Научная статья на тему 'NEW MEANINGS OF OLD WORDS IN ENGLISH'

NEW MEANINGS OF OLD WORDS IN ENGLISH Текст научной статьи по специальности «Гуманитарные науки»

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Ключевые слова
old English / new English / term definition / lexicology history / word structure / prefixation / suffixation / word stress / dialects

Аннотация научной статьи по Гуманитарные науки, автор научной работы — Farangiz Kamiljonovna Kamilova, Diana Valeryevna Abduramanova

This article examines the history of English linguistics and their contemporary applications. In addition, a comparison between old English and modern pronunciation and compilation is provided. The article focuses primarily on the study of the history of word origins, the analysis of various scientific perspectives, and the compilation of a new modern linguistics (lexicology) of the English language. The results of the analysis are utilized to draw inferences regarding the relationship between words and their meanings.

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Текст научной работы на тему «NEW MEANINGS OF OLD WORDS IN ENGLISH»

NEW MEANINGS OF OLD WORDS IN ENGLISH

Farangiz Kamiljonovna Kamilova

Student, Chirchik State Pedagogical University

Scientific advisor: Diana Valeryevna Abduramanova

Senior teacher, Chirchik State Pedagogical University diana1207saliyeva@gmail .com

ABSTRACT

This article examines the history of English linguistics and their contemporary applications. In addition, a comparison between old English and modern pronunciation and compilation is provided. The article focuses primarily on the study of the history of word origins, the analysis of various scientific perspectives, and the compilation of a new modern linguistics (lexicology) of the English language. The results of the analysis are utilized to draw inferences regarding the relationship between words and their meanings.

Keywords: old English, new English, term definition, lexicology history, word structure, prefixation, suffixation, word stress, dialects.

Introduction

This article focuses predominantly on the borrowed words from classical languages that have been incorporated into the English language. It examines the historical events that characterize the strata of vocabulary in English, presents some of the fundamental principles of linguistic analysis, and serves as a helpful guide for vocabulary discrimination and enrichment. The new edition has been revised to include a discussion of the most recent trends in blending and abbreviation associated with messaging and other forms of electronic communication, as well as a new classification of allomorphic categories.

It includes a new section on Grimm's law, which explains some of the more enigmatic connections between Germanic and Latinate cognates, as well as important topics such as segment sonority and the historical shift of long vowels in English. Our word stock is enormous. It is useful to divide it into terms that are part of the common language that everyone learns at a young age and words that we acquire through our education. The former, the fundamental vocabulary, is virtually identical for all individuals.

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Our acquired vocabulary is a separate matter. Depending on a person's education and area of expertise, the rhythm and structure of the music varies tremendously between individuals. Nobody ever controls more than a fraction of the vocabulary that has been learned. Frequently, the extent of a person's lexicon becomes a measure of their judgement abilities.

Information about the history and structure of our words, including both the core and the acquired lexicon, can be a valuable resource.

Literary analysis and methodology

The English lexicon is not a static inventory of terms. Each day, new words are added to the language, while others fall out of use. The two sources of unnecessary terms are word creation and word borrowing. In areas of higher education, such as the life sciences, physical sciences, pharmaceutical, law, and the social sciences, English has typically borrowed words from other dialects to encompass modern concepts, disused fabric, or theoretical marvels with words that were previously unused.

The oldest portion of the OE lexicon is comprised of words that have a position in the common I layer. This layer includes personal pronouns, illustrative pronouns, and the majority of numerals. This layer contains the names of a few natural marvels, plants and animals, agrarian terms, names of human bodily parts, terms of connection, etc. This layer's verbs indicate the fundamental activities of man, while its descriptors highlight his most fundamental qualities.

The common Germanic stratum contains words that are shared by the majority of Germanic dialects but do not occur outside the group. Because they are peculiarly Germanic, these words serve as a crucial lexical benchmark for the Germanic dialects. Certainly, this layer is thinner than the layer of common I terms. The semantic associations of these terms are with nature, the sea, and way of life.

The third etymological stratum of local words is distinctively OE, consisting of words not found in other Germanic or non-Germanic dialects. OE clipian ('call'), OE brid (NE feathered creature), and a few others are among the few words whose origins have not been discovered outside English. OE compounds and determined words formed from Germanic roots in Britain, e.g. OE wifman or wimman (NE lady) consists of two roots that occurred as separate words in other OG dialects, but merged into a compound in OE.

