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новит и сама залает'. Здесь мы имеем дело с семантикой производного собачий, в котором метафорический признак вообще десемантизируется, утрачивает конкретное значение, при этом выдвигается на первый план сема усилительности или общей пейоративной оценки [2, с. 22; 3 с. 66].
Зоолексема ит 'собака' часто используется в пословицах и поговорках при сообщении о том, что осуждается как противоречащее узусу, что противоречит ожидаемому результату, осуществляется вопреки чему то. О скупом человеке, скряге кумыки говорят: Ашагъан ерине ит де къайтар. 'Туда, где его кормят, и собака возвращается'. Абзарында ит де къайыр болур. 'В своем дворе и собака сильна'.
Библиографический список
Таким образом, в кумыкских пословицах и поговорках отражены самые разнообразные свойства собаки: кусающая, лающая, прожорливая, неряшливая и преданная (хозяину), а иногда и терпящее несправедливые притеснения от своего хозяина. Как справедливо отмечает О.Е. Фролова, «пословица выражается на разных уровнях, прежде всего в лексической семантике, в данном жанре денотаты имён раскрываются по-новому. Подобные клишированные речения отражают коннотации существительных, отсутствующие в их переносных значениях» [11, с. 37]. Проанализированный фактический материал свидетельствует о том, что пословицы и поговорки с зоолексемой ит 'собака' являются репрезентантами кумыкской языковой картины мира.
1. Телия В.Н. Типы языковых значений: Связанное значение слова в языке. Москва, 1981.
2. Маругина Н.И. Концепт 'собака' как элемент русской языковой картины мира Язык и культура. Томск: Изд-во «Национальный исследовательский Томский государственный университет». 2009; 2.
3. Ивушкина Н.В. Концепт 'собака' в английском и русском языках с лингвокультурологической точки зрения. Филологические науки. Вопросы теории и практики. 2012; 4 (15): 64 - 67.
4. Кудрявцева Е.В. Фразеологизмы с компонентом-зоонимом собака: лингвокультурологический комментарий. ВестникКГУ им. Н.А. Некрасова. 2015; 2: 131 - 134.
5. Сансызбаева С.К. Лингвокультурный концепт 'собака' в языковой картине мира. Вестник Казахского национального университета. Филологическая серия. 2015; 1: 184 - 189.
6. Ван Минци. Концепт 'собака' в русской и китайской языковых картинах мира (на материалах пословиц и поговорок). Вестник Псковского государственного университета. 2016; 4: 150 - 155.
7. Ерофеева И.В., Бочарников В.Н. Собака как гештальт в языковой картине мира охотника: дискурс специализированных журналов. Гуманитарный вектор. 2019; Т. 14; № 1.
8. Гаджиахмедов Н.Э. Кумыкско-русский словарь пословиц и поговорок. Махачкала: Издательство «Лотос», 2015; Гаджиахмедов Н.Э. Пословицы и поговорки кумыков. Махачкала, 2017.
9. Самарин А.В. Метафорический перенос образов животных в проекции на человека и объекты неживой природы в русском и английском языках. Современные проблемы науки и образования. 2012; 3. Available at: http://science-education.ru/ru/article/view?id=6130
10. Abdullina G.R., Gadzhiakhmedov N.E., Ketenchiev M.B., Nasipov I.S. Cosmonyms in turkic languages (linguistic analysis). Modern Journal of Language Teaching Methods. 2017; Т. 7; № 9.1: 208.
11. Фролова О.Е. Пословица: ситуативность, синтаксис, референция. Вестник МГУ. Серия 9 «Филология». 2007; 3: 37. References
1. Teliya V.N. Tipyyazykovyh znachenij: Svyazannoe znachenie slova v yazyke. Moskva, 1981.
2. Marugina N.I. Koncept 'sobaka' kak 'element russkoj yazykovoj kartiny mira Yazykikul'tura. Tomsk: Izd-vo «Nacional'nyj issledovatel'skij Tomskij gosudarstvennyj universitet». 2009; 2.
3. Ivushkina N.V. Koncept 'sobaka' v anglijskom i russkom yazykah s lingvokul'turologicheskoj tochki zreniya. Filologicheskie nauki. Voprosy teorii ipraktiki. 2012; 4 (15): 64 - 67.
4. Kudryavceva E.V. Frazeologizmy s komponentom-zoonimom sobaka: lingvokul'turologicheskij kommentarij. Vestnik KGU im. N.A. Nekrasova. 2015; 2: 131 - 134.
5. Sansyzbaeva S.K. Lingvokul'turnyj koncept 'sobaka' v yazykovoj kartine mira. Vestnik Kazahskogo nacional'nogo universiteta. Filologicheskaya seriya. 2015; 1: 184 - 189.
6. Van Minci. Koncept 'sobaka' v russkoj i kitajskoj yazykovyh kartinah mira (na materialah poslovic i pogovorok). Vestnik Pskovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. 2016; 4: 150 - 155.
