CC BY
11Жамият ва инновациялар -Общество и инновации -Society and innovations
Journal home page: https://inscience.uz/index.php/socinov/index
Views and customs of Jizzakh people regarding parturition Farrukh AKCHAYEV1, Hakima DAVLATOVA2, Dilnoza JUMANAZAROVA3
Jizzakh State Pedagogical Institute
ARTICLE INFO
ABSTRACT
Article history:
Received April 2021 Received in revised form 20 April 2021 Accepted 15 May 2021 Available online 15 June 2021
Keywords:
Jizzakh oasis,
ancient religious beliefs,
customs,
rituals,
mentality,
child,
infertility,
witchcraft,
shamanism,
Zoroastrianism,
Islam,
attribute,
symbiosis,
bleeding,
mourning,
hardship,
sacrifice,
aqeeqah.
In this article, traces of ancient devout beliefs within the views of the peoples of the Jizzakh oasis on childbearing are displayed in the following cases; that is, within the rites and ceremonies held in the holy shrines and shrines; within the sanctification of certain attributes, in the traditions and ceremonies organized by the bakhshis in the homes of the people, and in the advantageous encounter with Islamic conventions indeed today, it is explained on the basis of ethnographic information obtained in the course of field investigate. At the same time, there are well known sees that epitomize the appearances of antiquated religious convictions that have been preserved in these traditions and ceremonies; the transformational forms in them and the ethnolocal aspects of the ceremonies performed are proved.
2181-1415/© 2021 in Science LLC.
This is an open access article under the Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.ru)
1 Doctor of Philosophy in History, Associate Professor, Jizzakh State Pedagogical Institute. Jizzakh, Uzbekistan. E-mail: [email protected]
2 Master's Student, Jizzakh State Pedagogical Institute. Jizzakh, Uzbekistan.
3 Assistant Professor, Jizzakh State Pedagogical Institute. Jizzakh, Uzbekistan
Jizzax xalqlarining xammadlik haqida urf-odat va fikrlari
ANNOTATSIYA
Kalit so'zlar:
Jizzax vohasi,
qadimiy diniy e'tiqodlar,
urf-odatlar,
mentalitet,
bola,
bepushtlik,
jodugarlik,
shamanizm,
zardushtiylik,
islom,
atribut,
simbioz,
qon ketish,
motam,
qiyinchilik,
qurbonlik,
aqiqa.
Maqolada Jizzax vohasi xalqlarining tug'ilish haqidagi g'oyalaridagi qadimiy diniy e'tiqodlarning izlari quyidagi holatlarda kuzatilgan; ya'ni ziyoratgohlarda o'tkaziladigan odat va marosimlarning bir qismi sifatida; ba'zi bir atributlarni muqaddas qilishda, baxshilar tomonidan uylarda uyushtirilgan urf-odat va marosimlarda va bugungi Islom konventsiyalari bilan foydali tanishishda bu dala tadqiqotlari jarayonida olingan etnografik ma'lumotlar asosida tushuntiriladi. Shu bilan birga, ushbu an'analar va marosimlarda saqlanib qolgan eskirgan diniy qarashlarning ko'rinishini o'zida mujassam etgan taniqli turlar mavjud; ulardagi transformatsion shakllar va amalga oshirilgan marosimlarning etnolokal jihatlari asoslanadi.
Мнения и обычаи Джизакских народов относительно партуриции
_ АННОТАЦИЯ_
Ключевые слова:
Джизакский оазис,
древние религиозные
верования,
обычаи,
обряды,
менталитет,
ребенок,
бесплодие,
колдовство,
шаманизм,
зороастризм,
ислам,
атрибут,
симбиоз,
кровотечение,
траур,
невзгоды,
жертвоприношение, акика.