Discussion

External elements within the OE lexicon

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Despite the fact that borrowed words comprised a relatively small portion of the OE lexicon — almost 600 words in total — they are of great interest from an etymological and historical perspective. Celtic and Latin are the origins of Old English borrowings.

There are very few Celtic loanwords in the OE lexicon, as there was likely little contact between Germanic pioneers and the Celtic in Britain. Even though in some areas of the island the Celtic population survived the WG attack, phonetic evidence of Celtic influence is scant. As it were, placenames contain copious borrowings from Celtic.

The Old English kingdoms of Kent, Deira, and Bernicia derive their names from Celtic tribes. The Celtic origins of the names of York, the Downs, and possibly London have been traced. Different Celtic designations of 'river' and 'water' were adopted as legitimate names by the Germanic invaders: Ouse, Esk, Exe, Avon; Thames, Stour, and Dover are also Celtic. Numerous place-names with Celtic elements are crossovers; the Celtic element combined with a Latin or Germanic element creates a compound place-name, for example:

Celtic and Latin: Manchester, Winchester, Lancaster. Celtic and Germanic: Yorkshire, Cornwall, Devonshire, and Canterbury. Latin words infiltrated the English language at various points in OE history. Several chronological strata can be distinguished between them.

The stratum with the most punctuation consists of words that the W tribes carried with them when they settled in Britain. Long before the Anglo-Saxon incursion, contact with the Roman civilization had already begun. Early Old English borrowings from Latin demonstrate that the Teutons had learned modern objects and concepts from the Romans. They pertain to warfare, commerce, agriculture, construction, and domestic life. Several placenames with Latin and Germanic components, such as Portsmouth, Greenport, and Greenwich, were among the Latin loanwords acquired by Britain. The second period of Latin influence on the OE lexicon began with the introduction of Christianity in the late sixth century and lasted until the end of Old English. Numerous Latin words that have made their way into the English language over the past 500 years plainly fall into two primary groups:

1. terms relating to religion

2. terms connected with learning.

The Latin influence on the OE lexicon was not limited to word borrowing. There were additional impact perspectives. The most important of these is the emergence of so-called "translation-

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loans" terms and expressions fashioned after Latin words as their literal translations. The most frequent occurrences of translation-loans are day names found not only in Old English but also in other Ancient Germanic dialects. OE Monan-das (Monday) 'day of the moon', L Lunae expires.

Word-building signifies Word structure in Old English.

O-words, based on their morphological structure, fall into three primary categories:

1.simple words ("root-words") that contain a root-morpheme but no derivational affixes, such as land and 3od.

2.derived words composed of one root-morpheme and one or more affixes; 3.compound words with stems composed of more than one root-morpheme, such as mann-cynn.

Methods of word construction

OE employed two word-formation strategies: determination and word composition.

Word-derivation

In O, inferred words were formed through the use of fastens: prefixes and suffixes. In addition to these essential means of induction, words were recognised through sound trading and word push.

Word-composition was a highly advantageous method of lexicon creation in OE. As in other OG dialects, O's word-composition was more advantageous in ostensible parts of speech than in verbs.

The mann-cynn (NE humanity) design for "thing additionally thing" was likely the most prevalent of all. Compound nouns with adjective-stems as their principal components, such as wid-sae 'ocean' (wide ocean), were less advantageous.

Compound descriptive terms are formed by combining a noun stem and a descriptive word, such as dom-seorn ("energetic for wonderfulness"). The most unconventional structure of compound descriptive words was the so-called "bahuvruhi type" - descriptive word plus object stem as the second component of a descriptive word, e.g. mild-hearted'merciful'.

Word stress

The role of word complement in OE word formation was not extraordinary. Similar to sound exchange, the movement of word extension made a distinction between several sections of speech used alongside other connotations. The verb's prefixes were unaccented, whereas the

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comparing terms' prefixes were pushed, so the position of push served as a more specific inclusion between them.

