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MODERN RUSSIA: IDEOLOGY, POLITICS, CULTURE AND RELIGION
IGOR DOBAYEV. EXTERNAL FACTORS OF GEOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN THE SOUTH OF RUSSIA IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBALIZATION AND REGIONALIZATION // The article was written for the bulletin "Russia and the Moslem World."
Keywords: Wahhabism, geopolitics, "collective West", Islamism, Pan-Turkism, Panturanism, North Caucasus, South of Russia.
Igor Dobayev,
DSc(Philosophy)/ Professor, Expert of Russian Academy of Sciences, Director of Center of Regional Studies, Institute of Sociology and Religion, Southern Federal University, Rostov-on-Don
Citation: Dobayev I. External Factors of Geopolitical Processes in the South of Russia in the Context of Globalization and Regionalization / / Russia and the Moslem World, 2020, No. 3 (309), P. 5-22. DOI: 10.31249/rmw/2020.03.01
Abstract. Russia is the largest country in the world, a civilization state, with its unique geopolitical code. To change this course, the identity of our country, to force it to wander in the wake of the geopolitical and foreign policy aspirations of other centers of power, a number of geopolitical projects based on "hard power", "soft power" as
well as "soft power" are being implemented in the Russian Federation and beyond its external borders. At the same time, due to the large-scale territory of Russia, the presence of its internal regions that are different in their characteristics, various projects are deployed by external forces in various directions. This article discusses the geopolitical projects of the main external forces projecting their influence on the South of Russia - the territories of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation that are part of the Southern and North Caucasian federal districts. There are eight republics there: Adygea, Daghestan, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Kalmykia, Karachay-Cherkessia, Crimea, North Ossetia-Alania and Chechnya, two territories -Krasnodar and Stavropol and three regions - Astrakhan, Volgograd and Rostov; in total 14 subjects of Russia.
In the south of Russia, and especially in its North Caucasian subregion, a number of geopolitical megaprojects are being implemented, among which we single out the three most dangerous for the national and regional security of our country -Western (primarily American), Arab-Islamic (Wahhabi) and Turanian (Turkish). The leading one is the Western project, and the other two, despite their relative autonomy, are actively supported by the United States and its allies (the so-called "collective West"). As a result, separatism, nationalism, religious fanaticism are constantly being heated up in the region, hotbeds of tension, mutual territorial claims, etc. are preserved for a long time. The religious-ethnic factor has been exploited there with utmost activity here in the past 25 years. Let us consider the content and goals of the initiators of these geopolitical megaprojects in more detail.
Western (American, or Euro-Atlantic) project.1 The Western project is being implemented on the external and internal for Russia dimensions. On the outside, there is a steady expansion of NATO and its military infrastructure to the east, the territory of the Russian Federation is increasingly surrounded by American military bases, a missile defense system is being built around its
borders, a situation of the so-called "regulated chaos" is being artificially created in the territories of neighboring states of the Near and Middle East At the same time, the EU is expanding, and the Baltic countries are already part of this organization, and currently there is going on a struggle for Moldova, Ukraine, and the states of the South Caucasus.
Thus, threats to Russia's national security are being formed: in the immediate vicinity of its borders, in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and in the post-Soviet space, the creation of a "sanitary cordon" from former Warsaw Pact countries and former Soviet republics is in full swing.