7. Erofeeva I.V., Bocharnikov V.N. Sobaka kak geshtal't v yazykovoj kartine mira ohotnika: diskurs specializirovannyh zhurnalov. Gumanitarnyj vektor. 2019; T. 14; № 1.
8. Gadzhiahmedov N.'E. Kumyksko-russkijslovar'poslovicipogovorok. Mahachkala: Izdatel'stvo «Lotos», 2015; Gadzhiahmedov N.'E. Poslovicyipogovorkikumykov. Mahachkala, 2017.
9. Samarin A.V. Metaforicheskij perenos obrazov zhivotnyh v proekcii na cheloveka i ob'ekty nezhivoj prirody v russkom i anglijskom yazykah. Sovremennye problemy nauki i obrazovaniya. 2012; 3. Available at: http://science-education.ru/ru/article/view?id=6130
10. Abdullina G.R., Gadzhiakhmedov N.E., Ketenchiev M.B., Nasipov I.S. Cosmonyms in turkic languages (linguistic analysis). Modern Journal of Language Teaching Methods. 2017; T. 7; № 9.1: 208.
11. Frolova O.E. Poslovica: situativnost', sintaksis, referenciya. Vestnik MGU. Seriya 9 «Filologiya». 2007; 3: 37.
Статья поступила в редакцию 10.07.19
УДК: 81.36, 81'23
Maizina A.N., Cand. of Sciences (Philology), Research Institute of the Altai Studies n.a. S. S. Surazakov (Gorno-Altaisk, Russia), E-mail: [email protected]
NUMERATIVES IN THE ALTAI LANGUAGE. The research is dedicated to a system of numeratives, or counting words, in the modern Altai language. This aspect of lexics hasn't been deeply studied in the Turkic languages, where Altai is not an exception, what defines the relevance and novelty of the work. The author studies syntactic models of the Altai numeratives, ways of their building, as well as morphological and semantic features. The work also highlights spheres of their usage. The research deals with the description of the Altai folk measurements, these names are studied as part of the system of counting units. The folk names for measuring include units of length, weight, volume, area, time, money, etc.
Key words: Altai language, grammar, morphology, numeratives, numerals, nouns, ethnic measure words.
А.Н. Майзина, канд. филол. наук, Бюджетное научное учреждение Республики Алтай «Научно-исследовательский институт алтаистики
им. С.С. Суразакова», г. Горно-Алтайск, E-mail: [email protected]
НУМЕРАТИВЫ В АЛТАЙСКОМ ЯЗЫКЕ
Статья посвящена исследованию системы нумеративов, или счётных слов, в современном алтайском языке. В тюркских языках, в том числе алтайском, данный пласт лексики является недостаточно изученным. Этим определяется актуальность и научная новизна предлагаемого исследования. В работе рассматриваются синтаксические модели алтайских нумеративов, способы их образования, а также их морфологические и семантические особенности. Кроме того, рассматривается сфера их употребления. В рамках исследования большое внимание уделяется также описанию алтайских народных мер, входящих в систему счетных слов. К народным мерам относятся меры длины, веса и объема, меры площади, меры времени, денежные единицы и т. д.
Ключевые слова: алтайский язык, грамматика, морфология, нумеративы, имена числительные, имена существительные, народные меры.
The task of this paper is the description of numeratives in the Altai language. This research is important, because numeratives as a class of words haven't been purposefully studied yet.
Numerals words are such lexical units that modify nouns in case of counting. This group of words includes words that can be used for counting in a noun phrase
with a countable noun. Numeratives are used in noun phrases of the following type: a cardinal numeral - a numeral word - a noun.
In the Altai language not only this syntactical model is actual; cf. an approximate numeral - a numeral word - a noun. Let's see an example: Kazhy la bile eki-uch aigyrmaldu, on-jirme saar uilu, jus kire koilu (JK, UUS, 121) (Every
family has two-three flocks of horses, ten-twenty milk cows, nearly one hundred of sheep).
Apart of this, Altai is characterized by such a numeral model, in which a numeral word and a noun make a noun phrase without a cardinal numeral. The cases with such structure define one object. See the next example: Bir katap bairam aldynda obooH tilimjuu la kalash taap, baldaryn azyrady (TT, ECH, 384) (One day, before the holiday the man fed his children having found a piece of lard and bread).
Sometimes in the Altai numeral word combinations we see that the numera-tives and nouns that they modify have other elements separating them; between them words of other parts of speech can occur: particles, postpositions, adjectives, etc. Here are a few examples: Birle azym tiru chai bolgon bolzo (EOAP, 319) (If only we had the healing tea for one set of steaming); Mynyr uchun kem-kemibiske birchymchym da bolzo «tiru» chaiekeler kerekbolgon (JK, AJO, 146) (That was why someone of us had to have brought at least one pinch of «live» tea).
In the Altai language the numeratives don't have a plural form, as a rule, and are used in singular. The affixes of a plural form, possessiveness and any grammatical case are usually added to the nouns that follow them. See this example: Orokon bir tizim apagash jylamash=tar, eki kyzyl kuika, bir altyn akcha ekelgen (AA, OCHK, 480) (The old man brought two strings of white kauri shells, two red buttons and one gold coin).