Prefivation

A few O prefixes descend from I models, such as the negative prefix OE un-. Numerous additional prefixes, such as mis-, be-, and ofer-, arose in PG and O from relational words and intensifiers. Prefixes were widely employed with verbs but far less effective with other elements of speech. The most common and potentially most advantageous OE prefixes were a-, be-, for-, fore-, ze-, ofer-, and un-. The prefix typically modified the lexical meaning of the term without altering its reference to a portion of discourse, e.g., spedia unspedia. A few verbal and ostensible prefixes gave the word an uncommon sense and radically altered its meaning, such as: weordan -for-weordan v, forwyrd n (ended up, perish, devastation). A few prefixes had a common meaning that was so weak that it bordered on linguistic, such as 3e-, the most common verb orefix, which conveyed the meaning of result or completion and was consequently widely used as a marker of the Past Participle - sittan - 3e-sett.

Suffixation was by far the most advantageous method of word formation in OE. The additions did not alter the lexical meaning of the word, but they may have alluded to another portion of the discourse. Additions were typically connected to the formation of nouns and adjectives, and occasionally verbs. Etymologically, OE postfixes can be traced back to a number of sources: ancient stem-suffixes, which had lost their effectiveness but can still be identified in a few words as dead or nonproductive postfixes; derivational additions directly inherited from PIE and PG; and unused additions which created from root-morphemes in Late PG and OE during morphological rearrangements of the word. Ancient stem-suffixes cannot be regarded as determinative indicators in OE. Their application in word determination appears most effectively in reconstructed, pre-written forms of weak verbs. Example: tel-i-an, mot-i-an, OE tellan, metan - from the roots of O talu, e-mot. Example: hop-o-jan, luf-o-jan, OE hopian, lufian from comparing words hopa, lufu. Generally, additions are classified according to the portion of discourse they can define. There were two large groups of postfixes in Old English: postfixes of objects and additions to descriptive terms.

Thing postfixes are separated into "specialist things" ("nomina agentis") and "unique things" postfixes. Among the postfixes of "specialist things" there were a few dead, ineffective modifications, such as: -a, as in the Masc. a-stem hunta; - conclusion, originally the addition of the Show Participle, for instance OE monster. Later, it was replaced by -ere. OE

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Uzbekistan'sdyeomm^^^^^^^m

operator nouns ending in -ere were derived from nouns and verbs: bocere and fiscere. The objects in -ere were masculine, while the comparative postfix -estre was uncommon: spinnestre. Blindnis and beorhtnes are two suffixes of unique nouns that are able to follow the profitable postfix -nes/-nis. Another advantageous addition, -ung/-ing, was used to create unique nouns from verbs, such as earnian becoming earnung (NE gain, success). The development of modern postfixes from root-morphemes is a crucial aspect of Old English suffixation. To this group belong OE -dom, -had, -lac, and a few others, such as freodom (NE chance), cildhad (NE infancy), and wedlac (NE marriage). Rarely were adjectives derived from verb stems or other descriptors, as opposed to being inferred from objects. The most advantageous postfixes were -i3 and -isc, for example modia (from mod NE temperament) and mennisc (from man with the root-vowel [al]).

RESULTS

Bully

We trust you've never been victimised by a bully, but if you have, you would never describe him as "excellent, a jovial sweetheart..." Surprisingly, aggressor had these positive connotations as early as the 1500s. Even the term bully was used as a synonym for admirer. Sometime during the 1600s, the "fine fellow" lost his appeal and transformed into a "harasser of the weak." The identity crisis worsens in the 1700s, when bully also meant "protector of a prostitute."

Clue

No, we are not discussing a clue in a treasure search, nor are we discussing the board game adapted into the 1985 classic film starring Tim Curry. No, clue originally meant a skein of yarn. The thread that connects our modern definition of clue to its ancestor clew dates back to the 1500s, when the Old English meaning of clue was less thrilling than it is today.

Cute

The cuddly, squishy, and ooshy-wooshiness currently associated with adorable would not have been comprehended in the eighteenth century. Agh! How would we have described "Cute Cat Pushing Kitty in Cart" in the past? Sorry, we digress. Three centuries ago, the word adorable was a reduced form of acute, and thus cute meant "clever" or "keen."