At the same time, this geopolitical megaproject provides for comprehensive support on the territory of Russia of pro-Western oriented parties, movements, numerous NGOs and NPOs that have been working there for a long time and not without success. After the collapse of the USSR, in the territories of post-Soviet states, including in the Russian Federation, representative offices of many foreign and international organizations of various kinds appeared, the vast majority of which were engaged in the popularization of market relations, the principles of democracy in their Western understanding and universal values, thereby influencing the processes of state construction in post-Soviet countries. With the help of foreign donors, numerous Russian non-profit organizations were created and poured into global civil society, the number of them, according to the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, by the middle of the first decade of this century exceeded 600 thousand.2
In the same period, about 14,500 non-profit organizations were registered in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation located within the Southern Federal District (SFD).3 At the same time, according to law enforcement agencies, more than 100 western and pro-Western oriented non-governmental organizations, funds and monitoring networks engaged in political activities were operating in the district4. Among them are the Danish Refugee Council, the International Medical Corps,
the International Rescue Committee, World Vision, Caritas Internat. (Czech Republic), International Non-Violence, UNOCHA, UNHCR, National Endowment for Democracy (USA), International Civil Liberties Fund, United States Agency for International Development, Freedom House, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, National Democratic Institute (USA), Matra (Netherlands), Open Society (Soros Foundation), Legal Initiative for Russia (Netherlands), F. Ebert, C. Adenauer, R. Luxemburg and others' German Party Foundations. Various political and "scientific" organizations, monitoring networks, the activity of which objectively played into the hands of the Western "partners" of Russia also acted in the Southern Federal District5. Among them there are the United Civil Front (UCF), the Russian People's Democratic Union, the Civic Assistance Committee, the all-Russian movement For Human Rights, the human rights society Memorial, and others. Such associations, as a rule, organized their activities with the support of foreign non-governmental organizations and were funded by them. This is evidenced, in particular, by the espionage scandal that erupted in January 2006. It was related to the subversive activities of the British intelligence services that through secret operations financed the activities of a number of Russian human rights organizations.
For less than 30 years of work, foreign non-governmental organizations have implemented a grant system in Russia and "accustomed" some of its citizens to humanitarian aid. Moreover, often even the goals and objectives of Russian public organizations were formed at the prompt from abroad, and not based on national priorities6. A separate and important area of activity for the abovementioned and similar NGOs in expanding networks is considered to be youth, the work with which was carried out in schools, secondary and higher educational institutions, as well as outside these institutions, through the formation of various youth structures and organizations. For example, in the Rostov region there were numerous youth
organizations created under the grants of various Western funds. Among them are such as the Youth Human Rights Movement (human rights grants), Eco - logica (environmental), Scythia, the Center for Development of Local Communities and Volunteer Initiatives "Help with a Council, the Russian Union of Navigators / Scouts, a group of projects "New Civilization," etc.
The activity of Western and pro-Western NGOs in the territory of Russia and its regions prompted the Russian authorities to take decisive steps to legislatively limit their activities on their territory, as a result of which on January 10, 2006 Federal Law No. 18-03 on amendments to the Law on NonProfit organizations was adopted. Amendments to the law led to a significant reduction in the number of foreign non-profit organizations and increased control over their activities by state bodies, but they did not fundamentally solve the problem.
As a result, in 2012, a bill was submitted to the State Duma requiring more openness in the activities of NPOs that carry out political activities in Russia, but are financed from abroad. It was suggested that they be considered foreign agents and entered into the register. According to the initiators of this bill, more than 230 thousand NPOs operated in Russia at that period. At the same time, tens of millions of dollars were spent on their financing, but only a third of the funds came in by bank transfer, with about 70% of the funds coming from the budgets of foreign states, 20% from transnational corporations, 10% from private donations. As for Russian human rights defenders, they received 90-95% of the funds in the form of grants from foreign donors7. In 2019, this law and related law enforcement practices were significantly expanded. However, the activities of pro-Western NPOs in Russia, although complicated, are not stopped.
It should be emphasized that the Western (American) geopolitical megaproject in the South of Russia is being implemented, inter alia, by manipulating and controlling other participants in the geopolitical game by Washington. This refers, first of all, to the Turanian (Turkish) and Arab-Islamic
("Wahhabi") projects. The first impression is that these projects are far apart and in no way interact with each other. However, this perception is misleading, because both modifications have long had the objectives of the United States - NATO and the Greater Caucasus project. It is no coincidence that today none of these projects is independent and dominant.