According to morphological criteria the numeratives can change their form, when they are used as separate nouns, i.e. outside a three-element phrase (1), or in elliptical constructions, where a noun goes before a numeral and a numeral word (2), as shown in these examples below:
(1) Bir s66m=n6q, kazhy bir 6lu=deq jylyp, blindazhka juuktap aldys (AA, OCHK, 16) (We reached the trench shelter, crawling bit by bit (verbatim: moving forward for a distance equal to the distance between tips of an index finger and a thumb in an open hand at a time, or for a distance, which is equal to the width of a finger)).
(2) «Arichy» Abany jastyra ordoilo, toroshtir tozine oturbai, uzuny eki metr=deq artyk kuiuk toroshko atpaktanyp jadyp chygala, oidyia kuiup kalgan jerge keptele oturyp algan emtir (OT, 93) (When «Hunter» misunderstood Aba, he didn't, sit by the side of the tree trunk, but using all forces of his arms climbed the post more than two meters high, and got into a hole in the tree that appeared there after some fire).
Because the numeratives are used as parts of quantitative constructions, in which they accompany numerals and nouns, they can be treated as a class of functional words or so-called classifiers. Still, as distinguished from classifiers, the numeratives have their own lexical meaning.
The main semantic and syntactical property of the numeratives is their ability to make combinations only with a certain group of words. For example, when we count separate items or objects such Altai words as bolchok (a piece, an item, an exemplar; a person), boluk (a group, a party), oroko (a yard) are used. When doubled objects are counted, we use a word ezher (a pair): e.g. on ezher oduk (ten pairs of shoes). The word bolchok is used in speech more often than all other words, which are mentioned here. This noun can also serve as a substitution for some other numeral words. It may form phrases with nouns that refer to animate and inanimate objects. It is also important to say that the word bolchok can refer to such objects or groups, which do not consist of many units or representatives. See these examples: bir bolchok kalash (a piece of bread), uch bolchok kizhi (three people); but it is incorrect to say *besh mur bolchok kizhi (five thousand people?). One more example is here: Kunine jiytenim bir tilim kalash, uch bolchokkartoshko (JK, OJ, 67) (My food ration per day is a piece of bread and three potatoes).
A numeral word uur that means 'a group, row, set; a flock, herd' is used with a big number of nouns. Its meaning refers to a set or group of homogenous or similar objects, which may be both animate and inanimate: e.g. bir uur uulchaktar (a group of boys), bir uur ulgerler (a few poems that usually have one theme), bir uur kush (a flock of birds) and so on.
Jaantaiyn la enem kereginde sananyp la onyr jogyna korodop, eneme kerees edip, suushtir le erikcheldir bir uur ulgerlerin bichigem (BU, SO, 182) (Thinking about the mother all the time and feeling sorrow not having her by my side, to keep her in memory I wrote a few poems about love and sadness); Sugat jaar kylchas etse, chyt la etken chetterder bir uur mal chyga kondy (EOAP, 424) (When I took a look where the drinking place was, out of a thick underbrush a herd of horses came running).
When separate items or objects are counted, such as yards or houses with people, who live in them, the word oroko (a yard) is used. In modern everyday Altai this word is not used any more, but is found in literature or history books. It is known that in past times the Altai people didn't live close to each other. They had their separate yards. In one yard several relating families could live, who had common household. Here is an example, where oroko is used:
Anda tonokchylar Kaisyn suuny jakalai jurtagan besh 6r6k6 aiyldyq uluzyn ba-la-barkazyla, mal-azhyla katai aidap ekelgen emtir (ISH, KJ, 13) (There the robbers forced five families (verbatim: five yards of families) with their children and animals from their farm to come to the bank of the Kaisyn River).
A special numeratives are used for counting animals. Among these nouns are: aigyr (a flock of horses lead by a stallion), it also has a literal meaning of a stallion; tabyn (a herd), which is derived from the Russian word tabun with the same meaning; tyn (a soul), uia (a nest). These Altai words are widely used in the spoken and written speech. Some examples here will illustrate their usage:
Altan aigyr mal odordo juru (ISH, KJ, 46) (Sixty flocks of horses are in the pasture); Ol toolu la jyldar bir tabyn koi-echkilu bolo berer ine (JK, UUS, 485) (I bet he will have a herd of sheep and goats in a few years' time).
When bushes or separate plants are counted, the word tos is used. This numeral noun has a meaning of a bush. It can combine with many names of plants to build word phrases: e.g. besh tos bororot (five bushes of current), eki tos kapusta (two heads of cabbage), jirme tos sogono (twenty bulbs of onion), on besh tos pomidor (fifteen plants of tomato) and so on.
The numeratives uurt (a swallow), uush (a handful), charak (a fried grain of barley) are used to build phrases to refer to certain volumes of liquids and granular materials: e.g. bir uurt chai (a swallow of water), tort uush kulur (four handfuls of flour), bir charak jash (a teardrop; verbatim: a grain of a tear) and so on.
