CC BY
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УДК 392.33=512.1
Assessment of the rules regulating the relationship between the bride and new family members among Altai, Tuva and Anatolian Turks
Mekhmet Acha
Dr., Professor of Balikesir University, Faculty of Arts and Science, Department of Turkish Language and Literature. 10145 Turkey, Balikesir city. E-mail: mehmetaca@balikesir.edu.tr
Abstract. In the paper, some of the rules regulating the relationship between the bride and new family members (husband, mother-in-law, father-in-law, etc.) in Altai, Tuva and Anatolian Turks are examined in terms of their meanings and functions. Findings and comments concerning the rules designating traditional family structure of Altai and Tuvanian Turks also display the sources of rules regulating relations between the bride and new family members in the traditional life of Anatolian Turks. It is shown that the rules regulating relations between the bride and new family members consist of taboos, which the bride must abide. Rules and taboos are not bride-oriented only; they also, to some extent, concern the husband, mother-in-law and father-in-law. Mentioned taboos continue especially until first and second "peace" practices; after "peace" is established, these taboos are alleviated. It is observed that these rules and taboos are aimed at integration and unity among the temporary outsider (the bride) who comes from another household or tribe and members of the groom's household (husband, mother-in-law, father-in-law, etc.). These rules are intended to ensure the peaceful continuation of relationships among these individuals. The article reveals that the rules, which regulate relations between the bride and new family members in traditional life of Altai, Tuva and Anatolian Turks, are, largely similar, and emerge from the same intellectual, spiritual and cultural ground. Key Words: Altai Turks; Tuva Turks; marriage; bride; taboo; rule.
1. Introduction. Many practices and beliefs concerning the bringing of brides (mostly from other residential areas such as nomadic camps, villages, etc.) have developed among Turkic tribes. These practices concern the bride's arrival from her paternal house to the house of her groom, the start of their new lives as well as their acceptance by their husbands and members of the husband's family and the normalization of relations between «insiders» of the groom's household and the new tribe members considered to be «outsiders», or «strangers». In the center of practices and beliefs which aim at abundance, fertility, well being, happiness, harmony and order, stands a bride who usually comes from outside and who is considered to be an «outsider» or «stranger». The bride is eventually accepted as a member of the family and tribe, but this takes time. Besides assigning to the bride liabilities and responsibilities, cited beliefs and practices present a list of behaviors (taboos) that she must avoid doing. In fact, these liabilities and avoidances (taboos) serve to regulate relations between the bride and her new family members. It would be incorrect to assume that traditions assign all responsibilities about family life to the bride only. Traditions, which govern the bride's attitudes and behavior towards her husband and his relatives have also dictated the nature of the husband's behavior toward his bride as well as that of his family members. Although prohibitions and avoidances are often the concerns of the bride, it is possible to talk about prohibitions and avoidances concerning the husband and his relatives. Traditions, which provide both parties with a list of avoidances and behavior patterns, allow them to continue through life and help bring about the unification of outsiders with insiders, as well as peaceful continuation of their relations. (Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 154).
Aforementioned responsibilities and avoidances are extremely important for traditional societies that view the survival of their traditions of functional and meaningful thought and behavior patterns as essential in order to maintain harmonious familial and social life; abandoning or neglecting them would mean the breakdown of the familial and social order, which focuses on status and roles. While
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responsibilities and avoidances retain their significance in traditional societies, they have gradually become weaker in societies that cannot maintain this structure and cannot focus on individuals without engaging in gender-based discrimination. The transformation that Anatolian Turks have undergone has also changed their official and non-official (traditional) institutions. The individual has emerged from the background. Because individuals, especially women, are equipped with rights and freedoms, perceptions of their roles and statuses have changed. Many indispensable things (sine qua non) have almost lost their significance for today's modern society. Responsibilities and avoidances (taboos), which regulate the relations between brides and new family members, are also among the traditional values that have almost lost their significance for Anatolian Turks. If the matter is approached in terms of Tuva and Altai Turks, it becomes obvious that these aforementioned societies, particularly Tsengel Tuvas, have done a better job at retaining their traditional structures than Anatolian Turks. Despite the fact that they were exposed to Socialist reforms, they retained their traditional structures. This suggests that that the responsibilities and avoidances based on the concepts of status and role aiming to regulate relations between the bride and new family members retain their significance. In the light of these observations, this study of the responsibilities and avoidances regulating relations between brides and new family members will be approached from the context of Altai, Tuva and Anatolian Turks and seeks to shed light upon their significance and functions. Review of their significance and functions requires a comparative study of the aforementioned groups within the framework of the subject in question.
