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21Семейные традиции и обычаи как средство гендерного подхода к воспитанию детей дошкольного возраста в этнопедагогике мусульман Крыма
Редькина Людмила Ивановна,
д.пед.н., профессор, завкафедрой педагогики и управления учебными заведениями Гуманитарно-педагогической академии (филиал) ФГАОУ ВО «Крымский федеральный университет имени В. И. Вернадского», redkina7@mail.ru
Таирова Зера Шевкетовна,
старший преподаватель кафедры иностранных языков Крымского филиала ФГБОУ ВО «Российский государственный университет правосудия», zera-v@yandex.ru
Статья посвящена анализу ритуальных действий людей разного пола в семейных традициях и обычаях мусульман Крыма. Под мусульманами Крыма в исследовании понимаются наиболее представленные национальности Крыма согласно переписи 2014 года: крымские татары, татары Поволжья, азербайджанцы, узбеки и турки. Все рассматриваемые народы - тюр-коязычные и имеют близкие обряды и традиции. Рассмотрены мужские и женские обязанности в обрядах свадьбы, обручения, рождения ребенка, обрезания, погребения. Выявлен воспитательный потенциал гендерного разделения ритуальных обязанностей для стереотипизации поведения человека в обществе своего народа и реализации этногендерного воспитания детей с дошкольного возраста. Установлено, что семейные обычаи и обряды закрепляют в мужчинах социальные роли главных в семье и общине, снабженцев и защитников, а в женщинах - роли пассивного, но важного члена общества в качестве хранительницы уюта и комфорта дома и ответственной за воспитание детей. Изучение законов утверждения обычаев и традиций может быть полезными для понимания главных тенденций и форм развития современного образа жизни в Крыму, России, для научного обоснования путей его совершенствования.
Ключевые слова: этнопедагогика, семейные традиции, гендер-ное воспитание, дети
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Ethnopedagogics of Muslims of Crimea provides the transfer of social experience, ensuring ethnic socialization of younger generations, familiarizing them with national and universal values.
Since the existence of human society, education of children through specially organized educational institutions (kindergartens, schools, out-of-school institutions, etc.) was carried out in mainly in the last few centuries. Until that time, the younger generation of any nation and people was formed in the process of family, household, working life. Therefore, customs and traditions have always consolidated what has been achieved in public and private life, they always were and still are powerful social means of stabilizing established social relations, including ideas of gender interaction of people. Clothed in the form of mass habits, supported by force of public opinion, customs and traditions have gained stability and become a kind of keepers of the achievements of the past [1].
Let's consider family customs and rituals of the Crimean Muslims through the prism of a gender approach to the education of younger generations.
Basic family rituals include wedding, engagement, preparation and a child birth, circumcision, funeral rites. Children were always present at all these events, except for the funeral.
All Turkic peoples' weddings are quite similar in general, although they have many differences in details. Initially, the Muslim wedding was a family agreement between heads of two families, where will of the bride or groom was less taken into account. The Azerbaijanis did not take into account the opinion of young people, especially girls. Currently, before deciding to marry, young people should consult their parents, introduce them to their chosen ones and ask for their permission to marry. Such a centuries-old folk rule fixed in the minds of children the supremacy of men in the family, brought up girls rather obedient and docile, and boys with a huge responsibility for all their actions.
Preparations for the upcoming wedding of their children's parents began almost from the child's birth. Among the Tatar people a proverb-advice is still popu-lar:"the child is still in your arms, and the dowry is already in the chests". Dowry characterized the family or as a responsible, successful, and revered sacred traditions and respecting itself and their people or not.
In most cases dowry was an important factor to determine how a new member of a family would be treated. Girls always embroidered wedding gift to their groom. People read the skill of the bride, her patience and diligence in this gift to a groom. This tradition also includes a centuries-old women's function of taking care of a husband, women's responsibility for the neat appearance him. Children from an early age, as witnesses of such preparations, adopted the canons of interpersonal relationships and value orientations.
According to Muslim traditions, it was considered wrong not to marry off an adult daughter, because a married daughter was respected in the eyes of her family and father. During the first meeting the families must have established the facts of possible blood ties. Islam prohibits weddings between close relatives: if a groom and a bride are relatives up to 7 generations from the father's side or up to 5 generations from the mother's side, then they are not allowed to marry [2]. This separation of family ties demonstrates a greater relationship of the younger generation with fathers than with mothers. Keeping closer relations with the father's family clearly demonstrates the Patriarchal way of life of all Turkic Muslim peoples.