Ol jerge bir uush charak chachyp, olordyr cheruzi uma jok kop dep korgusken (TT, ECH, 61) (Having thrown a handful of grain on the ground, he let (everybody) know that his army is big).
Many numeratives in the Altai language have been derived from verbal nouns. These nouns often end in the following affixes: -am // -em, -om // -om, -ym // -im, -um // -um, -m. Here are these numeral words: adym (a shot), derifed from at- (to shoot), azym (a pinch), derived from as- (to cook), altam (a step), derived from alta- (to step), judum (a swallow), derived from jut- to swallow), kezim (a piece, slice), derived from kes- (to cut), orom (a roll, wrapper), derived from oro- (to roll, wrap), saam (milk yield), derived from saa- (to milk), tartym (a portion of tobacco), derived from tart- (to pull, drag), tizim (a row, line), derived from tis- (to string, thread), tilim (a piece), derived from til- (to tear something into small pieces), tishtem (a bite), derived from tishte- (to bite), tudam (a bunch, handful, armful), derived from tut- (to hold), uzum (a piece, bit), derived from us- (to tear, to cut), chainam (quantity of something, which is enough for biting and chewing), derived from chaina- (to chew), chymchym (a pinch), derived from chymchy- (to pinch), etc. These words are widely used in literature.
Olordyr meni apargan jirme altam jeri mege beristediy bodolgon (JK, OJ, 83) (The distance of twenty steps that they made me go was like a whole kilometer for me); Ivanushka attar tushti. Bir tudam sulany julup, onyla kamchy chylap jarydy, bukany kyradar chygara aidady (TT, ECH, 298) 'Ivan climbed down the horse. He ripped a bunch of oat, waved it as if it was a whip and drove the bull away from the field'.
In the system of the Altai numeratives a separate group of words is made up by such units, which have a meaning of measure of length, weight, volume, area, etc. An investigation of the sphere of the usage of these words and a more detailed study of their semantics within this research is of a special interest, because the origin of these words is connected to certain historic periods in the life of the Altai population.
The Altai people used different types of measuring in their household since early ages. Measures were of significant importance for them, as they were used everywhere: in handicraft industry, carpentry, sewing clothes, shoemaking and so on.
The names of many of the Altai national kinds of measuring units appeared from the names of parts of a human body or its movements. This interconnection is found in all natural languages, because in the world of primitive people a man began to measure objects comparing them with his own body. Thus, his body served a starting point for measuring everything else in his life. The major parts of the body for measuring were a foot, an elbow, a finger, a palm, a step and some others. These parts of the body as a rule were measuring units for comparatively not large-sized objects. No doubt, the measures were not very precise, because people's bodies are of different sizes. That was why the defining of a size, length, width, etc. of anything didn't have to be done with a high level of precision, but was given a visual judgment.
The analysis of metrological lexical means in the Altai language allows concluding that the most of the names for measuring are Turkic-Mongolian. This means that the forming of this lexical layer was conducted under conditions of a certain ethno-cultural and ethnolanguage community of both Turkic and Mongolian peoples. The historical past tells that the Great Silk Route passed through the territory of the modern Altai. The population that lived here was in the center of trade and economic relations between different ethnic groups. We may suppose that it was during the period of the development of trade in Gorny Altai that the common system of national measures was accepted, which was popular among the Altai people until 1927. In the year of 1927 all over the USSR the common metrical measuring system was established. In the Altai language we find the following types of measurement.
Small-scaled measuring of length. For defining of small-scaled measures of length a unit called karysh was used. The word karysh means 'a span; a quarter; a distance between the tips of a thumb and a middle finger of an open hand'. This term is found in Old Turkic in the meaning 'a span' [1, p. 325]. It is used in the modern Altai literary language quite frequently.
Atty uul myny korolo, «Jerdirtkende sosjok» - deile, juk le chamchachar turgan kizhi altan karysh choi kara ulduzin tagynala, kalyr chorchogoi katu odugin kiyip algan dezher (Jk, OJ, 174) 'They say that, when the young fellow, whose body was scarcely clad in some shirt, on a horse, saw it, pronouncing the words «The defeated has no right for a word», put on a scabbard with a sharp lead sword 60 spans long and put on his tight hard-heeled boots'.
Soom has a meaning of 'a quarter, a distance between the tips of a thumb and a forefinger of an open hand' [2, p. 312]. The Altai word soom is a loanword, borrowed from Mongolian: Mong. sogem is 'a span, i.e. a distance from the tip of a thumb to the tip of a forefinger' [1, p. 325].
Bir soomnoq, kazhy bir oluder jylyp, blindazhka juuktap aldys (AA, OCHK, 16) 'We reached the trench shelter, crawling bit by bit (verbatim: for a distance equal to the length between tips of an index finger and a thumb; for a distance, which is equal to the width of a finger)'.