2. The Responsibilities and Avoidances Regulating Relations between «The Outsider» and «The Native». The bride who is mostly brought in another residential area is temporarily considered to be an outsider by the members of her new household and residential area. In other words, the bride is a stranger (literally «foreigner's daughter») until she is accepted as a real member of the new family. For a young woman, acquiring a different status by marrying gives her the opportunity to become a regular member of the new household which she joined; a certain time is required to do this and, during this time, she is required to obey particular rules and fulfill her responsibilities. These rules and responsibilities include: the bride should not talk to her husband's relatives (grandfather, uncle, father-in-law, mother-in-law, etc.); utter her husband's name or the names of his elderly relatives directly6, look in her mother and father-in-law's face7, appear or sit at places where men are present. These avoidances and prohibitions last a certain time and usually disappear after the «peace» or «acceptance» ceremonies, which consist of giving presents and treats. The young woman's giving birth to her first child is also of importance as it leads to the removal of many prohibitions and rules. The responsibilities assigned to the bride, however, continue throughout her married life.
The rules that new brides living in the Tsengel region of Mongolia, or Tuvas, must obey are largely the same as the rules regulating relations between the «temporary outsider/foreigner's daughter» (bride) and «temporary insiders» (husband, mother-in-law, father-in-law, etc.) among Anatolian Turks as well as Altai Turks and Tuvas living in the Tuva Autonomous Republic. In Tsengel Tuvas, a new bride can neither walk around the house from the right side, nor can she step up to
6 For the effects of the socialist reforms on traditional family structures and marriage traditions of Tuvas see: Bipe-ool 1974.
7 The prohibition of not looking at her father-in-law's face for bride is not a situation specific only to Turks. Among The Nyakyusans who live in the fertile mountains of the Southern Africa, for brides and father-in-laws it is forbidden to raise eyes and look at each other (Wells 1984: 142).
the «tor» (the chief corner where venerable persons sit)».8 The person whom the bride must respect most in her new house is her husband and she must fulfill the following duties: When her husband enters the house, she must always meet him standing. She must get up earlier than her husband in order to open up the carpet door of her husband's chamber, and she must boil the water for tea. She must not sit down to eat at the table before her husband. She must not take off her dress in front of her husband and must keep the buttons of her dress fastened. She must not walk around inside the house with her head uncovered, and she must not push her sleeves up. When entering her husband's chamber, she must stop on the doorstep, never entering without her husband's approval. She may sit by the side of her husband's relatives only after she has obtained her husband's consent, and may not address her husband, mother-in-law, father-in-law, brothers-in-law or sisters-in-law by their names (Seren 2006, P. 65). A leading researcher of the traditional Tuva culture, M.B. Kenin-Lopsan, also highlighted the fact that directly uttering the names of the older family members is considered by the Tuvas to be disrespectful (Kenin-Lopsan 2006, P. 56).
The fact that the bride cannot address her spouse and his elder relatives by names is one of the most widely known rules of traditional Turkic peoples.9 This rule is not unique to Tuvas living in the Tsengel region of Mongolia and the Tuva Autonomous Republic. This rule is still observed among Altai10 and Anatolian Turks.11 Among Turkish tribes, the bride or a woman is prohibited to use the names of her husband and his elders, she must use other words to describe the person to whom she is referring or must resort to words resembling the names of the addressees.