The Arab-Islamic ("Wahhabi") megaproject is being implemented in the regions of Russia, primarily by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the monarchies of the Persian Gulf following its foreign policy aspirations, among which Qatar, which is rich in energy resources, should be highlighted. Their goal is to spread on the territory of the Russian Federation ideological attitudes of the so-called "Pure Islam" ("Islamism"), the stimulation on this basis of separatist sentiments among Russian Moslems, the separation of their territories from Russia, the creation of the so-called "Islamic state" living according to Sharia8.
An analysis of the ideological doctrines of the North Caucasian radical Islamists, consideration of the peculiarities of their organizational structures, forms and methods of implementation of specific political practices, channels of financial support for regional extremism and terrorism indicates a significant external influence and even external participation9.
Thus, the ideology of the modern jihadist (terrorist) movement promoted by the Saudis and their allies is based on the postulates put forward by the adherents of radical fundamentalism - the Arabs Ibn Khanbala, Taki ad-Din ibn Taymiyyah, M. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab and their modern followers -S. Kutb, M. Shukri, M. Faraj, A. az-Zawahiri and others. In turn, the basis of the ideological doctrine of radical Islamists is two indispensable, system-forming, organically inherent to Salafism (Islamic fundamentalism - I. D.) provisions - about takfir10 and jihad11, which are interpreted by Islamists in isolation from Moslem orthodoxy. Its appeal is based on the obvious simplicity, accessibility and consistency of ideological arguments, a clear definition of "enemies of Islam" and the need to conduct "jihad"
against them. All this resonates and is understood among some young Moslems, as a rule, marginals who are not too educated in traditional Moslem dogma.
A review of the stages in the development of the ideological doctrine of radical Islamists in Russia and, in particular, in the North Caucasus, testifies to the superimposed origin of almost all the ideological postulates of radical Islamism are introduced into the territory of the Russian regions, the exogenous nature of the ideological factor in the activities of the still-preserved North Caucasian bandit underground. This is confirmed, in particular, by the fact that the leaders of Russian Islamism have so far not been able to create a single original work that would allow talking about the emergence of North Caucasian Islamists' own political ideology meeting modern realities. General discussions about the need for the introduction of Sharia cannot compensate for the lack of a socio-political program for this movement.
As for the structural design of the North Caucasian Islamic organizations, external borrowings are obvious here. Thus, the beginning of the 2000s, as a result of the US-led international anti-terrorism campaign, was marked by a breakdown in the hierarchical structures of international terrorists such as the International Jihad Front and Al Qaeda12. They were transformed into networks — partially centralized, decentralized, and completely autonomous. As a result, a whole series of networked terrorist clusters has emerged in the world: in the Near and Middle East, North Africa, etc. The connecting elements of these clusters and their constituent structures are the community of ideologies and ultimate goals, which consist in building the so-called "Islamic states," and in the future, a single Moslem caliphate, life according to Shariah standards13.
The network construction of the sabotage and terrorist underground in the North Caucasus took shape later - in the second half of the first decade of the new millennium (Emirate of the Caucasus - 2007, and since 2014 - Velayat Caucasus), under the influence of general trends in the "Moslem world" as well as
in connection with a change in the military-political situation in the region, which allows us to talk about a powerful external influence on the institutionalization process of the North Caucasian jihadist movement, its structure and organization system, as well as on the North Caucasian terrorist cluster formed in the region, which is an organic part of the network structures of the international terrorism. At the same time, the terrorist model prevailing in the North Caucasus has been thoroughly adapted to local social and ethnopolitical conditions. The vitality of this system is given by merging of the ideology of radical Islamism with the North Caucasian traditional social institutions and the prevailing modern socio-political conditions14.