The word mukur or the word combination mukur soom shows a distance between a thumb and a bent index finger. In the Altai language this word was first mentioned by B. I. Verbitsky in his research work: mokur (Tel.) - dull (about a tip); mokur soom (Tel.) - a quarter from a thumb to a bent index finger [3, p. 205]. The Altai word combination mukur soom is originated from the Mongolian muqur sogem, which means 'a short span' [4, p. 30].
Emdi jaap toktogon kiyninde, bu jylularla kozho olor kunine mukur soomnoq ozor, kandy da kuigek ony kunuradyp bolbos (EOAP, 340) 'Now when the rains stopped, because of the warmer weather, the grass will grow a short span; no scorcher will make it dry'.
The word elu and its variant olu name a measure that is equal to the width of a finger; eki elu is the width of two fingers [2, p. 312]. The Altai word elu (olu) is originated to an Old Turkic el that means 'a hand' [5, p. 169]. In most other Turkic languages this word is transformed into a form of enu or eli with the following meanings: 1) width / thickness of a finger as a measuring unit; 2) a vershok, half of a vershok1; an inch; an measuring unit that is about 2.5 sm; 3) the width of a palm (under a question mark) [6, p. 263-264].
Uchinchi tabyshkak baza da jeril: chyn la togunnir ortozy tort olu - ol kos lo kulaktyr ortozy, nenir uchun deze kulak kop sabada togundi ugat, je kos jarys la chyndy korot (TT, ECH, 151) 'The third riddle is also easy: the distance between the truth and the lie is the thickness of a finger; it is the distance between the eyes and the ears, because the ears in most of the cases hear lies, and the eyes see only the truth'.
The word kary is a unit that is equal to the distance between the elbow and the tips of fingers. This measuring unit is not often used in modern Altai. The same can be said about the frequency of this word in literary works. At this stage of our research only one example of its use is registered:
Kizhi olordy oinop lo jat dep bodoor: churkalarynyr uzuny kary la kire, biruzi deze kurch maltala ol churkalardy ooktoi jaryp oturar (JK, AJO, 155) ' It seems that they are playing: the length of the logs is like the length from the elbow to the tips of the fingers; one of them is splitting the logs into small parts'.
The word arshyn is an old unit for measuring length and means 71 sm. It is a common Turkic word, about the meanings of which all dictionaries agree: 1) a arshin; 2) a cubit (a measuring unit for length); 3) a measuring unit of 40, 65, 100 sm. [6, p 183-184]. It is believed that this term was borrowed from the Iranian languages by the Turkic languages and later it was borrowed by the Russian language.
Bir arshyn bosti tururine ilu edip aldy (CHCH, M, 26) 'Out of one arshin of fabric he made a lap for the shaman tambourine'.
The term kulash means 'a sagene; a distance between two spread arms' [ORS, 1947: 312]. It is an Altai word that had a form of qulac (a distance between two arms spread in two sides) in Old Turkic [5, p. 464]. In relation to a bow the Altai expression bir kulash is equal to 1.5 m [7, p. 30]. This measuring unit is often used in the Altai literature, especially in folklore. There is an example:
Kys ogo byian aidala, tuular jaar martatty. Je tuularda, jaan tashtyr kiyninde, ony altan kulash kuiruktu kok boru sakyp, oozyn achyp, tishterile karsyldadyp oturdy (folk.) 'After thanking him the girl went to the mountains. But in the mountains behind a large rock, a grey wolf with a 60-sagene tail and an open mouth was waiting for her, grating his teeth'.
Large-scaled measuring of length. For measuring big distances in old times special "way-oriented" units were used. For example, an Altai term chakyrym referred to such distance which is enough to hear someone's cry [3, p. 424]. It evidently has its origin in Old Turkic in the form of cayir meaning 'a path or a small road' [5, p. 136]. With the growth of the Russian population in Gorny Altai this unit was probably given the meaning of the Russian term verst (1066,8 m). The term chakyrym is used in the Altai literary books quite often.
Barlak Kylgandu jurttyr boiynda emes, onor uch chakyrym kirelu tomon, koiu moshtordir ortozynda, ady jokjuukanyr buginde jatkan (SS, aKs, 127) 'Barlak didn't live in Kylgandu village, but about three versts down in the thick cider forest, at a curve of the nameless ravine'.
In the group of the «way-oriented» units such descriptive terms as bir kundik jer and kun jortum jer are found. Both of these word constructions have a meaning of 'a distance that you can cover riding on a horse for one day' (about 50-60 km).
Uul kyzyl kun bolgoncho bir kundik jer otkon (ET, K, 51) 'While the sun was shining, the boy covered the distance of one day'; Olor jytty kun jortum jerdeq alyp jadylar (TT, ECH, 362) 'They can feel the smell from the distance that you can ride for one day'.
Since the time of settling of the Russian population in the Altai territory in the 17th century new measuring terms appeared in the Altai language, for example, beriste, derived from the Russian word versta (a verst). In the meaning that refers to the distance, it is equivalent to the Altai word chakyrym.