8 In his book, titled Traditsionnaya Kul'tura Tuvintsev, mentioning their traditions of hospitality and yurt (tent) life, M. B. Kenin-Lopsan, who is known for his studies on traditional cultures of Tuvas, draws attention to the fact that the places in a tent (yurt) where women and men are allowed to sit are specified and women must not sit at the places which are specified for men and vice versa. We learn from the information Kenin-Lopsan gives us that the bride cannot sit where her father-in-law sits, and she cannot rest against his sleeping mattress nor can she touch his flint or knife (Kenin-Lopsan 2006: 37). The researcher also states that prohibitions are reciprocal, neither can the father-in-law sit at the bride's place, approach the place where her bed is found, touch her bed. (Kenin-Lopsan 2006: 37). These kinds of avoidances also form the traditional life in Altai Turks:
"A woman must not try to enter the house where one of her husband's elder relatives is. If she has to enter there, she cannot enter with empty hands; she must bring with her either "talkan" or butter. In the house of his husband's elder relatives, the bride can only sit by the door, which is the section for women. The rules prohibit a woman to step up to the first place of the house or to pass by the respected side of the fire. Besides, she cannot approach the men's section of the house even from outside of the house. The bride is prohibited to pass by the door of her husband's elder relatives." (Sagalayev&Oktyarbskaya 1990: 153)
9 Presence of cited avoidance has been encountered in other peoples except Turks as well. Famous anthropologist Calvin Wells expressed an example of it: "Among Swazi's for a woman to utter the names of her husband's elder male relatives who are older than herself, even to use words containing syllables which are similar to these names in phonetic terms is a taboo." (Wells 1984: 144)
10 The first scientist to dwell on the language specific to a woman in Altai Turks is A. N. Samoylovich. Samoylovich, in his article titled "Jenskie Slova u Altayskih Turkov" ("Woman Language in Altai Turks") which he published in 1928, in the third volume of Yazik i Litareatura, collected and recorded forty two words from Altai women. Samoylovich sought the source of language that prohibits utterance of words specific to women (especially names of her husband and his relatives) in the tradition of exogamy. According to Samoylovich, because of prohibitions of speaking which exogamy tradition brings, a woman comes to use around her spouse the words that are considered foreign. The rest of a woman's language consists of native words (Samoylovip 1928).
11 It is impossible to say that the mentioned taboo is seen only in South Siberian and Anatolian Turks. We come to know from the studies of N. F. Katanov that brides and grooms in the East Turkistan region cannot either address their father-in-law and mother-in-law by their names. The prohibition of uttering names directly also includes the prohibition for the bride not to look at the faces of father and mother in-law for some time: "Bride and groom cannot address their father-in-law by their names. The father-in-law calls the groom "Kuy oglum" (literally son in-law). For a month, the bride cannot look at the faces of her father and mother in-law and avoids them. After that period however serves them until they die." (Katanov 2004: 29). "The bride cannot address her father-in-law by his name. If her father-in-law shares the same name with somebody else, then she cannot either address this person by his name. The bride calls groom's father "ekem" (father) and mother "anam" (mother). After the bride gets accustomed to her father and mother-in-law, she turns to them and doesn't cover her face any longer." (Katanov 2004: 55)
According to Sagalayev and Oktyabrskaya, brides in Altai must address their husbands and his elder relatives using such words as «aka» (elder brother), «abagay» (grandfather, grandfather's brother), or «eje» (elder sister). The bride is prohibited to use the private and personal names of these people. To address them, she must use words denoting their social positions rather than their personal names. This situation forces the woman to describe the addressees rather than calling them by their names. For instance, a young woman referring to her mother-in-law might say «the one who is wearing earrings». However, if the name of her mother-in-law is Sirga (earring), then the bride will have to say «the thing that is hanging from her ear» (Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 151).