At the same time, the ideological-propaganda and informational activities of international jihadist takfirits are an additional, non-mainstream activity of extremists and terrorists, and are designed to ensure a constant influx of radical Islamist ideology carriers into the ranks of the "Mujahideen," as well as justify specific sabotage-terrorist practice of fighters with appropriate pseudo-religious postulates. Islamist-led terrorism itself, as a specific political practice, is constantly changing, adapting to dynamic transformations in the world and regions. Currently, in different countries, terrorists perform targeted and non-targeted actions, while conducting most terrorist attacks, tactics of action using small arms, hand grenade launchers, bombing, kidnapping, etc. are used. Against the general background of the escalation of terrorist violence, the most dangerous form of terrorism - suicide bombing - continues to be updated.
As for the North Caucasian separatists, they practically copy the forms and methods of ideological-propaganda and sabotage-terrorist activities of their foreign like-minded people. Beginning in 2000, suicide terrorism, which historically has never been recorded in the North Caucasus, has become an obvious external borrowing. In this case, the main vector of terrorist activity in the North Caucasus region was aimed mainly against
law enforcement officials and law enforcement agencies, representatives of state authorities and government, and the official Moslem clergy. At the same time, outside the North Caucasus region, terrorists, as a rule, carried out and are still preparing their destructive operations in crowded places, mainly from among the civilian population (for example, terrorist attacks in Moscow, Beslan, Volgodonsk, Caucasian Mineral Waters, etc.).
And, finally, terrorist activity would have been practically impossible without financial support. Financing for terrorist organizations can be sourced from external and internal revenues. External sources include support from states, religious institutions, commercial and non-profit organizations, individuals, the population and diasporas, as well as from terrorist cells. These channels in relation to the North Caucasus prevailed in the 90s of the XX century The sources of domestic financing should include income derived from legal and illegal business, as well as other incomes, which include membership fees in the framework of an existing terrorist organization, assistance from wealthy terrorists who may be members of a terrorist organization, as well as racketeering. At the same time, it should be noted that in the last decade, the processes of globalization of the economy and the transition to the network structure of the organization have transformed the role of financial sources of terrorist groups, reducing the share of external revenues and at the same time increasing and diversifying internal ones. Thus, terrorist groups financially have become increasingly autonomous and self-sufficient.
At the beginning of the new millennium, the real structure of financing the terrorist underground in the North Caucasus was an extensive network, constantly changing its geography and structure, the total volume of circulating funds, and the share ratios of various sources. The main source of funding is extortion, which was theoretically justified as a "jihad tax." Among the general trends of recent years, one can also single out the reduction of revenues from external sources and, as in other
regions of the world, the strengthening of domestic financial support for terrorism, the diversification of internal sources, as well as the gradual financial "optimization" of the activities of the bandit underground, which, under severe pressure from the state, switched to a regime of self-restraint, learned how to spend the reduced volumes of financial income rather economically and effectively.
Consideration of the four most important areas of the development of terrorism under the guise of Islam in the North Caucasus - ideological, structural and organizational, practical (referring to the forms and methods of terrorists implementing specific political practices) and financial and economic - allows us to state the weight of the influence of an external factor on the process of emerging, ideological substantiation and functioning of the jihadist movement in the North Caucasus region of Russia. First of all, this was due to ideological, financial and other support from abroad and the presence in the ranks of the North Caucasian militants at different periods of time of a significant group of foreign "Mujahideen" from many countries of the Near and Middle East, other parts of the "Islamic world". The diverse and massive external assistance acted as a significant factor in the radicalization of the Wahhabi movement there. The role of Gulf monarchies led by Saudi Arabia looked unprecedented15.