For example, Jaba-karysh kizhichekte jeti olu oduk bar (ony kiyip alzagar, sler bir altap, jeti beriste jol odoriger) (TT, ECH, 416) 'A small man has shoes with the size of seven-fingers (if you put them on and make one step you can cover seven versts)'.
Units of measuring time. Since the very early times people distinguished seasons in a year, and defined time of a day judging by the sun. The Altai people living a semi-nomadic way of life used such objects as a lasso and bind reins for defining distances and time. The expression armakchy chachym refers to a distance, to which a lasso can be thrown, and chylbyr chachym may be used to show a distance, from which you can throw and fasten reins. With the help of these two units people defined how high the sun was, i.e. the time of movement of the sun in the sky. It was believed that the duration of a day increased by 6 lassos in March [8, p. 60]. In the modern Altai language the time after mid-day is called kun armakchy chachym (the sun is high enough to throw a lasso), kun chylbyr chachym (the sun is still low to throw the reins) [9, p. 15], kun chylbyr bazhynda (lit. the sun is at the tip of the reins), kun chylbyr kirelu (lit. the sun is nearly at the distance of the reins).
Kun chylbyr kirelu oksop chygyp kelerde, Bychymnyr uch tumen cheruzi ozolodo berilgen jakaru aaiyncha agashtardar chygyp, bololishkelerdir cheruzin uch talazynar kurchai turup aldy (ISH, Kj, 80) 'When the sun rose up enough to the distance that allows throwing the reins (i.e. in the afternoon), Bychym's army of three thousand people by order left the forest and surrounded the army of their cousins from three directions'.
Ezher azhyp braatkan kundi koznoktor korup, emesh sanaarkap aitty: "Kun emdi de chylbyr bazhy bar turbai" (AA, UBT, 116) 'Ezher looked at the setting sun in the window, felt some sadness and said: «The sun is still at the tip of the reins (i.e. The sun hasn't set yet)»'.
A short interval of time in the system of the Altai terms for measuring time is defined by the following word combinations: chai kainadym or chai azym, referring to time, which is enough for boiling tea (about 10-15 min.); tarky tartym, referring to time, which is enough to finish smoking of one pipe (about 10-15 min.).
[Ar] Ta ne turatan? Sook suuga jaan bolzo eki chai kainadym turgai. (JK, OJ, 27) 'Why should [a dear] stand? In the cold water one can stand for no longer than two sets for boiling tea'; Aimaktyr tos jurtyna jetire uzak emes. Juk le jeti beriste. Bir le chai kainadymga emeze tarky tartymga baryp keler ine (BU, TTBA, 53) 'It is not too far away from the center village of the district. It is only about seven versts away. You can reach it for the time that tea will get boiled or a pipe will be smoked'.
Measuring units of area. It is known that crop farming was quite subsidiary in the life of the Altai people in the prerevolutionary period, as in the life of the northern Altai tribes hunting was more important, and the southern Altai tribes were more involved in cattle farming. People didn't need to measure area. Though, in the older period the Altai people and Kondom Shors used a unit called adbic meaning 'a corral (for animals), a sheep-fold' (1/18 of arpent) [3, p. 5; 10, p. 493]. Today in everyday life people use traditional metric terms like metr (meter), gektar (hectare) and others.
Measuring units of weight and volume. In the old ages the units for defining granular substances were often used in barter trade and in borrowing some quantities of grain, flour, etc. The units to measure weight and volume were regular kitchen utensils and vessels: kalbak (a spoonful), aiak(a cup; 0.2-0.5 liter), bortogo (a quantity of something that can be poured in a wooden bucket; 1-4 liters), konok (a bucketful; 7-10 liters), chapchak (a quantity if something that can be put in a pail, a vat; 20 liters), kup (a quantity if something that can be put in a long wooden bucket used for producing chegen; 30-40 liters) [11], tepshi (a plateful), etc.
It is clear that after first Russian-Altai trade and economic contacts in the territory of the Altai, which occurred nearly in the middle of the 17th century, the Altai people acquainted with a unit called by the Altai word pud (a pound; 16.38 kg). This term still isn't treated as an obsolete word and is often used in literature.
«On chai, eki talama, besh pud kulur, pud tarky bereyin» - dep, kojoiym kyrgy-nnyr alakanyna alakanyn jyrs etire tazhydy (ISH, KJ, 27) 'Saying that he will give him ten packs of tea, two rolls of fabric, five pounds of flour and a pound of tobacco, the merchant hit the arm of the kazak'.
For measuring the volume of dry grass the old Altai used a unit, which they called tolgok or tolgok-ulek (a twisted, rolled hay; 1/10 of a stack of hay) [12, p. 811]. At present time people use two other terms: bugul (a stack of hay) and oboo (a big stack of hay; a big hayrick).
For defining the volume of wine such words as oimok (a thimble; thimbleful), choochoi (a small cup for wine; cupful), tazhuur (a vessel made of leather and used for milk wine) were used. Here, I would like to say that drinking alcohol is traditionally strongly criticized by people from generation to generation. People are allowed to drink small doses of liquors. The measures for hard liquors were the above-mentioned terms. A small cup for wine called choochoi served as a middle-sized dose for a person; its volume is equal to the volume of an average wineglass in modern time. The smallest dose for wine was called by the word oimok, which means a hollow in the back side of a hand between a thumb and a wrist.