Restriction on the speech of the woman who cannot directly utter the names of her husband and his relatives12 does not only pertain to names. It has been noted that, among Anatolian Turks, the brides' communication for a certain period even with their husbands' relatives is rendered a taboo. In some cases, this taboo could last for years and could only be removed in return for presents given to the bride or with the permission of the father-in-law. For example, in Tahtaci Turkmens, until the bride is given something, she cannot speak with her husband's elder relatives neither inside nor outside the house.
When the bride is asked something, she nods her head either up (meaning «yes») or down (meaning «no»).This situation typically lasts only for a short period. The elderly, by letting the bride kiss their hands give a gratuity or the promise to give a gratuity (Yilmaz 1948, P. 34). From the information Korkut Oguz provides, we know that in the Chepnis living in the Aegean and Marmara regions, the bride who has just moved into the house, does not speak with either the grandfather, father-in-law, uncle, or brother-in-law in the house. The bride behaves this way out of respect. A person who wishes the bride to speak to him or her must first offer her a present. The bride accepts this present by kissing the giver's hand and only then begins to converse with the giver of the gift. It has also been recorded that in the presence of some people, the new bride did not speak for months, even for years (Oguz 2010, P. 144). Ali Riza Yalman (Yalkin), who is known for his studies on Turkmen and Yoruk tribes living in the south of Anatolia, has drawn attention to the prohibition of speech and its removal fashion within Yoruk tribes living in the Binboga and Nurhak Mountains. According to Yalman, it is customary that the bride does not speak in her new house. Among the Yoruk tribes, this is called «gelinlik yapma». The bride does not speak with her mother, or father-in-law or brothers-in-law for a period that may last as long as ten years. In order to talk to the bride, household members must promise a suitable present to the bride (Yalman (Yalkin) 1977, P. 363). Setting out from Zubeyr Ko§ay's studies, Pertev Naili Boratav has also drawn attention to the «gelinlik etme» practice in the Eregli (Konya), Erzurum, Kayseri, Kir§ehir, Nigde, Sivas and Yozgat regions:
«'Gelinlik etme', which is considered a marital custom in the regions of Eregli (Konya), Erzurum, Kayseri, Kir§ehir, Nigde, Sivas, and Yozgat, is the rule that prohibits the bride to speak with household members or close relatives of her husband who are older than herself for a long time (in some situations, for years); She must answer questions with gestures or movements of the hand, head or eyes; she can pass her words to the elderly only through those younger than herself. The
12 Until recent times in Anatolia women had addressed their husbands by saying "bey, aga, efendi" while men usually had addressed their wives by saying "kari, hanim, hatun". However, today couples usually address each other by their names; terms such as "bey, aga, efendi, kari, hanim, hatun" leave their places to terms such as "canim, hayatim, a§kim".
bride is freed from this prohibition by her father-in-law's permission and gratuity» (Boratav 1997, P. 188).
According to a number of master theses that have been conducted in Turkey, the custom of the bride's silence and subsequent gift-giving allowing her to speak, or «soyletmelik verme» is noted, yet it is accompanied by the word «formerly»:
«Formerly the bride would not speak with the mother and father-in-law at all. She would serve them all the time. She would get up very early in the morning so that she could pour water when her father-in-law washes his hands for ablution. Formerly the bride would not speak for a long time. After a while, they would give her «soyletmelik» so that she spoke. Formerly the bride would do «gelinlik». She would receive money as «soyletmelik», kiss the elderly's hands and then would speak» (Ba§5etin?elik 1998, P. 240).
The sentences we quoted from this postgraduate study (which discusses periods of transition in Adana folk culture) also show that the bride's silence around her mother- and father-in-law (her doing «gelinlik») is not a situation seen very often among today's Anatolian Turks (who are rapidly separating from traditional culture and life style).The reasons for this will be discussed below. Another postgraduate study draws attention to the fact that such avoidances and prohibitions are not observed very often among Anatolian Turks. This study discusses common folk beliefs in the city of Elazig, in the province of Baskil. It is stated that the brides do not speak with strangers or guests visiting their houses unless they are specifically asked about something, and that they take particular care to speak in a hushed voice when near their husband's male relatives. The following statement also appears in the study: «but this situation today is not observed, as after a short while the bride can speak with the other members of the family, eat at the same table as the others and can handle her child as she wishes» (Kiyak 2005, P. 29).