It is obvious that though the situation over the past decade has qualitatively changed, but the external (exogenous) impact on regional ethnopolitical processes remains significant, significantly fueling the internal (endogenous) conflict factors that are characteristic of the modern Russian North Caucasus. At the same time, the cruelty of the "Mujahideen" not only towards Gentiles, but also to those Moslems who oppose them (for example, the local police) could not help creating an exclusion zone around them and reduced the base of their social support. In addition, as rightly pointed out by the domestic Islamic scholar S.Ya. Sushchi, "it is not known how honest and sincere in their radical convictions A. Astemirov and other underground activists
who motivated the creation of a terrorist system of taxing the local economy with the tasks of establishing a socially just society based on Sharia law in the region. But the dialectic of development is such that, having joined in the existing socioeconomic corruption schemes as one more link, "fighters for justice and religious purity" immediately began to evolve into another criminal roof of local administrative and economic clans"16. All this could not but compromise, to a significant extent, in the eyes of the local population, the Arab-Islamic project being carried out in the region.
The situation worsened after the neutralization of D. Umarov in November 2013. It was then that the turn of the North Caucasian Islamists from Al-Qaeda of Osama bin Laden to the "Islamic State" (IS) of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi began. Then, instead of the Caucasus Emirate project, a new Vilayet Caucasus project appeared, and many local militants went to Iraq and Syria to fight as part of the IS. In September 2015, Russia joined the fight against terrorists in Syria. At the same time, the structures of radical Islamists remaining in the North Caucasus were dealt devastating blows by Russian security forces. As a result, today the small destructive groups of radical Islamists have acquired the character of autonomous as well as "sleeping cells," with virtually no hierarchy.
Turan (Turkish) megaproject. After the intellectual failure of the Arab-Islamic project, not only in Chechnya, but throughout the North Caucasus, curatory over the remaining bandit underground remained in the region passed over mainly to the special services of the West and partly Turkey. The task of the ideologists of extremism was the creation of a new and already unified modification of the information-ideological matrix - the model of the desired future17.
Modern Turkey seeks to regain its leading position in the Balkans and in the Greater Caucasus and later - throughout the Islamic world18. Researcher I.I. Ivanova, noting the strengthening of Islam in the countries of the Near and Middle East in the 70s of
the twentieth century, wrote: "The Islamic factor revealed the need for the Turkish leadership to make statements that Turkey is a "truly Islamic country" and is ready to develop relations with "brothers in religion" in various fields; in the introduction of compulsory religious education in primary and secondary schools since 1982; in the arrests of the most radical religious figures and the prohibition of political organizations; in an attempt to mediate in regional disputes between Islamic states; in using the slogan of Islamic solidarity"19.
The model proposed by Turkey today takes into account and uses the Islamic factor and embeds pan-Islamism as an auxiliary factor for involving non-Turkic peoples in its orbit. The main idea of the pan-Islamist project is that Islam should become a "third world system", as Moslem ideologists want, with the necessary degree of integration of Moslem countries in all areas: economic, political, ideological, military, etc., contributes to the goals of Turkey, but subject to the dominance of the created model of pan-Turkic goals20.
Such an export version of pan-Turkism for the Moslem regions of Russia could well have become a geopolitical project, at one time proposed by adherents of the radical sect Nurdzhular. This international religious society was created at the beginning of the 20th century in Turkey. The founder of the society is Said Nursi, the author of the 14-volume composition "Risale-i Nur" ("Light Source"). During his life, Said Nursi had about five million followers. After the leader's death, 40 of his students formed 40 independent currents called by their names. Despite some unprincipled differences, the goal of the society and ideology are the same, namely: to achieve real influence and governance in Turkic-speaking and Moslem countries. To achieve these goals, there was set the task of involving new supporters in their ranks, educating them in their educational institutions and introducing them into state, military, law enforcement structures and authorities in the host country.
The most powerful organizationally and financially direction of Nurjular is the direction of Fethullahchilar, the leader of which is a Turkish billionaire Fethullah Gulen, former imam of a mosque in Izmir. After the military coup of 1980, he was forced to emigrate to Europe, and then to the United States, where he brought together immigrants from Turkey and the Balkan countries. One of the main methods of attracting supporters to the sect is to influence and promote their ideas through the media.