Saveliy oduzy ol toido bolgon, je bir choochoi araky, bir tilim kalash amzabagan deshkileer (Jk, OJ, 49) 'The family of Savely was at that wedding party, but they say that they tried neither a cupful of wine nor a single piece of bread'.
The names of measuring terms that have been studied in this research were the main units used before the terms of the metric system became spread in the Altai among the Altai population. These terms are still used in an everyday speech of the Altai people. Because of the units of the new metric system are used more since the
' The Russian word vershok is equal to the length of the main phalange of an index finger.
beginning of the last century, our near-term perspective says that these Altai original terms will drop out of usage.
In conclusion, I would like to say that the main focus of this paper was to describe the semantics and the sphere of use of the numeratives in the Altai language. For this purpose most of the words were shown in illustrative contexts.
The results of the research also allow saying that the numeratives comprise a considerable layer of lexical units in the Altai language that refers to a common Turkic period of time. Many of the numeratives were borrowed from Russian and Mongolian. The system of the Altai numeratives is made of the names for units of weight, volume, length and time.
Sources
AA, OCHK - A. Adarov. Olumni) chaqkyr kuzhy. Gorno-Altaisk, 1993.
AA, UBT - A. Adarov. Ucha bergen turnalar. Gorno-Altaisk, 1980.
BU, SO - B. Ukachin. Suush le oshtozhu. Gorno-Altaisk, 1981.
BU, TTBA - B. Ukachin. Tuular tuular la boiy artar. Gorno-Altaisk, 1971.
JK, AJO - J. Kainchin. Ailybys jarjys ozokto. Gorno-Altaisk, 1984.
JK, OJ - J. Kainchin. Ol jarattar). Gorno-Altaisk, 1980.
JK, UUS - Ustibiste Uch-sumer. Gorno-Altaisk, 2003.
EOAP - Emdigi oidi) altai povest'teri. Gorno-Altaisk, 1989.
ISH, KJ - I. Shodoev. Kyzalar)du jyldar. Gorno-Altaisk, 1984.
SS, AKS - S. Surazakov. Altaiym kereginde sos. Gorno-Altaisk, 1985.
TT, ECH - T. Torbokov. Erjinelu chorchoktor. Gorno-Altaisk, 2006.
CHCH, M - CH. Chunizhekov. Munduzak. Gorno-Altaisk, 1962.
OT - Oilordir) tubiner). Gorno-Altaisk, 1993.
ET, K - E. To'ushev. Kechuler. Gorno-Altaisk, 1978.
Библиографический список / References
1. Etimologicheskij slovar' tjurkskih jazykov. Obschetjurkskie i mezhtjurkskie osnovy na bukvy «К», «К» M.: Jazyki russkoj kul'tury, 1997. {Etymological dictionary of the Turkic The Languages. Common Turkic and Intraturkic stems, beginning with the "K", "Q" letters. M.: Languages of the Russian Culture, 1997.
2. Ojrotsko-russkijslovar'. N.A. Baskakov, T.M. Toschakova. M., 1947. {Oyrot-Russian Dictionary. N.A. Baskakov, T.M. Toshchakova, M., 1947.}
3. Verbitskiy V.I. Slovar' altaiskogo i aladagskogo narechiy t'urkskogo yazyka. Kazan, 1884. {Verbitsky V.I. Dictionary of the Altai and Aladag adverbs of the Turkic language. Kazan, 1884.}
4. Rassadin V.I. Mongolo-bur'atskie zaimstvovania v sibirskih t'urkskih yazykah. М., 1980. {Rassadin V.I. Mongolian-Buryat borrowings in Siberian Turkic languages. M: Nauka, 1980.}
5. Drevnetjurkskijslovar'. L., 1969. {The Ancient Turkic Dictionary. Leningrad, 1969.}
6. Etimologicheskij slovar' tjurkskih jazykov (Obschetjurkskie i mezhtjurkskie osnovy na glasnye) / E.V. Sevortjan. M.: Nauka, 1974. {Etymological dictionary of the Turkic The Languages (The Common Turkic and Intraturkic stems beginning with vowels). E.V. Sevortyan. M.: Nauka, 1974.}
7. Diakonova N.P. Altaitsy (materialy po etnografiyi t'elengitov Gornogo Altaia). Gorno-Altaisk, 2001. {Altaians (Materials on the ethnography of the Telengits of Gorny Altai). Gorno-Altaisk, 2001.}
8. Verbitskiy V.I. Altaiskieinorodtsy. Gorno-Altaisk, 1993. {Verbitsky V. I. The indigenous people of the Altai. 2nd Edition. Gorno-Altaisk, 1993.}
9. T'uhteneva S.P. Altaiskiy kalendar'. Epshiler. Zhenskij zhurnal. Gorno-Altaisk, 2008. № 8, S. 12-19. {Tyukhteneva S.P. The Altai Calendar. Epshiler. The women's magazine. Gorno-Altaisk, 2008. No. 8: P. 12-19.}
10. Radloff V.V. Opyt slovar'a t'urkskih narechiy T.I. Ch. I. Sankt-Peterburg, 1893. {Radloff V. V. Experience the dictionary of Turkic adverbs. Vol. I. Pt. I. St. Petersburg, 1893.}
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12. Shvetsov S.P. GornyiAltaii ego naselenie. Tom I. Kochevniki Biyskago u'ezda. Vypusk I. Barnaul, 1900. {Shvetsov S. P. The Mountainous Altai and its population. Volume 1. The Nomads of Biysk uyezd. 1st Edition. Editor: S.P. Shvetsov. Barnaul, 1900.}