В статье прослеживаются следы древних религиозных верований в представлениях народов Джизакского оазиса о деторождении в следующих случаях; то есть в рамках обрядов и церемоний, проводимых в святынях; в освящении определенных атрибутов, в традициях и церемониях, организуемых бахши в домах людей, и в сегодняшнем выгодном знакомстве с исламскими конвенциями, это объясняется на основе этнографической информации, полученной в ходе полевых исследований. В то же время есть хорошо известные виды, которые воплощают видимость устаревших религиозных убеждений, сохранившихся в этих традициях и церемониях; обоснованы трансформационные формы в них и этнолокальные аспекты совершаемых обрядов.
INTRODUCTION
All human issues in the world can be divided into two parts. The primary of these is eternal and the second is transient issues. As the title recommends, issues of lesser importance will be overlooked once they are settled. In any case, there are a number of philosophical concepts, such as man, his birth, the reason of living, the meaning of life, which we include to the list of unceasing issues. The reason is that no one has however been able to shed light on the content of these issues clearly and unambiguously.
THE MAIN FINDINGS AND RESULTS
All the peoples of the world have formed their own worldviews about the philosophical concepts related to human life specified over, to which each nation and religion reacts in an unexpected way. But why are we Uzbeks born? What is the meaning of life? If you ask, the answers are nearly the same: to get hitched, to have children, to see the wedding and happiness of the children that God has blessed.
In fact, within the historical development of mankind, one of the most vital practices of marriage and a happy life is to take off offspring. That is why one of the invaluable qualities of a lady was considered to be her childbearing. Such noble eagerly as cherish for the child, regard for expansive families, wishing the family to have many children are an expression of the national soul of the Uzbeks, and among the individuals from antiquated times the bliss of having children was the most elevated bliss. As a result, many adages, tunes, stories and sagas have been made that express the child's endless delight and great spiritual strength [17. Mirtursunov Z, 1973. P. 54]. At the same time, the views, traditions and customs associated with having children, which have risen to the level of national mentality for our predecessors, which are the most reason of life, have been shaped over many millennia.
The traditions and customs respected by our people are not only intangible monuments that have come down to us from the past, but too an indispensably portion of all otherworldly wealth, an incredible achievement of human intellect and considering. Each country and people uses the riches, experience and historical lessons, ethics, instructive lessons and direction made by the predecessors, without which it is impossible to live. Fair as traditions and customs affected the formation of the Uzbek mentality, according to the hypothesis of ethnology and social anthropology, they are shaped over thousands of years as a result of a combination of biological, geographical, economic, linguistic and cultural components.
Opinions, traditions, customs and various ceremonies related to childbearing in the regions of the country vary in general and specific aspects. At the national level, the ceremonies and customs performed by the participants in all regions are organized in an almost similar way. However, there are some exceptions, where the process is based on the specificity of the population's views on lifestyle, every day activities, aspirations and local conventions. Because the rise of traditions, customs and rituals and their vital part within the social and religious life of the people could be a complex process, which is impacted by a number of factors. That is, national identities are decided on the premise of long-term socio-economic, political forms, normal and topographical area, occupations of the populace, common ethno-cultural relations, religious affiliation, and on the basis of these and old psychological traditions, customs and rituals are formed [3. Ashirov A, 2014. P. 189].
It can be seen that the religious views, local customs and traditions of the population have a special part in the conservation of the views on the birth of a child in the minds of the individuals and to this day. In spite of the fact that the local worldview of the peoples of the Jizzakh desert spring with respect to childbearing is largely based on Islamic practices, it can be seen that in a few places there are moreover ideas related to ancient beliefs. History has appeared that before the approach of Islam in Central Asia, numerous antiquated religions and religious sees ruled here. Our ancestors' crave to understand the historical conditions and nature of normal phenomena, their primitive sees on normal and
social phenomena driven to the development and spread of many devout convictions, coming about in ancient religious sees and devout beliefs such as totemism, witchcraft, shamanism, Zoroastrianism. [2. Ashirov A, 2000. P. 19].