The works of Nursi and his follower Fethullah Gulen are prohibited in many countries, including Turkey itself. In their books, the Nursists call for overthrowing secular governments and replacing them with Sharia ones. According to Western intelligence agencies, Nursists are associated with the Gray Wolves terrorist organization21. Its plans include training kamikaze militants, as well as students who in the future should occupy key positions in the economy, science and management structures of different countries, including Russia.
The leader of the radical Islamic organization Fethullah Gulen and his associates did not conceal that their main goal is to capture Russia without any jihad. Gulen himself is currently on the international wanted list for preparing for a violent change in the constitutional order in his homeland (Turkey), sentenced in absentia to 10 years in prison, but to this day he lives quite comfortably in the United States. From there, he quite legally carries out operations to finance the ideological, sabotage and terrorist activities of the Nurjular branches in many countries, including Turkey and Russia. The authorities of the Republic of Turkey, apparently, are not groundlessly accusing Gulen of organizing another failed military coup in 2016.
The emphasis on education is the specific "handwriting" of Nurjular. Gulen initially paid great attention to educational projects, logically believing that future belongs to the young. The social base of Nurjular and other similar sects is mainly made up of the part of Moslems who, during modernization projects,
found themselves outside the usual social guidelines, outside the usual social niche (as a rule, these are young people). The main reason for the attractiveness of such projects is the inclusion of an Islamic component in their ideological doctrines. In turn, the peculiarities of Islamic doctrine itself, which consists in the presence of a sufficient number of provisions of a radical nature (jihad, interpreted as a holy war, is a struggle, first of all, not against bad inclinations, but against dissenters, both Moslems and representatives of other religions). Young people are simply seeking to make up for the lack of knowledge and attitudes, ideological guidelines by addressing the fundamental principles of the Moslem religion.
Interestingly, in the 90s, Fethullah Gulen's articles were published in almost all Russian Islamic newspapers, and his works in Russian were sold everywhere. In addition, his followers taught for nearly ten years in a number of Islamic educational institutions, including in the south of Russia, openly preaching their views with the support of very high-ranking regional officials.
For example, in Daghestan, Turkish colleges were built to select promising young people for subsequent recruitment. Since the Nursists fit in well with the traditional Daghestan Islamic structure and did not position themselves as its antagonists as Wahhabis did, it was more convenient for secret services to work on this model. The Daghestan nursists, having previously become the murids of the "right" sheikh and joining the "right" political party, perfectly adapted to the system of power in the republic22.
Listeners, who were, as a rule, on complete contentment, five times a week listened to lectures on the history and divine destiny of Pan-Turkism, the "chosenness" of the Turkish version of Islam and its special role in human life. The most diligent students of foreign colleges received an assignment to study in Turkey for a more fundamental development of Pan-Turkic theory and practice. The most gifted of them were offered
improvement of housing conditions, assistance in entering prestigious educational institutions in Turkey, Great Britain, France, Germany and the USA, and after graduation - good work in large Turkish firms, companies and representative offices at each candidate's location.
At the same time, the ideologists of "Nurjular", realizing that during one generation it is impossible to reorient entire nations and regions on the pro-Turkish path of development, in the sermons indicated that their followers needed to attract their children, and only then would they succeed. As a teaching aid, radical Islamist Turkists in their lessons used a well-published in many languages, but still an imaginary map of the future great "Turkic world". At the center of the universe, of course, is Turkey, which grows in northern Cyprus, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. Pan-Turkist cartographers include many regions of Russia, China, Iraq, Iran, Mongolia, Afghanistan and other now sovereign states to this "world".
The training took place both in joint lyceums at the place of residence, and with export to Turkey. Thus, in 1997, the sect organized the delivery to Turkey from Chechnya of about 20 schoolage children who were trained in a religious educational institution in the region of the town of Denezly. Organizers of the lyceums tried to "switch on" the Turkic factor, "cutting off" Russian influence as much as possible. And they didn't act straightforwardly, but inspired these ideas gradually.