The statements above show that the behavior of women before their husbands' elder relatives is not only limited to speaking. Other prohibitions accompany the rule of silence, such as the prohibition of brides to look at certain people directly in the face. Rules and prohibitions that concern (bind) married women among Altai Turks were discussed extensively by N. i. §atinova in her work titled, Sem'ya u Altaytsev (§atinova 1981). §atinova's conclusions are included in Traditsionnoe Mirovozzrenie Turkov Yujnoy Sibiri: Znak i Ritual by A. M. Sagalayev and i. V. Oktyabrskaya. At the very top of the list of rules and prohibitions, concerning married women is the rule that she must take care of her external appearance. When in the presence of her husband's elder relatives, a woman must keep the parts of her arms above her waists covered, must not expose her feet, and must cover her head. She must not breastfeed or comb her baby's hair in front of her husband's elder relatives. She must always be in «chegedek»13. She must never appear either in front or behind her husband's elder relatives in her house. She must stay in a position where she is facing them, while walking, she must not turn her back to them, and she must not sit at a place where they were sitting previously. She must avoid any kind of close contact with the elder relatives of her husband, and nothing is allowed to be given directly to them. Even when offering them tea she must leave it on the ground. A woman must not look her husband's elder relatives in the eyes. A woman must not speak in a loud voice and must not laugh. She must not become involved in others'
13
Chegedek is also a symbolic attribute which expresses the woman's status in the society. Up until nowadays, the woman wearing a chegedek, in the Altai culture is recognized as a married woman, i.e. having a husband and some children. Chegedek is a long, vest-type sleeveless clothes that has been an obligatory garment for married women. Chegedek is prepared for the wedding day and is put on the girl in the course of her wedding ceremony." (Chandyeva 2011, P. 1005)
conversations, must not make jokes, and must not use unceremonious or ambiguous words in her speech. If she notices one of her husbands elder relatives coming, she must not try to greet him or her. These guests must be met by the husband. Every time her husband comes home or leaves home, she must meet him standing and must see him off (§atinova 1981; Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 153).
The rules and avoidances are not only limited to those cited above. As it is understood from the statements about Altai Turks (found in the fourth footnote of this article), it is also possible to talk about other rules governing Altai women's relations with their husbands' elder relatives. For instance, a woman who arrives on a horseback cannot tether her horse to the pole where her husband's elder relatives have tethered their horses, nor can she pass through the space between the house and the pole. A woman cannot touch the belongings of her husband's elder relatives. For example, she must never touch her father-in-law's rein, pipe, rope, rifle or knife. It is strictly forbidden for a woman to use a saddle or to ride a horse belonging to one of her husband's elder relatives (§atinova 1981; Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 153).