It should be noted that today the traces of old beliefs among the peoples of the oasis are not clearly visible, but a few components are in advantageous interaction with the views of Islam [18. 1984. P. 417] occurs. This is due to the integration of the features of the first religious sees, which are preserved within the shape of rudiment within the life of society, with Islamic rules, as well as the ban on devout relations in the way of life of the population for a few time.
Like other historical and ethnographic locales of Uzbekistan, the Jizzakh oasis may be a one of a kind, critical micro-ethnographic locale; the oasis has been entwined with a wide variety of cultures and traditions due to its favorable topographical area over thousands of a long time; can be famous as a region formed in mutual harmony. Due to this, the views and customs of the population of the Jizzakh oasis related to childbearing are carried out in several shapes (pre-Islamic religious beliefs and conventions).
On the basis of ethnographic data obtained in the course of research, we have witnessed traces of old beliefs in views on childbearing within the taking after cases: within the customs and ceremonies held at the heavenly shrines and sanctums; in sanctifying certain properties; happens in customs and ceremonies organized by a few people in their homes.
Although devout beliefs and various devout beliefs, such as Shamanism and Zoroastrianism, which won in Central Asia before the coming of Islam, are now officially terminated, their follows are reflected in many ceremonies and rituals, especially in various rituals and popular sees associated with heavenly hallowed places and shrines. can be seen to have survived. Agreeing to our correspondent, who often visits the Khojamushkent father's shrine within the Yangiabad locale of the locale, he brought his girl, who had not had a child for a few a long time, to the holy place, drank recuperating water and implored for her. After that, the family started to visit the shrine routinely [14. field records]. Such cases required individuals to visit the shrines each year with their families and make sacrifices.
Moreover, needy people, i.e. childless women, who came to the Parpioyim shrine in the town of Uvol, Zaamin district, took three of the "painkillers" from Uvolsay, which flowed through the shrine, and passed them through the gap three times and tied them around their midsections. Ordinarily, when a child is born, the 3 stones must be brought back to the shrine region and slaughtered live [11 field records]. Pilgrims perform rituals based on the belief that the desired goal can be achieved as a result of these actions.
Another common practice in oasis shrines is that visitors to the springs there make a wish and then toss coins, beads, stones, pieces of cloth, and bread scraps. One of the quirks of this process is that the sacred springs in the shrines of Kaplan ota, Khoja Serob ota, Khojabogban ota, Jondahor ota, Sad ibn Abu Waqqas and Bagimazar ota are said separately and it is forbidden to throw anything at them. That's, even in spite of the fact that they are unthinkable, travelers don't falter to intentionally toss away the above-mentioned things. Agreeing to the source, from old times the locals accepted that "whoever comes to these springs with good intentions, prays, touches the springs and puts something in his hands, his destiny will be formed". Therefore, most of the childless women came to the above-mentioned shrines, recited various prayers, and intentionally touched the spring. It has been suggested that if a woman finds a human-shaped stone in a spring, she will soon be fortunate enough to have a child [7. field records].
The attribute sanctified by the people of the oasis for the purpose of having children is the sanctified springs specified over. Witnesses say that among the local population, springs are interpreted as a means of informing people of their future fate [5. field records]. For this reason, each guest reaches for the spring to know their fate. In the handle, what the guest gets into the spring has to do with his or her future. For example, according to sacred springs, childless ladies tried their hand at joy. If a woman bears a dot or a necklace at the bottom of a spring, she will have a child; if he had a coin or a partner in his hand, it meant that the boy would have a child, or in the event that he could discover nothing in the spring, it would mean that he would have neither a child nor wealth.
In the course of ethnographic research, peculiarities were also watched in the rituals performed by the people of the oasis at the end of the ceremony. After the ceremonies held at the holy places of Parpi mother and Khoja Baghbon ota, it was observed that they slipped on the slippery stones in the zone. The reason for this is that the informants are free from sins, the influence of diverse sexes, and the diseases that beset them (barrenness) [10. field records]. In our conclusion, the reason is to take off the qualities and objects utilized by the populace in the ceremonies here; let all the evils and afflictions stay with him, and not follow him home; and the removal of a few of them is a ensure of the future of the unborn child, the health of the mother.
