed much further. Thus, in the light of archaeological materials and toponymic data, it seems reasonable to assume that those of the Moravian elite who survived the Magyar invasion in the region of Olomouc subsequently retreated further north, namely to Wielkopolska (Greater Poland). We should accept a possibility that not only their collaborators but also early Piasts themselves could have arrived to Wielkopolska from Great Moravia wherefrom they inherited necessary knowledge of how a viable state should be organized. Thus, the story of a simple but sincere and hospitable peasant Piast who was granted political power taken from an arrogant former ruler Popiel may reflect some vague memory of an ancient political turmoil. This (hi)story written down by Gallus Anonymus may be interpreted as a propaganda cover up for the original coup d’etat which resulted in coming to authority in Wielkopolska of a new family of Moravian strangers who started there a new successful dynasty.
Keywords: the Piast dynasty, Mieszko I, early medieval Poland, Great Moravia
References
Blaha, Josef. Olomouc im 10.-11. Jahrhundert. Topographie und die Frage der Kontinuitat eines fruhmittelalterlichen Zentrums, in Colloquia Medievalia Pragensia. 2001. Vol. 2: Boleslav II. Der tschechische Staat um das Jahr 1000. S. 325-362.
Brzostowicz, Michal. Od starozytnosci do sredniowiecza. Wielkopolska na drogach rozwoju kulturowego mi^dzy schylkiem IV wieku a pierwsz^. polow^. X wieku, in R^bkowski, Marian; Rosik, Stanislaw (eds.). Populi terrae marisque. Prace poswiqcone pamiqci Profesora Lecha Leciejewicza. Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Chronicon, 2011. S. 19-40.
Buko, Andrzej. Pocz^tki panstwa polskiego. Pytania — problemy — hipotezy, in Swiatowit.
1999. Vol. 42 (2). S. 32-45.
Buko, Andrzej. Archeologia Polski wczesnosredniowiecznej: Odkrycia, hipotezy, interpretacje. Warszawa: Trio, 2005. 446 s.
Janowski, Andrzej Stanislaw. Are the chamber graves from Pien really Scandinavian?, in Stanislawski, Blazej; Mozdzioch, Slawomir; Wiszewski, Przemyslaw (eds.). Scandinavian Culture in Medieval Poland. Wroclaw: Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, 2013. P. 395-409.
Jasinski, Tomasz. Die Konsolidirung des altesten polnischen Staates um 940, in Questiones Medii Aevi Novae. 2000. Vol. 5. S. 87-98.
Kara, Michal. Posen (Poznan), in Wieczorek, Alfried; Hinz, Hans-Martin (eds.). Europas Mitte um 1000. Beitrage zur Geschichte, Kunst und Archaologie. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2000. Bd. I. S. 475-478.
Kara, Michal. Archeologia o pocz^tkach panstwa Piastow. Wybrane zagadnienia, in Falkowski, Wojciech (ed.). Kolory i struktury sredniowiecza. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo DiG, 2004. S.233-317.
Kocka-Krenz, Hanna. Poznan in the 10th century. Poznan: Chapter Agder Akademi, 2011. 70 p. Kurnatowska, Zofia. Poczqtki Polski. Poznan: Poznanskie Towarzystwo przyjaciol nauk, 2002. 179 s.
Kurnatowska, Zofia; Kara, Michal. Na tropie Poznana—eponima naszego miasta, in Kurnatowska, Zofia; Jurek Tomasz (eds). Civitas Posnaniensis. Studia z dziejow sredniowiecznego Poznania. Poznan: Poznanskie Towarzystwo przyjaciol nauk, 2005. S. 9-26.
Labuda, Gerard. Mieszko I. Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy im. Ossolinskich, 2002. 285 s.
Lalik, Tadeusz. Sandomierz w swietle zrodel pisanych, in Tabaczynski, Stanislaw (ed.). Sandomierz: Badania 1969-1973: Praca zbiorowa. T. I. Warszawa: Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk 1993. S. 49-72.
Michna, Pavel. Archeologie Olomouce, in Hlobil, Ivo; Michna, Pavel; Togner, Milan (eds.). Olomouc. Praha: Odeon, 1984. 422 s.
Mozdzioch, Slawomir. «Bodaj si§ Piastow rz^dy nam swi§cily». Archeologia o pocz^tkach panstwa piastowskiego, in R^bkowski, Marian; Rosik, Stanislaw (eds.). Populi terrae marisque. Prace poswiqcone pamiqci Profesora Lecha Leciejewicza. Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Chronicon, 2011. S. 65-81.
Mozdzioch, Slawomir; Stanislawski, Blazej; Wiszewski, Przemyslaw (eds.). Scandinavian Culture in Medieval Poland. Wroclaw: Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, 2013 (Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies. Vol. II).
Muhle, Eduard. Die Piasten. Polen im Mittelalter. Munchen: Verlag C. H. Beck. 2011. 128 s. Panic, Idzi. Ostatnie lata Wielkich Moraw. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Sl^skiego,
2000. 239 s.
Commentarii / Cmambu
Rohrer, Wiebke. Wikinger oder Slawen? Die ethnische Interpretation fruhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbeigabe in der deutschen und polnischen Archrnlogie. Marburg: Herder-Institut, 2012. 257 s.
Szajnocha K. Lechicki poczqtek Polski: Szkic historyczny. Lwow: Nakladem K. Wilda, І858. 348 s.
Stefan, Ivo. Great Moravia, Statehood and Archaeology. The «Decline and Fall» of One Early Medieval Polity, in Machacek, Jin; Ungerman, Simon (eds.). Fruhgeschichtliche Zentralorte in Mitteleuropa. Internationale Konferenz und Kolleg der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung zum 50. Jahrestag des Beginns arcMologischer Ausgrabungen in Pohansko bei Breclav, 5.-9.10.2009, Breclav, Tschechische Republik. Bonn: Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, 20ІІ (Studien zur Archaologie Europas; Band І4). P. 333-354.
Urbanczyk, Przemyslaw. Foreign leaders in Early Slavic societies, in: Pohl, Walter; Diesenberger, Maximilian (eds.). Integration und Herrschaft. Ethnische IdentMten und soziale Organisation im Fruhmittelalter. Wien: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2002. S.2І5-267.
Urbanczyk, Przemyslaw. Mieszko Pierwszy tajemniczy. Torun: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikolaja Kopernika, 20І2. 552 s.
Urbanczyk, Stanislaw. Nazwy naszych stolic. Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy im. Ossolinskich, І965. 32 s.
Warnke, Charlotte. Ursachen und Vorassetzungen der Schenkung Polens an den Heiligen Petrus, in Grothusen, Klaus-Detlev; Zernack, Klaus (eds.). Europa Slavica — Europa Orientalis. Festschrift fur Herbert Ludat zum 70 Geburtstag. (Osteuropastudien der Hochschulen des Landes Hessen. Reihe I. Giefiener Abhandlungen zur Agrar- und Wirtschaftsforschung des eurprnschen Ostens. Bd. 100). Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, І980. S. І27-І77.
Wolucki, Jan. Wiking a sprawapolska. Gdansk: Wydawnictwo Marpress, 2005. 340 s. Zakrzewski, Stanislaw. Bolesiaw Chrobry Wielki. Lwow: Wydawnictwo Zakladu Narodowego im. Ossolinskich, І925. 439 s.
