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FAMILY - MARRIAGE TRADITIONS OF KYRGYZ NATION
© Abduraupov O.A.*
Andizhan state university, Republic of Uzbekistan, Andizhan city
This article is described the traditions deals wits family - marriage and bride - bride groom traditions, paying for bride which have been kept for ages by the information of field investigations of historian - ethnographic scientists.
Key words: Big family, family relationship, qalin, ethnic process, Kyrgyz nation, tradition.
In this article bused on gender studies and information of scientific etno-graphers, family traditions, which were saved till present and also traditions connected with the groom and bride, the payment for the bride (Kalin) are described.
Bamy one of the most important issues in etnology the family - marriage traditions, which are an inseparable part of the cultural-social of nations of the world, it is theoreticaly and practicaly very important. In etnology, family traditions and customs also are from the type of the most important searching issues.
Family and family life, marriage and relations between genders, breeding children, tradition connected with etics are also been formed durin centuries. These traditions are important because of their similarities and differences from traditions of the nations residing in the territory of the Central Asia.
For example, in the middle of the XIX century and even at the end of the XX century, the fatheriarchal family traditions were kept in the nomadro or partially nomadic tribes of Khazakistan or Central Asia.
In the investigation of famous etnigraph scientist S.M. Abramzon who dealt with Kyrgyzistan's history and in the field materials, and also documents of archive it is noted that big family was kept in the second half of XIX century and in the begining of XX century in Kyrgyzs. However, elder members of the family lived in separate cabins (father cabin chongi was destignished among them), they ran the household generally, fed the herds of animals together; all family members are from the big pot (chong-pot) [1, p. 31-32].
Another historian A. Djumagulov follows S.M. Abramzon and indicates the following interesting factual information in the field materials which are taken from his investigations on patriarchal family. It says 30-40 members lived in one family, and sometimes members of 3-40 generations lived in it. Sometimes, big families were well-off, and were met among the members of high-rank, in it the number of family members was connected with poligamy of the chief of the family, they also had few servants and later their relatives wre also included. Two
* Senior teacher of the chair of History of Uzbekistan.
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family documents prepared by A. Djumagulov were examplited. In one of them, it is written about that chief of the family living with three lives and three married sons who were living in separate cabins and were trying to share the reserves. There was abig herd of animals (800 sheep) was considered as a mutual property, but was divided equally by the chief of the family. Byt in another family, the household was divided into two as the land ownership was developed: at the same time some of the members were in the fields and deal with peasont whereas the others were in the mountains breeding herds of cattle and sheep.
All family members met only when they went bach home in winter, and se-perated in spring. All tools, cattle and corn were considered as common property. The second form of family above exitied till the mid XX century [2, p. 16-18].
According to the authors [3] of the beginning of XX century and other periods, Kalin was moivily paid by livestock. In sddition to livestosk, household tolls and clothes were given for Kalin. According to N.Grodekov, the above mentioned tradition were typical of only rich Kyrgyzs and was rarely observed, actually giving different tools a presents was not a custom. As A.S. Abramzon writes, Pamirs Kyrgyzs paid Kalin by silver gambi expect livestock.
15 cattle or ship could go instead of 1 jambi. Sometimes the rich paid Kalin with solely silver. As A. Djumagulov notes, in anciant times servants besides livestock were also given. After Kyrgyzs started agriculture, Kalin was paid with corn products and later with money. The number of livestock paid as Kalin that is the amount of Kalin depended on the social and financial rank of people making the marital relationship. According to G Zagryajskiy's information, the amount of Kalin depended on richness and character of the bride's father, also the price of item being given, and the bride's father always was keep on getting as which as possible.
According to the information of several authors, as the time passed the amount of Kalin also decreased. For example, as N.Grodekov notes, Manaps (the leaders of tribes) gave around 100 horses firstly and later (in the 80s of XIX century) 30-40 livestosk, Kyrgyzs with avarage income to gave Kalin with 20-30 lives-tock,and the poor gave10 livestock as Kalin ina very big ammounts. As explorersnote, avorage and low income families of that period found the amount of Kalin bused on mutual agreement. This situation was not observed within well-off Kyr-gyzs engaged the child from childhood, every year 1-2 livestock was given to the bride by the father.