The role of Otinoyi (kayvani) in the treatment of infertile people in the Jizzakh oasis has been significantly preserved to this day, and they lead the people in all activities related to these issues, counting the following ancient customs and ceremonies held in their private homes. In specific, within the treatment of women who had not been pregnant for a long time, it was observed that the Otinoys (kayvanis) brought it to the tandoor and inserted it into the tandoor three times, and in some places seven times in the center of the body. When local residents were asked the reason for this, they famous that it was possible to oust the genus that entered a lady through this practice [4. field records]. In our opinion, it can be said that this tradition is most likely protected as a peculiar manifestation of the Zoroastrian belief within the sacredness of fire and the belief in getting rid of different fiendish eyes through it.
One of the most popular ceremonies within the oasis is the Aqeeqah. Although the ceremony is largely based on Islamic conventions, however, it retains some ethno-territorial aspects, mostly organized by ladies. For case, after the ceremony, the lover of a sheep butchered for charity is taken away so that one of the donated children may develop up healthy and see a chimpanzee, and the other should be altogether cleaned, wrapped in a new white cloth and given to a woman who has no children., they also give it as a blessing so that he can do aqeeqah. When our informants were asked the reason for this, they said that this was a lover of a sheep that had been raised with great eagerly for a long time, as well as the prayers of many. Therefore, in case an individual who has not had a child extraordinary to do so with great intentions, so that I can have children and become an aqeeqah, then his intention will surely come true [12. field records].
Many households in the oasis have traditionally held the "Mushkulkushod" ceremony in order to have children. The idiosyncrasy of this ceremony is that it is organized as it were with the participation of women. Hence, there's a idea among the ladies of the oasis that "Wednesday is the day of dawn". That's, Bibi is also called Wednesday since of the see that "there's an end to the work that starts on Wednesday" or that "this day is the reply to what is intended". In most places, the Mushkulkushod
ceremony was held on that day and the Quraan was presented. So, because Wednesday may be a day to induce freed of troubles, the ladies of the oasis considered Wednesday to be sacred.
In addition, Uzbeks and Tajiks living in the Jizzakh oasis said that ladies were not allowed to do laundry on Wednesdays, and if they did, it was as if Bibi had spilled laundry from Tuesday and Bibi on Wednesdays [13. field records]. An important last viewpoint of the Mushkulkushod ceremony, which was held within the oasis for the reason of having children, was that after the women shared the dishes, such as snails cooked for grandmas and a layer named for giants, the ladies sitting around the moon separated the raisins from the table. The isolated sticks are wrapped in white cotton and set in a separate container and given to the proprietor from the room. Peeled raisins are first distributed to the month of the horse, and then to the women in the circle. At the conclusion of the ceremony, the owner of the house pours raisin stalks between the cotton into a fast-flowing stream [9. field records].
A similar scene can be observed in the Fergana Valley: In case a young bride does not have a child within a year, a Bibi Wednesday ceremony is held by the girl's mother. All the ladies who took part in it collected raisins and threw them on a piece of white cotton with the intention of "unraveling all the issues with the tie in the raisins" and given it over to the childless bride. The bride quickly expressed her deliberate and tossed the object into the flowing water [1. Abdulahatov N, 2006. P. 92]. Separating raisins from the table by the local people makes it easier for people to get freed of the illnesses that afflict them (infertility), and expels different sorts of human beings from the human body, cleanses them from their sins [6. field records].
As in other regions, one of the customs that has survived to this day among the individuals of Jizzakh oasis among those who need to have children is the tradition of receiving gifts from many. This tradition is evident in kupkari games. Older people and youthful families who have not had grandchildren for a long time come to the setting and donate as much money or small and large cattle as they can and pray to God that the childless person will have a child in return [8. field records]. Bakavul, on the other hand, announces to the general open that is making another gift (salim) and asks the congregation to bless them by reporting the purpose.