A ritual of valuable gifts exchange during the so-called engagement is quite interesting. The mandatory gifts for girls were gold jewelry, a Muslim symbol of woman sole property and a kind of her further financial independence in married life. According to Islam, if divorce happened, a woman was only entitled to such property from her husband.
The religious part of the marriage ("nikakh") required the obligatory participation of five people, otherwise marriage would be considered invalid. Usually one of them is a Mullah, the second-a close person, two witnesses, as well as the oldest relative of the bride or her father. A gender aspect of "nikakh" is rather interesting. Sharia requires witnesses to be adult Muslim men. Only in the case that there is no man two women can replace one man. According to Islamic law, a man's testimony is more reliable; a woman can forget something or misunderstand, so she should be insured by a second witness. Crimean Muslims in the ceremony of "nikakh" always involve only men and it brought younger generations understanding that man come first and considered more important in any decisions. The Azerbaijanis called this religious ceremony "Kebin" and a marriage contract called "Kebin Kagizi" was made, which guaranteed a certain amount of money to be paid in favor of the bride in case of death of her husband or divorce due to someone's fault, not a wife's one [3]. This part of the wedding traditions taught the younger generation that the woman does not claim the property of her husband, except "Kebin Kagizi" amount of money.
After the wedding celebration, namely after dinner, according to the old traditions, the bride was escorted to a separate room, where she made a ritual ablution and began to read prayers. She was always taught these prayers from her early childhood. When she finished her prayers, she was dressed in a beautiful expensive dress, a gift from her groom. This elegant and rich clothes, a gift from the groom, symbolized
that he would dress and keep his wife from now on. Special part in bride's appearance was that her shoes were without heels, which symbolized her mundane desires and aspirations. On top of the bride's head a blanket was put, under which she waited for the arrival of a groom. When guests began to go home, which was not before midnight, a groom with music was led to his bride. There are stories of old-timers that at first the groom was shown one bride, and under the veil was left another, often the eldest daughter in the family. Muslim education and big costs of a wedding often stopped grooms to return such brides. The humble expectation of brides of their grooms under the veil demonstrates the main features of the bride: modesty, shyness, obedience, submission to parents and a husband.
On the second day after the wedding, the bride's relatives came to visit her sister and brought a broom decorated with ribbons to the house of the newlyweds. This symbolic gift marked the entry of the young wife into the status of the mistress of her new house, the keeper of the family hearth. This tradition fixed the basic social functions of a Muslim woman and her mission in consciousness of younger generations.
Also, the next morning after the wedding, women came to the house of the newlyweds: older aunts of the bride and groom to witness the innocence of the girl and the well-being of the marriage. Previously, they were shown a bed-sheet-evidence, nowadays it is not shown. The centuries-old tradition of such a ritual reflects the great value of the girl's decency and has a huge educational potential for the transmission to the younger generations national standards of women's behavior.
The rites associated with the birth of a child has a special place in the folk rites of the Crimean Muslims. Caring for the continuation of the family is an important duty of Muslims, so protection of a mother and a child is sanctified by religion and tradition. It is not accepted to tell about the pregnancy of women among the Crimean Muslims, it is told only to the closest relatives. This tradition has always been an element of care for a mother and a child. There are a lot of traditional taboos for pregnant women in the culture of Crimean Muslims: to be often in public; to go out at night alone; to look at people with physical disabilities; to visit funerals; to hide something on herself; to sew and knit.
There are restrictions for future fathers too. As traditions warn men not to seek intimacy with their wives by intimidation or threats otherwise it would lead to the birth of a defective heir. In addition, it is a sin for a true Muslim to commit violence against his wife; a child should always be the result of respect between a man and a woman. Muslims should not wonder about the sex of a future child, but legends say that if parents address a child in the womb with the name of Muhammad, the child will have a male sex. Crimean Muslims consider sons as successors of the family, who will support them in the senility, so a birth of a boy indicated them the prosperity of the whole family. People were glad to the birth of a girl, but a daughter called for special care and responsibility. Weekly reli-
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gious sermons in the mosque after Friday prayers taught men to understand the birth of a daughter as the highest award, which is received only by the beloved believers. Crimean Muslims believed that a father of three daughters will surely get to Paradise.