Among Altai Turks, this «stiffness» between the bride and the elder relatives of her husband is partly removed, however, after the second «peace» (during which time the bride is allowed to pass by the elder relatives of her husband). The «peace» practice in Altai takes place when the bride is offering wine and snacks to the elder relatives of her husband in the presence of others (Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 152). The «peace» between the bride and the elder relatives of her husband is also encountered among Tsengel Tuvas in a slightly different fashion. In Tsengel Tuvas, obligations of the bride (who moves into her husbands house and is forced to behave ceremoniously toward the elder relatives of her husband) are alleviated only after the elder relatives of her husband offer her small presents, pray for her, and say «From now on do not be shy toward me, do not be timid, for now I am old, serve me bread and tea». Only after this process, can the bride uncover her face, serve tea to her father-in-law directly, lay out his cushion or sleeping mattress, or hold the stirrup when he mounts and dismounts his horse. Among Tsengel Tuvas, this ceremony, which is done to remove prohibitions toward the bride, is called «kennin soygalaar» or «hol alpiir» (Seren 2006, P. 65). The phrase «Do not be shy toward, do not be timid, for now I am old" which the father-in-law says during this practice, attracts attention to one of the reasons behind the prohibitions restricting relations between the bride and the father-in-law. This phrase emphasizes the fact that prohibitions restricting relations between the bride and the father-in-law do not only result from principles of social hierarchy; it also highlights the worry that relations between young brides and fathers-in-law who are not into advanced old age can occasionally have unwanted results. The conspicuous elements of this ceremony are little presents offered to the bride. It is stated above that, in Anatolia, too, the elderly members of the family who want the bride to speak with them give her presents. In this context, it is relevant to state that, from Siberia to Anatolia, bride-centric avoidances and prohibitions are practised in a similar manner. The roots of many avoidances and prohibitions among Anatolian Turks extend all the way to Siberia. The phrase «In poor families [in Kachin people], before the first «peace» after the wedding, brides do not appear before their husbands' elder relatives, or, when they run into each other, they [the brides] cover their faces and crouch» (Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 152). This is cited by Popov (Popov 1885) in Sagalayev and Oktyabrskaya's work, which also explains the root of women's crouching and turning their backs when Anatolian women meet strange men in the street. The accounts of Sagalayev and Oktyabrskaya reveal that the aforementioned practice among
Anatolian Turks does not solely result from Islamic belief; Anatolian Turks are practicing a custom that they brought from Siberia and, along with the Islamic belief, they have carried it on for a long time.
In traditional life of Anatolian Turks, relations between the bride and her husband's elder relatives are also based on prohibitions and avoidances for a certain period. These prohibitions and avoidances which consist of prohibitions and avoidances similar to Altai people and Tuvas, are maintained until a long time passes after the bride is brought to the groom's house; she gives birth to her first child and moving to her own house becomes the elder of her own house. The stiffness in bride's relations with especially her father-in-law comes to an end with the father-in-law's reaching into advanced old age. It also should be especially pointed out that these avoidances and prohibitions were in practice in a period during which «ka5go5»14was still common, the brides married the men living with their parents; the bride was kept responsible for looking after her mother and father-in-law until they died. It is also possible to give the following examples to other avoidances that are seen mostly in rural areas today, concerning a woman or a bride among Anatolian Turks: while walking in the street the woman cannot walk before or next to her husband. If a married couple lives with the husband's family, the wife cannot eat at the same table together with her father-in-law and brothers-in-law until she has a child or children; moreover she cannot fondle her child as she likes in the presence of her father-in-law and brothers-in-law, cannot pick her child up even if he or she falls down, etc. (Kiyak 2005; Atmaca 2006; Kabata§ 2006; Sava§ 2007).
As it was stated in the introduction section of the article, the avoidances and prohibitions do not solely concern the woman/bride, nor do they only assign responsibilities to her. The father-in-law and the elder relatives of husband's side of family have prohibitions related to the bride, and the groom has prohibitions related to his bride, mother-in-law, father in-law and the other elder relatives of his wife. For instance, in Tsengel Tuvas the husband and his elder relatives do not remain with the bride when she works or combs her hair lest she is ashamed. Again, in Tuvas father-in-law can neither sit at bride's seat nor approach the place where her bed is found, nor touch her bed (Kenin-Lopsan 2006, P. 37). Among Southern Siberian and Anatolian Turks married men cannot directly address parents of their wives by their names; they call their mother-in-law as «mother», father-in-law as «father». It is needless to say separately that this practice is also in use among other Turkic groups. Without referring any sources, we can state that avoidances and prohibitions that specify relations between the bride and father-in-law are also true for specifying relations between the grooms and mother-in-love.