The next ritual, which is widespread not only in Uzbekistan, but in the entire Islamic world, is the sacrifice (god), which is organized to solve all problems. Sacrifice implies to approach the Arabic god, that is, to slaughter a living thing in the way of God in order to gain his leniency [16. Islam. Reference book, 2017. pp. 619-620]. According to the Islamic tradition, in this ceremony, huge and little creatures are slaughtered in the way of Allah, the god is performed, and "ihsan - charity" and "sadaqa - handout" are given. Indeed, the fundamental counsel has been given in Shari'ah and devout books on giving contributions and charity not only amid the month of Ramadan and Eid, but too at other times. Devout writing states that relinquishing is one of the most common customs in Islam [19. Sheikh Muhammad Sadiq Muhammad Yusuf, 2016. PP. 225-233]. These include penances and offerings made in shrines or in private homes for the reason of having children.
Sacrificial rites in the oasis are performed in two shapes, first, within the shape of a live sacrifice of the named sacrifice or as a gift of butchered meat. The first sort of sacrifice is "bleeding" (regularly with a rooster and chicken) to treat diseases in young children and women, to guarantee that the pregnant lady includes a healthy child, which the family part
survives the trip (in modern terms some time recently clearing out for military benefit and work overseas) a ritual in which blood is drawn from the ear of a sheep or goat, the crown of a chicken or a chicken brought for give up [15. field records]. Regularly, a sacrificial animal strolls lively until the intended reason is achieved if the homeowner stays in his or her home and is then sacrificed. In the second form of the bleeding ceremony, it is given as a donation to the bakhshi (neighbor) who performs these rituals, to a nearby mosque room (mainly during the month of Ramadan), or to a helpless family, on the basis of which the ceremony is considered over.
Observations have shown that in some of the above aspects of the sacrificial rites performed by the individuals within the desert garden, the ancient beliefs and traditions, blended with Islamic practices, have been protected to this day.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, if we analyze the process of various customs and rituals performed by the population in order to have children, we will see that the traces of ancient beliefs have been protected in different shapes in the entire over components. As for the examination of the overviews conducted, most of the informants have shown in hone that angles related to ancient beliefs are protected in more ceremonies and sanctified attributes. That's, if one watches the full process of custom, one can witness that the reflection of ancient beliefs in the two directions mentioned over is more common. Observations show that some of the ritual participants' behaviors are related to a few antiquated devout beliefs (slipping on stones, keeping animal lovers butchered for give up, believing within the prophetic properties of objects from springs, performing rituals related to the tandoor, such as primitive fetishism, animism, magic ( enchantment), nature and hereditary adore, there are follows of devout convictions such as Zoroastrianism), which show that they have survived to this day, despite the fact that they were forbidden within the way of life of indigenous peoples.
REFERENCES
1. Abdulahatov N. (2006) Shrines and shrines of the Fergana Valley (on the example of Fergana region): Candidate of Historical Sciences. Dis. - Tashkent: - P. 92. (Абдулахатов Н. Фаргона водийси зиёратгохлари ва кадамжолари (Фаргона вилояти мисолида): Тар.фан. ном... дис. - Тошкент, 2006. - Б. 92.).
2. Ashirov A. (2000) Traces of ancient religious beliefs in the way of life of the people of the Fergana Valley Candidate of Historical Sciences. - Toshkent: - P. 19. (Аширов А. Фаргона водийси ахолиси турмуш тарзида кддимий диний эъти;одлар изи: Тар.фан. ном... дис. - Тошкент, 2000. - Б. 19.).
3. Ashirov A. (2014) Ethnology: textbook. - Tashkent: New edition. - P. 189. (Аширов А. Этнология: укув кулланма. - Тошкент: Yangi nashr, 2014. - B.189.).
