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COMPARISON OF UZBEK AND UZBEK LANGUAGES THROUGH ANGLICISMS
Kavilova Laura Aquilina
Jizzakh State Pedagogical University Jizzakh, Uzbekistan https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10791717
ARTICLE INFO
Received: 29th February 2024 Accepted: 06th March 2024 Online: 07th March 2024
KEYWORDS Anglicisms, borrowings,
affixation, derivation,
morphological adaptation.
ABSTRACT
This article investigates the utilization of English loanwords in texts written in French and Uzbek. It analyzes materials from scientific linguistic literature pertaining to the concepts of "borrowing"and "anglicism," as well as the initial integration of English lexical units into the French and Uzbek languages. Through empirical evidence, this study delves into: 1) the phonetic, semantic, and morphological adaptation of Anglicisms within the texts of French and Uzbek texts; 2) the initial documentation of English lexical units in historical business documents of both languages; 3) the role of English words in enhancing the vocabulary of the languages in question; and 4) English lexical units absent from French and Uzbek explanatory dictionaries.
Presently, owing to advancements in linguistic studies, the categorization of borrowed words is undergoing diverse transformations. There is a systematic introduction of new terminology and a terminological corpus aimed at enhancing foreign language vocabulary comprehension. Notably, the emergence of terms such as quasi-borrowings, referring to words of uncertain origin, and hybrid words, which are Russian constructs formed from borrowed elements but conforming to Russian language rules, exemplify this evolution. Additionally, xenisms, which are borrowed words retaining their original spelling, gender, and number in the recipient language, are further categorized into diaxenisms, paleoxenisms, and extranisms, denoting exotic vocabulary or words from foreign linguistic realms. Alienisms represent vocabulary specific to distinct linguistic communities, while internationalisms encompass words with shared graphical and phonetic characteristics across different languages, either wholly or partially coinciding in meaning. Furthermore, regionalisms denote internationally recognized words with varying sounds, semantics, and graphical representations due to genetic differences.
In recent decades, French has experienced a notable influx of Anglicisms across various domains, including technology, business, fashion, and popular culture. Words such as "email," "smartphone," "weekend," and "marketing" have seamlessly integrated into everyday French
vocabulary, reflecting the pervasive influence of English in modern society. This phenomenon is particularly evident in urban centers and among younger generations who are more exposed to English-language media and communication channels.
Several factors contribute to the prevalence of Anglicisms in the French language. Globalization and the dominance of English in international business, technology, and entertainment play a significant role in the adoption of English terms by French speakers. Additionally, the internet and social media have facilitated the rapid dissemination of English-language content, further accelerating the spread of Anglicisms. Moreover, the perceived modernity, efficiency, and international appeal associated with English contribute to its widespread adoption in French discourse.
The influx of Anglicisms in French has sparked debates regarding linguistic purity, cultural identity, and language preservation. Traditionalists lament the dilution of the French language and advocate for the preservation of its linguistic heritage. They argue that excessive Anglicisms threaten the integrity of French and erode its distinctiveness as a language. Conversely, proponents of linguistic evolution argue that language is dynamic and reflects societal changes over time. They view Anglicisms as enriching the French lexicon, allowing for greater expressiveness, and facilitating communication in an increasingly globalized world [1].
French is renowned as one of the most challenging languages to learn worldwide. Mastering the grammatical laws and rules poses a significant hurdle for learners of French as a foreign language.
When comparing the Uzbek and French languages, intriguing similarities and differences emerge, shedding light on their linguistic relationship.
Similarities between French and Uzbek languages include:
- Numerals: Both languages categorize numerals based on grammatical features and meaning, distinguishing between ordinal and quantitative numerals. However, in Uzbek, numerals remain uninflected, while in French, they possess the ability to change according to cases, similar to nouns.
- Verb Moods: Both languages share three moods of verbs: imperative, indicative, and subjunctive. This commonality provides a foundational structure for expressing various nuances in speech and writing.
In the compilation of M. Behbudi's works, assembled and edited for publication by Professor B. Kasimov, the article "Every nation is proud of its language" (1914) emphasizes the importance of preserving language and literature to safeguard national identity. The author warns against excessive incorporation of foreign dictionaries and words, cautioning that such practices may lead to the erosion of native language and culture. Thus, protecting the language from foreign influences is deemed a paramount task [2].