When the time of the wedding came close, father of groom came to ask the ammount of Kalin from the bride's side, there were times when bride's father asked for too much Kalin, in those times groom's father came whith many presents and gifts and asked to decrease the amount of Kalin. If the amount of Kalin was agreed when the engagement was made, as Khazaks, Kalin could be partially paid time by time.
As S.M. Abramzon states, for poor Kyrgyzs Kalin was a heavy load on their shoulder and without the help of their relatives they could not marry.
The amount of the bride's sep was in some kays close to the amount of the Kalin. As G Zagryajeskiy notes sep was always less the Kalin and consisted of clothes, bed equipment, two three camels and a good horse.
As N. Grodekov writes, only cabin, carpet, cloak, and also clothes of the bride -Sawkele were given in the sep of Kyrgyzs, the poor didn't have even that [4, p. 73].
According to the information of N.P. Direnkova [5, p. 14], S.M. Abram-zon [6, p. 31, 361] and A. Djumagulov, engaging the children before they are born was observed in Kyrgyzs. As A. Djumagulov writes, engagement process was held with paying and feasting in case, the father of the bride did not want to give his daughter, he had to return Kalin. If the unborn children are bor as a girl and a boy after their engagement, groom's father gave clothing and livestock as a present to the bride's father as a sign of the agreement, later these things were taken into account in paying the first part of Kalin, if born of the born children belong to the some gender both of the families tried to stay as friend not to break the positive relations.
In Osh, Kyrgyzs, to find out the amount of Kalin the groom's, father to the bride's parents house. These kind of traditions of southern and the Pamirs Kyr-gyzs are connected with those of settled Uzbeks and Tadjiks. According to another information, after certain part of Kalin is paid, the secret meeting of groom and bride started, that is so called "Emchek karmoo" - (Zagryajeskiy), "Kuyee keldi" (Abramzon). This kind of secret meeting was more exactiy described by G. Za-gryajeskiy and A. Djumagulov.
Certainly the groom accompanied by his friends. Goes to Ovul of the bride with present (this present is not a part of Kalin) in the evening and stops near the Ovul of the bride. The brides sister-i n law or one of the relatives of the bride are persuaded to be a middleman, with a present, this kind of present is called "Ten-getay" in Chuy Krgyzs. After the groom came, girls and young women knitted a new tent in the Ovul. All women of the ovul gather in the tent and agreedly made the groom greet them bowing with his hand at the back. Only after this kind of bow, the groom could sit. Then he submitted his presents to the comers [4, p. 116].
At night, the groom went to the tent of the bride secretly again, there women meet him again, he gave them presents again and left ovul with the condition of not making a horse.
According to the information of A. Djumagulov's information, after Chuy Kyrgyzs hosted the groom as a gavest, woomen took him to shov the bride, she sat among the woomen in the weighbouring tent. The goom had to show the bride with a stick covered with handkerchief through the little open place of the tent. If he guess correctly, the woomen tore the handkerchief, and groom had to show the bride with new kerchief. Only that case, the groom could enter the tent where bride was stnding. Very ofter, groom found out with whom the rest of his life was connected.
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As N. Korjenov writes, the same tradition was in Oloy Kyrgyzs too, and also this ceremony was not held when the groom was secretly brought to the bride's tent but when wedding was held. The groom had to show the bride with a stick covered with a handkerchief, only then he was permitted to enter the bride's tent and bride groom were left alone for afew minutes.
The groom's father sent llivestock to the bride's family to know when they can take the bride after Kalin was paid, then the bride's father sent presents in response to the presents and appointed the day of wedding. Sometimes feast was held in the house of the groom for the relatives who helped pay Kalin before the wedding.
Marriage holiday was called wedding or big wedding. The relatives of the bride and groom were invited to the ceremony in our weddings. They brought livestock food products, money and different things as wedding presents. After all guest of the groom, and relatives came the bride's father had feast which lasted several days(of course accordance with the social-economy condition of both families). One of the main entertainments were feasting and singing songs.