Among Turkish tribes, there are occasions, in which avoidances and prohibitions regulating relations between «natives» (the husband and his relatives) and «outsiders» (a woman and children) are broken. The words of Sagalayev and Oktyabrskaya, breaking the existing rules, bear a rather symbolic character: «when a difficult birth takes place, the woman is allowed to say the real name of her father-in-law (in Khakas Turks) or to hold the hands of her husband's elder relatives. At moments when a life-threatening situation is undergone, the woman is allowed to violate the existent rules» (Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 154).
It won't be right to confine alleviations or violations of some avoidances and prohibitions, which mainly concern the woman, and examples of which are given in the article, merely to dangerous situations which the woman or the bride experiences. As it has been expressed above, situations such as becoming
The practice whereby some Muslim women veil their faces and avoid contact with men not related to them.
advanced into an old age for the mother-in-law and especially father-in-law, and having several children and becoming a good wife for the bride have become quite effective in alleviation and violation of avoidances and prohibitions concerning the bride. In Turkish tradition both the husband and the mother-in-law cherish humane sentiments toward the bride, following her giving birth to her first child, the existing love and humane feelings get even more intense. Beside being a wife, the woman who gains attribution of motherhood now becomes the elder of her house and loses the state of being «elkizi» (foreign's daughter) completely.
3. Conclusion. The field researches and observations of the author have shown that mentioned avoidances and prohibitions, especially because of the change and transformation Anatolian Turks have undergone, let alone be alleviated, except at rural areas have almost disappeared. This situation is perceived perfectly normal by young couples who were brought up in accordance with today's mentality and conditions while it is mostly interpreted as deterioration by aged individuals, particularly by old women, who live their lives in compliance with the role the tradition has molded for them. It is definitely not possible to say that all aged individuals regard this situation as deterioration. We should highlight the fact that there are aged individuals who welcome the disappearance of the mentioned avoidances and prohibitions as well as those who argue that every generation commits itself to the conditions and mentality of their time. When the reality of a woman who, along with the advent of the Republic, is equipped with rights and freedoms, when she gets education, attains her deserved place in the social and working life, gets rid of her dependence to a man as she gains economic independence, most often leads to a married life without father and mother-in-law, but with her husband and children, is taken into account; reprehensions of some aged individuals do not make any sense anyway. Cited avoidances and prohibitions, despite all changes and transformations undergone, still survive among social fractions in Anatolia, which sustain or try to sustain their traditional life style and in Altai and Tuva Turks, though not as strictly as before. Assessing the avoidances and prohibitions concerning a woman in Southern Siberia Turks and their recent situation, Sagalayev and Oktyabrskaya have written that today, understanding of «self-stranger» in the tradition of avoiding the elderly has lost its extremity, and these traditions having settled into the mythological subconscious, their main ideas having been forgotten, in later periods continued to remain as one of the important parts of the culture (Sagalayev, Oktyabrskaya 1990, P. 154).
As a result, we can assert that avoidances and prohibitions in Altai, Tuva and Anatolian Turks, which regulate relations between the bride and new family members and which mostly concern a woman were meaningful and functional during periods when a traditional lifestyle was maintained; the knowledge about these avoidances and prohibitions passed onto new brides (in other words «outsiders») by especially mothers-in-law (that is «natives»); these rules were perceived by the individuals of traditional society as a requisite. However, because societies develop by being changed and transformed depending upon time and conditions, mentioned avoidances and prohibitions naturally lose their meanings and functions rapidly.