Ejaculate

The modern definition of ejaculate dates back to the 1570s, and was quickly followed by the definition "to exclaim abruptly." Interestingly, despite the apparent coexistence of these meanings

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over time, the second meaning of ejaculate was perfectly permissible in the everyday speech of 18th-century conservatives. That has undoubtedly altered.

Over the years, facetious has made a complete about-face. What was once synonymous with elegance, refinement, and courtesy now means to make light of serious issues through humour, sarcasm, or frivolity. Unless you're Frasier Crane, it's practically impossible to possess both of these characteristics simultaneously.

You know how sometimes all it takes is one "eye-five" at a bar (you know, when eyes meet?) to make a connection? Just go with the flow), for someone to believe that you're flirting? Unfortunately, this is a fairly common occurrence, and if the archaic definition of tease still carried any weight, the person who shall remain nameless would know to avoid the situation. In the 1500s (we're back!) flirting meant "to turn up one's nose or sneer at" or "to flick, as with the fingers."

Historically, hussy was simply a synonym for housewife or household mistress (the Old English word for home is hus). Originally pronounced huzzy, it came to encompass all women and children over time. By the 1650s, however, hussy had acquired negative connotations, denoting a woman who behaved inappropriately (according to whose standards?). In the 1700s, hussies were characterised as vulgar, immoral, naughty, and promiscuous women.

In Old English, pretty originally meant "tricky, crafty, and wily." Then, in the 1300s, handsome grew a beard and dashed through flames to rescue damsels in peril. This "manly, gallant" notion progressively gave way in the 1400s to the more familiar "attractive" and "beautiful in a slight way."

Conclusion

We discussed the Ancient, Middle, Early Modern, and Contemporary English periods in order, with an unusual emphasis on the lexical level characteristics of each. In addition, we could emphasise the main contributions of each period to the development of the English language as a whole. The earliest Ancient English (OE) manuscripts consisted of numerous dispersed engravings composed between the fifth and sixth centuries using the Anglo-Saxon runic letter set. These dispersed engravings provide extremely limited information on the language. The scholarly age essentially began with the arrival of

Facetious

Flirt

Hussy

Pretty

Christian ministers from Rome in 597.

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Glossaries of Latin words deciphered into Old English and a few early engravings and sonnets are the earliest OE original reproductions, dating from around 700. Sadly, very little fabric remains from this time period. Beowulf, a heroic poem composed around the year 1000, was the most important surviving scholarly work, surviving in a single copy. However, there were also a number of shorter compositions dealing with Christian themes or reflecting Germanic conventions, as well as conflict, patriotism, travel, and celebration. It is generally accepted that the majority of Old English writings were composed during the reign of King Alfred (849-899), who oversaw the decipherment of numerous Latin works, including Bede's Ministerial History.

However, the complete corpus is still considered to be relatively small. Even if we allow for the new orthography and the unexpected pronunciations, we still observe a contrast between the words utilized in exposition and those utilized in beautiful writings.

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3. Issue 3, Uzbekistan, pp. 478-482.

3. Abduramanova, D. V., Ruzikulova Sh. (2022). The problem of ethnic lexicography. Academic Research in Educational Sciences, 3(4), Uzbekistan, pp. 1072-1075.

4. Baker, Peter S (2003). Introduction to Old English. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0631-23454-3.

5. Baugh, Albert C; & Cable, Thomas. (1993). A History of the English Language (4th ed.). London: Routledge.

6. Blake, Norman (1992). The Cambridge History of the English Language: Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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8. Earle, John (2005). A Book for the Beginner in Anglo-Saxon. Bristol, PA: Evolution Publishing. ISBN 1-889758-69-8. (Reissue of one of 4

eds. 1877-1902)

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9. Euler, Wolfram (2013). Das Westgermanische : von der Herausbildung im 3. bis zur Aufgliederung im

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11. Fulk, R. D. (2014). An introductory grammar of Old English with an anthology of readings. Tempe, Arizona: ACMRS Press. ISBN 978-0866985147.

12. https://www.dictionary.com/e/s/old-words-new-meanings/#brave

13. https://enm.wikipedia.org/wiki/Changes to Old English vocabulary

14. https://www.theenglishisland.com/lessons/words-whose-meanings-have-changed-over-time/

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