Статья поступила в редакцию 14.07.19
УДК 811.351.12
Mallaeva Z.M., Doctor of Sciences (Philology), Senior Researcher, Institute of Language, Literature and Arts, Dagestan Scientific Center,
Russian Academy of Sciences (Makhachkala, Russia), E-mail: [email protected]
Kuraeva M.N., Cand. of Sciences (Philology), senior lecturer, Dagestan State University (Makhachkala, Russia), E-mail: [email protected]
THE FEATURES OF THE MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF THE AVAR VERB. The category of a person is not represented in the structure of the Avar verb. The category of grammatical class functions in connection with the categories of numbers and is not inherent in all verbs. Class-numerical indicator is before the root position. The root morpheme is followed by a thematic vowel. In the linguistic Avar studies there is no clear idea of the status and functions of the thematic vowel in the structure of the verb. This is partly due to the fact that until today the theoretical foundations of morphemic division has not been developed, structural and functional features of morphemes have not been described. A thematic vowel is an obligatory structural unit of any verbal form of the Avar language. The thematic vowel is followed by the suffixes of determinative and categorical loading. The determinative suffix after the thematic vowel is an optional structural unit of the verbal lexeme and is not represented in all forms. In the Avar studies there is a question of where to include the thematic vowel to the stem or to formant. In this regard, the authors propose to draw a distinction between general paradigmatic and private word-form basis. The thematic vowel is not included into the basic paradigmatic core, it is formed by the part of the verb that remains unchanged in all forms, expresses the lexical meaning and serves as the basis for the formation of all forms of the verb.
Key words: Avar language, structure of verb, morpheme, thematic vowel, suffix determinative.
З.М. Маллаева, д-р филол. наук, проф., Институт языка, литературы и искусства ДНЦ РАН г. Махачкала, E-mail: [email protected]
М.Н. Кураева, канд. филол. наук, доц., Дагестанский государственный университет, г. Махачкала, E-mail: [email protected]
ОСОБЕННОСТИ МОРФОЛОГИЧЕСКОЙ СТРУКТУРЫ ГЛАГОЛА АВАРСКОГО ЯЗЫКА
В структуре аварского глагола категория лица не представлена. Категория грамматического класса функционирует в связи с категорий числа и присуща далеко не всем глаголам. Классно-числовой показатель занимает предкорневую позицию. После корневой морфемы следует тематический гласный. В лингвистическом авароведении не выработаны чёткие представления о статусе и функциях тематического гласного в структуре глагола. Отчасти это обусловлено тем, что по сей день, не разработаны теоретические основы морфемного членения, не описаны структурные и функциональные особенности морфем. Тематический гласный является обязательной структурной единицей любой глагольной формы аварского языка. После тематического гласного следуют суффиксы детерминативной и категориальной нагрузки. Детерминативный суффикс, расположенный после тематического гласного, является факультативной структурной единицей глагольной лексемы, он представлен не во всех формах.
В авароведении активно дискутируется вопрос, куда отнести тематический гласный, к основе или к форманту В этой связи мы предлагает провести разграничение общепарадигматической и частнословоформной основы. В общепарадигматическую основу тематический гласный не входит, её образует та часть глагола, которая остается неизменной во всех формах, выражает лексическое значение и служит базой образования всех форм глагола.
Ключевые слова: аварский язык, структура глагола, морфема, тематический гласный, детерминативный суффикс.
Die besonderheiten der morphologischen struktur des avarischen verbums
Das Verbum weist im Avarischen folgende morphologische Struktur auf: Klassen-Anzeiger + Stamm-Morphem + Kategorien-Formant: B-os-ize 'nehmen', B-ek-ize 'brechen', 'zerteilen', B-at-ize 'entdecken', '(er)finden'; B-ort-ize 'fallen', 'stürzen',
'hinfallen', 'umfallen'; B-or zh-ine 'fliegen', Ba-k- i-ze, 'hungrig werden [sein]', 'Hunger bekommen [haben]' usw.
Nur eine begrenzte Zahl von Verben hat in ihrer Struktur einen variierenden Klassen-Anzeiger, der mit dem Substantiv kongruiert und gleichzeitig den Numerus