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Алтай, Тува жэне Анадолынын турк халыктарынын келш мен жана отбасы мYшелерi арасындагы карым-катынасты реттейтiн ережелерш багалау
Мехмет Ача
доктор, Балыкесир университет typík тiлi мен эдебиет кафедрасыныц профессоры. 10145 ТYркия, Балыкесир E-mail: mehmetaca@balikesir.edu.tr
ТYЙiн. Ма^алада Алтай, Тува жэне Анадолыныц тYркi халы^тарыныц келiн мен жаца отбасы мYшелерi (кYЙеyi, ^айын енесi, ^айын атасы, т.б.) арасындагы ^арым-^атынастарды реттейтш бiр^атар ережелер мацызы мен ^ызмет тургысынан ^арастырылады. Алтай жэне Тува тYркi халы^тарыныц дэстYрлi отбасылыщ ^урылымын бiлдiретiн, сонымен ^атар анадолы тYркi халы^тарыныц кYнделiктi турмысындагы келiн мен жаца отбасы мYшелерi арасындагы ^арым-^атынастарды реттейтiн ережелер жайлы тужырымдар мен талдаулар жасалады. Келiн мен жаца отбасы мYшелерi арасындагы ^арым-^атынастарды реттейтiн ережелер жас келiн булжытпай орындауы тиiс табулардан туратыны аны^талады. Ережелер мен тыйымдар тек жас келшге гана емес, кей жагдайларда кYЙеy мен ^айын ене, ^айын атага да ^атысты болатыны жайлы баяндалады. Аталган тыйымдар эсiресе алгаш^ы жэне екiншi «бейбiтшiлiк» орнатуга дешн са^талатыны, «бейбiтшiлiк» орнаганнан кейiн олардьщ жецтдейтш жайлы айтылады. Бул ережелер мен тыйымдар бас^а отбасы немесе эулеттен келген уа^ытша аутсайдер (келЫ) мен ^йеудщ туыстарына (^айын ене, ^айын ата т.б.) да ^атысты болып табылады. Бул ережелер осы адамдардыц арасындагы бейбiт ^арым-^атынасты жалгастыру Yшiн ^абылданады. Ма^алада Алтай, Тува жэне Анадолыныц тYркi халы^тарыныц дэстYрлi вмiрерiндегi келiн мен жаца отбасы мYшелерi арасындагы ^арым-^атынастарды реттейтiн ережелер квпштк жагдайда взара у^сас болып келе^ш жэне бiрыцFай зиялы, рухани, мэдени непзден тарайтыны жайлы баяндалады. Tywh сездер: алтай тYркiлерi; Тува тYркiлерi; неке; келiн; табу; ереже.
Оценка правил, регулирующих отношения между невестой и новыми членами семьи среди тюркских народностей Алтая, Тувы и Анатолии
Мехмет Ача
доктор, профессор кафедра турецкого языка и литературы Университета Балыкесир. 10145 Турция, г. Балыкесир. E-mail: mehmetaca@balikesir.edu.tr
Аннотация. В статье исследуются некоторые из правил, регулирующих отношения между невестой и новыми членами семьи (муж, свекровь, свекор и т.д.) у тюркских народностей Алтая, Тувы и Анатолии с точки зрения их значения и функций. Выводы и комментарии в отношении правил, обозначающих традиционную семейную структуру Алтайских и Тувинских тюркских народностей, также касаются источников правил, регулирующих отношения между невестой и новыми членами семьи в традиционной жизни анатолийских тюркских народностей. Показано, что правила, регулирующие отношения между невестой и новыми членами семьи, состоят из табу, которые невеста должны соблюдать. Правила и запреты касаются не только невесты; они, в некоторой степени, относятся к мужу, свекрови и свекру. Названные запреты особенно строго соблюдаются до первого и второго установления "мира". После того, как "мир" установлен, эти запреты смягчаются. Следует отметить, что эти правила и запреты направлены на интеграцию и единство между временным аутсайдером (невеста), который приходит из другой семьи или племени и членов семьи жениха (муж, свекровь, свекор, и т.д.). Эти правила призваны обеспечить мирное продолжение отношений между этими людьми.
В статье делаются выводы о том, что правила, которые регулируют отношения между невестой и новыми членами семьи в традиционной жизни тюркских народностей Алтая, Тувы и Анатолии, являются во многом схожи и порожденыодинаковой интеллектуальной, духовной и культурной основой.
Ключевые слова: алтайские тюркские народности; Тувинские тюркские народности; брак; невеста; табу; правило.