The existence of joint lyceums and colleges created the necessary legal basis for a long stay in the North Caucasus of an unlimited number of Turkish citizens and favorable conditions for the implementation of reconnaissance and subversive actions. A large number of Turkish citizens entered Russia and were engaged in purposeful collection of information about the sociopolitical situation in the region, the environmental status of the Caspian Sea and its legal status, the oil and gas complex, interethnic and interfaith relations, sources of conflict factors,
locations of troops, etc. Later it turned out that many of them belonged to various nationalist and extremist parties and brotherhoods of the pan-Turkist trend and specially came to the Moslem regions of Russia in order to spread their ideas. To this end, the Turks signed up as post-graduate students at local universities and, on the pretext of working on dissertations, sent written information requests to various ministries and departments, using existing contacts, went directly to carriers of information of interest to them, and traveled to areas with compact residence of Turkic-speaking peoples. As a rule, the materials collected during such "scientific expeditions", to put it mildly, went beyond the scope of their scientific topics.
Due to the above circumstances, the activities of the Daghestan-Turkish educational institutions were declared illegal and subject to judicial termination23. Similar decisions were made in other constituent entities of the Russian Federation.
At the same time, one should not lose sight of the fact that the current round of determining the identification of Russia and its regions occurs during tectonic geopolitical shifts in international relations. Aggressive Western liberalism, extremism and terrorism, disguised as Islam, pan-Turkism and panturism in this context act as a means of pressure on world and regional politics, ensuring the realization of the global interests of the forces, sometimes very far from the interests of not only the peoples of Russia, but foreign Moslems, including Moslems Türk. Today, all three of the above geopolitical projects implemented in Russia have lost their potential to some degree. However, this does not mean at all that, when certain conditions arise, their initiators will not again try to restore their lost positions. It follows that it is premature to write them off from geopolitical accounts. These processes should remain in the field of vision of the Russian authorities and the scientific community.
References
I See about this: I.P. Dobaev. The Caucasian Macro-Region in the Focus of the Geopolitical Interests of the World Powers: Past and Present. - Rostov n / Don: Publishing House of the South Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, SSC RAS, 2007. - 208 p.
2. Petrovskaya O.V., Filyanova V.N. Foreign non-governmental non-profit and religious organizations in Russia. - Moscow: Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, 2011. - P. 13.
3. See about this in more detail: Dobaev I.P., Dugin A.G. The role and place of "color revolutions" in geopolitical transformations in the Caspian-Black Sea region // Eurasian project: Caucasian vector / YUzhnorossijskoe obozrenie. Issue No. 30. - 2005. - P. 66-95; Dobaev I.P., Dugin A.G. Geopolitical transformations of transformations in the Caucasus-Caspian region // Central'naya Aziya i Kavkaz. - 2005. - No. 5 (41). - P. 90-99; Dobaev I.P. Geopolitical interests of world powers in the Caucasian macro-region // Gosudarstvennoe i municipal'noe upravlenie. Uchenye zapiski SKAGS. -2006. - No. 3-4. - P. 128-139.
4. Dobaev I.P. Activity of Western Network Structures in the Southern Federal District in the Context of National and Regional Security //Konfliktologiya. -2006. No. 1. - P. 142.
5. See more about this: I.P. Dobaev. Network structures of "orange" in the Southern Federal District: threats to the national and regional security of Russia // Oranzhevye seti: ot Belgrada do Bishkeka [Orange networks: from Belgrade to Bishkek] / Responsible ed. Narochnitskaya N.A. - SPb: Aleteya, 2008. - P. 190-199.
6. Petrovskaya O.V., Filyanova V.N. The specified op. - P. 13.
7. Panov V. At whose expense is the "banquet"? [Electronic resource] - Access mode: // http: // www.stoletie.ru. Date of access: 02.07.2012.
8. Dobaev I.P. Wahhabism as a socio-political phenomenon in Saudi Arabia and the North Caucasus // Nauchnaya mysl' Kavkaza. - 2001. - No. 3. -P. 64-74.