As G. Zagryajeskiy writes,the girls sat in a semi-circle form to sing, boys apposite them sat opposite the ones they liked and started the next song. Firstly, the boy song about his love then the girl song in response. After the first couple finished the second couple started and soon. The listeners notified the couples of their thoughts by shouting and listening attentively. The crowd ended very late the next day the singers' competition continued.
Usually in the wedding of the rich, ulaq, wresting, and chass girls on horse were carried out.
As S.M. Abramzon notes, friends of groom settled in one tent and 9 different types of food prepared by the bride's mother elder sister and other relatives were given and empty dishes were returned full of money. The Pamir's Kyrgyzs hold "Kuyoo kerun and Qiz kerun" before wedding. The brides mother saw the groom, the groom's mother saw the bride mothers were given presents. After this, there was no need for the groom to escape from his mother-in-law. After this "otro kirgizian" ceremony held in which bride's father invited the groom and his friends to have a feast and after this the grooms escape from his father-in-law was over [4, p. 118]. As N.P. Direnkova rights the Taboo were divided into groups according to their forms Taboo in meeting the mother in - love self - escapes hiding the face hiding the open places their body's taboo for calling with family name - connected with mutual respect; taboo for calling with the firs name: in central Asian nations escaping being husband and wife begin after a world was said about being relatives [5, p. 14].
According to the information of N.P. Direnkov, Kyrgyzs called the wives not with their names but with the world "Beka." The wife could not call their husband with their firs names even in their absence, they could call them with worlds "Boy" and "He", "the owner of uchoq", and in some times called husbands according to wan of their features, for example "Oqsoq". Of then women changed
their husbands names to the similar ones or created new ones. Women changed her husband's name with another when talking. As S.M.Abramzon notes, even when they are elderly, wife did not have right to call her husband. Buy his firs name, and called like "Choi" "Mening ho'jam" [4, p. 172-173].
In all literatures analysed above girl stealing tradition which existed in central Asian nation from ancient times, and which steel exist in the present in Kyrgyz and Khazak nation was not given. But in field exploration in most Uzgan, Bazar-kurgan districts of Osh region the republic of Kyrgyzstan, in process of gathering information according to the information given by population, we can see that girl -kidnapping tradition is has been kept in family relations.
For example till the beginning of ХХ century, as in all livestock breeding nations of central Asia, it was usual for a boy to kidnap his lover and merry. But at the and of XIX century and at the beginning of XX century, because most of the population of Kyrgyzs settled down in one places. This tradition was exchanged with more ethical one where the bride was kidnapped only after getting the agreement of her parents.
Based on the all above mentioned, we conclude that we can see family marriage relations different traditions, customs and ceremonies are kept in the ancient form with some changes up to the present and also we can see the similarities of family marriage relation of central Asian nations.
Список литературы:
1. Абрамзон С.М. К вопросу о патриархальной семье у кочевников Средней Азии // КСИЭ. - 1957. - Вып. 28.
2. Джумагулов А. Семья и брак у киргизов Чуйской долины. - Фрунзе, 1960.
3. См: Загряжский Г. Каракиргизы. ТВ, 1874. - № 41,44; Зеланд И. Киргизы, Этнографический очерк. Западно-Сибирское Отделение РГО. VII, 2. -Омск, 1885. - С. 26; Городеков Н.И. Киргизии и каракиргизы Сырдарьин-ской области. Т. I. - Ташкент, 1889. - С. 61-62, 83-84; Абрамзон С.М. 1) Свадебные обычаи киргизов Памира // Тр. АН Тадж. ССР. - 1959. - Т. 120. -С. 32; 2) Киргизское население Синьцзян-Уйгурское автономной области КНР // Тр. Киргизское археол.-этнограф. эксп. Т. II. - М., 1959. - С. 361; Джумагулов А. Семья и брак у киргизов Чуйской долины. - Фрунзе, 1960. -С. 34-36.
4. Очерки по истории семьи и брака у народов Средней Азии и Казахстана. - Л.: «Наука», 1969.
5. Дыренкова Н.П. Брак, термины родства и психические запреты у киргизов // Сб. этнограф. матер..., № 2. - Л., 1927. - С. 14.
6. Абрамзон С.М. 1) Свадебные обычаи киргизов Памира. - С. 31; 2) Киргизское население. - С. 361.