4. Field records. Saray village of Bakhmal district. 2019. (Дала ёзувлари. Бахмал тумани Сарой кишлоги. 2019 йил.).
5. Field records. Shrines of Sa'd ibn Waqqas of Gallaaral district, Novqa ota of Bakhmal district, Khoja Baghbon ota of Forish district. 2014-2018 (Дала ёзувлари. Еаллаорол тумани Саъд ибн Ва;;ос, Бахмал тумани Нов;а ота, Фориш тумани Хужа Богбон ота зиёратгохлари. 2014-2018 йиллар).
6. Field records. Jizzakh (Sh. Rashidov) district, Saraylik mahalla. 2018. (Дала ёзувлари. Жиззах (Ш. Рашидов) тумани, Сарайлик махалласи. 2018 йил.).
7. Field records. Jizzakh region is the place of pilgrimage of Kaplan ota, Khoja Serob ota, Khojabogbon ota, Jondahor ota, Saad ibn Abu Waqqas and Bogimazar ota. 2016-2018. (Дала ёзувлари. Жиззах вилояти Цоплон ота, Хужа Сероб ота, Хужабогбон ота, Жондахор ота, Саъд ибн Абу Ва;;ос ва Богимозор ота зиёратгохлари. 2016-2018 йиллар.).
8. Field records. Districts of Jizzakh region 2014-2020. (Дала ёзувлари. Жиззах вилояти туманлари 2014-2020 йиллар.).
9. Field records. Jizzakh city, Navruz mahalla. 2018. (Дала ёзувлари. Жиззах шахри, Навруз махалласи. 2018 йил.).
10. Field records. Parpioyim shrine of Zaamin district, Khoja Bogbon ota shrine of Forish district. 2014-2016. (Дала ёзувлари. Зомин тумани Парпиойим, Фориш тумани Хужа Богбон ота зиёратгохлари. 2014-2016 йиллар.).
11. Field records. Zaamin district, Uvol village. Parpi is my mother's shrine. 2014 (Дала ёзувлари. Зомин тумани, Увол ;ишлоги. Парпи ойим зиёратгохи. 2014 йил)
12. Field records. Sh. Rashidov district, Eski Tashkent mahalla. 2018. (Дала ёзувлари. Ш.Рашидов тумани, Эски Тошкентлик махалласи. 2018 йил.).
13. Field records. Sh. Rashidov, Gallaorol and Forish districts. 2016-2017. (Дала ёзувлари. Ш.Рашидов, Еаллаорол ва Фориш туманлари. 2016-2017 йил.).
14. Field records. Yangiabad district, Khojamushkent main shrine. 2014. (Дала ёзувлари. Янгиобод тумани, Хужамушкент ота зиёратгохи. 2014 йил.).
15. Field records. Yangiabad, Zaamin, Forish districts. 2014-2018. (Дала ёзувлари. Янгиобод, Зомин, Фориш туманлари. 2014-2018 йиллар.).
16. Islam. Encyclopedia. - Tashkent: National Encyclopedia of Uzbekistan. 2017. -pp. 619-620 (Ислом. Энциклопедия. - Тошкент: УзМЭ, 2017. - Б. 619-620).
17. Миртурсунов З. Узбек хал; педагогикаси. - Т.: 1973. - Б. 54. (Миртурсунов З. Узбек хал; педагогикаси. - Т.: 1973. - Б. 54.).
18. Russian-Uzbek dictionary. - Tashkent: Uzbek Soviet Encyclopedia, 1984. -P. 417. (Русча-узбекча лугат. - Тошкент: УзСЭ, 1984. - Б. 417.).
19. Sheikh Muhammad Sadiq Muhammad Yusuf. (2016) Ask the people of remembrance. - Tashkent: Hilol Publishing House. - pp. 225-233. (Шайх Мухаммад Соди; Мухаммад Юсуф. Зикр ахлидан суранг. - Тошкент: Hilol нашриёт-матбаа ижодий уйи, 2016. - Б. 225-233.).