9. See more about this: I.P. Dobaev. The radicalization of Islam in modern Russia. - Rostov-on-Don: Publishing house "Social'no-gumanitarnye znaniya", 2014. - 332 p.
10. Dobaev I.P. Islamist "takfir": definition of "enemies of Islam" // Rossiya i musul'manskij mir. - 2019. - No. 1 (311). - P. 83-101.
II Dobaev I.P. Holy war in Islam: essence, ideology, political practice // Rossiya i musul'manskij mir. - 2019. - No. 2 (312). - P. 112-128.
12. Dobaev I.P. Extremist non-governmental religious and political organizations as a means of geopolitics of the Islamic world // Filosofiya prava. - 2002. - No. 2 (6). - P. 91-100.
13. Dobaev I.P. The role and place of Islamic radicalism in the geopolitics of the Caucasus // Rossijskaya Federaciya segodnya. - 2002. - No. 4. - P. 23-35.
14 Dobaev I. P. Islamic radicalism in the context of the problem of military-political security in the North Caucasus /// Nauchnaya mysl' Kavkaza. -1999. - № 1. - Р. 54-58.
15. Dobaev I.P. North Caucasus: the process of "spreading jihad" // Rossiya i musul'manskij mir. - 2009. - № 9. - P. 50-61.
16. Sushchij S.YA. Islamic radicalism in modern Russia (evolution, forms, growth factors) // Izvestiya vysshih uchebnyh zavedenij. Severo-Kavkazskij region. Obshchestvennye nauki - 2013. - № 5 (177). - С. 146.
17. See more about this: G.A. Murklinskaya. Network war against Russia in the North Caucasus: reality and prospects // Islamskij faktor na YUge Rossii / YUzhnorossijskoe obozrenie. Issue № 72. - Moskva - Rostov-on-Don, Izd-vo "Social'no-gumanitarnye znaniya", 2012. - P. 8-36.
18. Dobaev I.P. Geopolitics of Turkey in the Caucasus// Izvestiya vysshih uchebnyh zavedenij. Severo-Kavkazskij region. Seriya: Obshchestvennye nauki. - 1999. - № 1. - Р. 10.
19. Ivanova I.I. The "Islamic factor" in the policy of the Turkish leadership after the 1980 military coup - Moskva, 2007. - Р. 127-139.
2°. Dobaev I.P. Pan-Turkism as an ideological substantiation of Turkey's policy towards the Caucasus / / Izvestiya vysshih uchebnyh zavedenij. Severo-Kavkazskij region. Obshchestvennye nauki - 2001. - № 3. - P. 15.
21. "Gray Wolves" is one of the oldest pan-Turkist organizations, has followers among the nationalist-minded intelligentsia in some republics of the North Caucasus - it was especially popular in the early 90s of the twentieth century.
22. Most of the Turkish followers of Nurcular are big businessmen who have created an entire empire of capital that controls influential media structures abroad. More than three hundred schools and universities controlled by the fraternity operate in 35 countries. For almost ten years, the Toros Foundation and the Eflyak firm operated in the North Caucasus, the Serhat firm in the Volga region, the Ufuk fund in Khakassia and Buryatia, in the Volga region, Moscow, Minsk, Rostov-on-Don, St. Petersburg - the Tolerance Foundation. In less than 15 years, "Nurdzhular" through subordinate structures has opened 24 special schools, 1 university, 1 university department, 3 language institutes in Russia.
23. In August 2002, several international Daghestan-Turkish colleges and lyceums operating in the republic in violation of the established legislation were liquidated in Daghestan. At the end of May 2007, a Moscow court declared Russian translations of fourteen books by the Turkish philosopher Said Nursi extremist. The fact that these books are extremist was proved by the socio-psychological and psychological-linguistic examination of the texts carried out by the Institute of Linguistics of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Psychology of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