When a child was born, there was a tradition among the people to bestow a person informing the good news. This person told first to the father of the child, then to the grandparents. They, in their turn, gave him gifts and, if a boy was born, a gift was to be more precious. This tradition shows elements of gender education in the attitude of people towards a new family member. The boy was perceived as a more valuable child, and the preservation of this tradition contributed to the strengthening of these folk customs. Also on the 7th day after the birth of the child a man obliged to support the child (father, grandfather, uncle or other man) could make a sacrifice "akika". This is the insistent Sunnah of the Hanafi Muslims. The father had to make the sacrifice from his property in order for the child to grow up properly and be protected. For the boy it is advisable to sacrifice two sheep of the same age, and for the girl only one sheep. The meat of sacrificial animals, raw and cooked, was given to people [4]. This tradition brought up generosity and unity in the people of one community, taught to rejoice together and thank Allah for the joy of procreation. The greater sacrifice for a son assigned a greater status of the male child in the minds of people, taught them to admit the male domination in Muslim society.
During the first forty days after childbirth called "chille" all Turkic peoples thought that a parturient woman was forbidden to go out to public. This isolation existed to protect the young woman and her child from the evil eye and inappropriate words of people during the difficult postpartum period. For the first time such women went outside the house on the fortieth day to bring water from a spring. A variety of traditions-rules that protect a woman-mother, emphasized the sanctity of this women function, raised the status of mothers in the eyes of others and brought up the desire to carry feminine duties well in the younger generation.
Among the many rites associated with the birth of a child, the rite of circumcision "sunnet" should be as well highlighted. According to tradition, it was held in the odd years of the boy: 3, 5, 7. Long before the circumcision, a child was taught that this ritual raised him to the ranks of Muslim men and became the proof of his masculinity. This day was very important for the family and was held festively with prayers and feasts. All guests brought gifts and money for the child and he was in the center of attention of relatives and friends of the family. The vivid celebration of this custom smoothed the boys' fear of the painful procedure, fostered in them a desire to be on the place of the culprit of fun; recognition of a boy's courage by adult men forms the desire of the younger generation to become true Muslims: courageous, patient and humble.
Funeral rites of the Crimean Muslims are rather peculiar, and are described in the works of M. Hay-rutdinova [5], Z. Asanova [6], Bekirova L. [7], M. Hum-
batov [8]. After getting the news of a person's death, all the relatives and friends, regardless of sex, if it is possible, come to the house of the deceased. They all sit in the house. It is also the duty of every Muslim who hears about a funeral, to come to the funeral. Therefore, all the neighbors, as well as other Muslims who are nearby, try to take part in the funeral. It is considered wrong for Muslims to dress in black, it is enough to come in modest clothes with a covered head. Children except children of the family of the deceased should not have been present at the funeral. Children living in the house of the deceased saw the ceremonies held in the house and all the relatives but were not present at the cemetery.
This element of the funeral rite acquainted the young people with their ancestry, raised respect for family members and the kin of a father and a mother, respect for the deceased, and also united the whole Muslim community "jemaat".
Educational potential of the funeral rite is in a number of gender peculiarities. Some of them are connected with those who came to the funeral, and some with the deceased.
As it was noted above, the tradition and religion oblige both men and women to come to the home of the deceased. However, there are a number of differences in their actions. All men, except the relatives usually do not come in the house where deceased lies. Their respect to the deceased they show by carrying a stretcher "tabut" with the body of the deceased to his grave, saying prayers at the cemetery. Until then, they're waiting outside. The women who usually come inside the room where the deceased lies completely covered with cloth; they put towels, scarves, cloth cuts, or money on him and can remain in the room until the deceased will not be taken out. Such assistance to the family of the deceased helps to provide the family with tissues and money, which which are distributed to all people who took an active part in organization of a funeral: Mullah, his assistants, diggers of the grave, lavers of the deceased, cooks, preparing ritual food, etc. It is forbidden for pregnant women to come to the funeral and to bring young children. The meaning of the ban is to protect future mothers and young impressionable children from bad emotions and feelings. In addition to it kids can be noisy and disturb everybody during the funeral.
A special gender aspect of the funeral is that women do not participate in the procession from the moment the deceased is taken out from the house. They do not make ritual praying "genase namaz", it is made only by men. However, according to Imam Ab-durahman Kaya [4], women are allowed to be behind the men performing the prayer. This is usually the case at a Muslim funeral in the Crimea. The aim of such restrictions is that those who recite prayer should not be distracted by anything mundane and concentrate entirely on the prayer.