Anglicisms, including words like "cheque" (from English "check"), "tunnel" (from English "tunnel"), "companie" (from English "company"), and "tram" (from English "tramway"), have penetrated the French language over time.
To understand the semantic structure of these words in French and Uzbek, it is necessary to examine the original sources. For instance, the word "check" has been
documented in French business documents since the late 18th century, as evidenced by phrases like "..Il a écrit, eh bien... à propos des chèques, il y a tellement de Tchèques d'affaires anciennes et nouvelles qui ne conviennent pas."
The differences between the Uzbek and French languages extend beyond their linguistic origins:
- Morphological Structure: In Uzbek, each morphological aspect of a word is expressed through distinct morphemes added to the stem in a specific sequence, allowing for easy deconstruction of words into their constituent parts. For instance, "qo'shiq-chi-la-ri-mizga" (to our singers) breaks down as: "qo'shiq" (song) + "-chi" (word-formative affix) + "-lar" (plural suffix) + "-imiz" (suffix indicating possession) + "-ga" (suffix indicating the dative case). In contrast, French morphology involves a variety of methods including suffixes, prefixes, and alterations to the root of the word, such as "joindre" and "re-joindre", as well as letter alternations, replacements, and accent changes [3].
o Use of Prepositions: Uzbek relies on suffixes or additional words following the main word to convey prepositional relationships, whereas French utilizes prepositions extensively. o Alternating letters in the root of the word: je bois- nous buvons, o Alternating several letters: "mettre" - "mets", "prendre" - "prends", o Replacing the word: "personne" - "gens", "enfants" - "gamins", o Change of accent: "préférer" - "préfère".
o Grammatical Categories: French incorporates grammatical categories that have no counterpart in Uzbek, demonstrating fundamental differences in their linguistic structures and complexities.
Here we mean species, genus, inanimate or animate. For example, in Uzbek the pronoun "u" can mean "he", "she", "it", and not only an animate person is implied.
• In French, sentences also follow a rigid word order. For example, Je suis sorti pour acheter du pain // "Men non uchun chiqgan edim." We cannot say: "Pour le pain je suis sorti." This would be grammatically incorrect. To intensify the reason we can add "C'est" - C'est pour le pain que je suis sorti. Moreover, in the Uzbek language, the verb consistently occupies the last place in the sentence, when, as in French, it always comes after the subject and before the object. [4]
• Difference in word formation of nouns.
For example, in French, when forming a noun denoting a person's profession, different word-forming suffixes can be used: fermier/fermière, directeur/directrice, avocat/avocat+e, etc.
In the Uzbek language, the indication of belonging to a profession is typically conveyed through the suffix "-chi". Consequently, we observe formations such as "musiqachi" (musicien), "sut sog'uvchi" (trayeur), and "kuzatuvchi" (controlleur), where the suffix "-chi" signifies the association with a specific occupation or profession.
Indeed, with a thorough examination of the similarities and differences between languages, the challenge of learning French and Uzbek as foreign languages becomes entirely surmountable. By understanding the shared linguistic elements and distinct characteristics of each language, learners can develop effective strategies for acquiring proficiency in both
French and Uzbek. Through dedicated study and practice, individuals can navigate the complexities of grammar, vocabulary, and cultural nuances, ultimately achieving fluency and mastery in these languages.
References:
1. Bash L.M. Differentiation of the term "borrowing": chronological and etymological aspects // Bulletin of Moscow University. Ser. 9. Philology. - M., 1989. - P. 27-31.
2. Dolimov Sh.Z. A brief glossary of military terms. - Tashkent, 2007. - 394 p.
3. Kavilova, Laura-Aquilina. "The case of prefixation in uzbek and french neologisms." Pedagogical sciences and teaching methods, 2023.
4. Madrakhimov I. On the issue of the composition of lexemes in the Uzbek language.// Uzbek language and literature. 2002. No. 4, p. 29-32.
5. Mengliev B.R. Modern Uzbek literary language. - Karshi, 2004
6. Volotov D.A. Battle vocabulary of French origin in the Russian language of the first half of the 19th century (based on the epic novel by L.N. Tolstoy "War and Peace"): Diss. ...cand. Philol. Sci. - Yaroslavl, 2014. - 179 p.