An important difference Azerbaijanis have is that at the funeral women should cry loudly, this ritual is called "shiven (crying)". Bitter and hard lamentations continue from the moment of death to the removal of the body from the house for burial. These customs
belong to pre-Islamic ancient customs. Azerbaijanis consider crying as "decoration of the deceased" [9]. Other Muslims of the Crimea forbid women to wail loudly and cry about the deceased, they also do not go to the cemetery. Emotionalism of women has become the reason for this restriction. In one of the had-iths of Muhammad the Prophet, it is said that he condemned the people crying loudly and lamenting, and called tears the torments for a deceased [4]. Sunni traditions teach the younger generation to treat women specially, to take into account their natural emotionality and impressionability, to take care of their mental health.
Let's analyze the funeral rite actions regarding the deceased through the prism of gender. There are differences in treating the deceased man or woman from the laving them up. There is a rule that a woman is laved only by women, and a man only by men. In rare cases, a woman can lave a man, but a man can never lave a woman. This shows a special importance of woman's modesty, her concealment from men's eyes in Islam. Directly or indirectly, it is a sin for a woman to seduce men, even on her deathbed. This rite in combination with other rites also reminds the importance of the righteous behavior of women and men, their modesty and decency, insists on the respect for the deceased person and teaches the younger generation to be modest in appearance and behavior. In addition all people who lave the deceased must make "ghusul" that is to take a bath themselves. Without it or during menstruation it is undesirable to lave the deceased [9]. This element of the rite also emphasizes the sanctity of the ceremony and a prohibition to do it without cleanness of body and soul. Due to the physiological characteristics of women, as we can see, such restrictions are greater than those of men, which once more emphasizes on the less freedom of activity of women in Muslim society.
After laving the body of a deceased is clothed in a shroud or "kefin". The size of the tissue for men and women vary. Men need a minimum of 8 meters of tissue, and women need 10 [5]. This is due to the large size of the "aurat" of women, i.e. parts of the body required to cover from people's eyes, so the details of the female "kefin" prevail. Besides, the body dressed in "kefin", is tied over it with strings until the putting into the grave. Only after putting the body into the grave, these ties are dissolved. This is necessary to ensure that during the whole process of the funeral the body of the deceased could never be accidentally uncovered revealing the "aurat". These elements of clothing men and women and taking precautions during funerals remind the entire Muslim community the traditional appearance of a righteous man, his modest, humble image. There are also differences in the depth of the grave for men and women. Women have a deeper grave. It is believed that a deeper grave can be more resistant to destruction and less prone to opening during natural disasters [10]. This difference in the depth of the graves once again emphasizes the greater concern of Muslims about privacy of the woman's appearance.
This, of course, in connection with other rituals make the younger generation believe in the importance of keeping woman's honor by herself, as well as by men who can sin because of the improper appearance and behavior of women. Women are responsible for sins of men too is the main idea of this beliefs.
The educational role of traditions is to stereotype human behavior in society. It should be noted that the aim of the gender approach in education is to strengthen the succession of the centuries-old traditions and experience of people to next generations, to transfer the national ideals of men's social roles as suppliers and defenders of the family and the community, and women's roles as passive and responsible for comfort in the house and breeding of children.
So we can say that family traditions and rituals of the Crimean Muslims transfer to younger generation specific cultural, historical, spiritual, moral and gender educational heritage. They include the ideals, values, means, forms and methods of comprehensive preparation of a person for life regarding his/her sex and the whole gender ideas of the people.
The study of the laws of customs and traditions can be useful for understanding the main trends and forms of development of the modern way of life in the Crimea, Russia, for scientific substantiation of ways of its improvement.
Family traditions and customs as means of gender approach to education of preschool children in the ethnopedagogics of muslims of Crimea Redkina L.I., Tairova Z.Sh.
Crimean Federal University named after V.I.Vernadsky, Russian
State University of Justice (Crimean branch) The article is devoted to the analysis of ritual actions of people of different sexes in the family traditions and customs of Muslims of Crimea. The study refers to the most represented nationalities of Crimea according to the 2014 census: Crimean Tatars, Volga Tatars, Azerbaijanis, Uzbeks and Turks. All these peoples are Turkic-speaking and have close rites and traditions. Male and female duties in the rites of marriage, betrothal, childbirth, circumcision, burial are considered in the article. The educational potential of the gender division of ritual duties for stereotyping human behavior in the society of its people and the implementation of ethno-gender education of the new generation from preschool age is revealed. It is established that family customs and ceremonies assign to men social roles of the main in a family and community, suppliers and defenders, and to women roles of the passive, but important member of society as the Keeper of a cosiness and comfort of the house and responsible for education of children. The study of the laws of customs and traditions can be useful for understanding the main trends and forms of development of the modern way of life in the Crimea, Russia, for the scientific justification of ways to improve it. Keywords: ethnopedagogics, family traditions, gender education, children
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