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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
Калужский государственный университет имени К.Э. Циолковского, Калуга, Россия Доцент кафедры философии и культурологии, кандидат социологических наук
Kaluga State University named after K. E. Tsiolkovski, Kaluga, Russia Associate Professor of Philosophy and Cultural Studies Department PhD in Sociology kazakova. a. u@yandex. ru
ЗАПАХ ДОМА:
ОЛЬФАКТОРНЫЕ ОБРАЗЫ ПРОСТРАНСТВЕННО-ВРЕМЕННЫХ ФРЕЙМОВ
Запах рассматривается как культурно-коммуникативный код. Собранные с помощью теста свободных ассоциаций реакции студентов на слова-стимулы, означающие определенные топосы, значимые как элементы образа жизни и (или) ценностей, были формализованы и подвергнуты частотному, дискриминантному и факторному анализу для ответа на следующие вопросы. Какие одора-тивные ассоциации конвенциональны, что является источником изменчивости, в какой степени жилищные условия влияют на обонятельный образ окружающей среды? Такие фреймы, как Новый год, Старые здания (объекты культурного наследия) и Больница, присущи студентам как наиболее распространенные (сверхсоциальные) культурно -ментальные и культурно-чувственные образы. Образ Спортзала гендерно поляризован; он приятен юношам и неприятен девушкам. Девушки вообще более чувствительны к запахам и имеют большую обонятельную палитру, которая выражается в большем количестве вербальных реакций. Определяющими факторами позитивного или негативного восприятия того или иного набора запахов, характеризующих образы Дома и Бедности как источников наибольшей изменчивости, являются жилищные условия. Все многообразие обонятельных характеристик дома делится на две парадигматические образные модели: «плохой» дом и «хороший» дом. Обе они опираются на одинаковые критерии распознавания запахов, среди которых основную долю составляют запах пищи и гигиенических средств. Главное, чем они отличаются, - это то, как
образ дома взаимодействует с образами более широкого окружающего пространства, окрашивая их в положительные или отрицательные тона, дополняя их или вступая с ними в конфликт.
Ключевые слова: фрейм, ольфакторный образ, невербальная семиотика, благополучие, жилищные условия, привязанность к дому.
SMELL OF HOME: OLFACTORY IMAGES IN TIME-SPATIAL FRAMES
The smell is considered as a cultural and communicative code. Student's reactions to words-incentives, meaning certain topos, significant as elements of lifestyle and (or) values have been collected through the test of free associations. These reactions were formalized and subjected to frequency, discriminant and factor analysis to answer the following questions. What smell associations are of conventional nature? What is the source of variability? To what extent housing conditions affect the olfactory image of the environment? Such frames as New Year, Old buildings (Cultural Heritage objects) and Hospital are the most common (over - social) cultural - mental and cultural-sensual images inherent in students. The Gym is a gender polarized image, pleasant for boys and unpleasant for girls. Girls in general are more sensitive to smells and have a greater olfactory palette, which is expressed in a greater number of verbal reactions. The determinants of positive or negative perception of a set of smells that mark images of Home and Poverty as sources of the highest variability are housing condi-
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| 3 (36) 2019 |
Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
tions. All variety of the house's olfactory characteristics of is divided into two paradigmatic image models: "bad" house and "good" house. Both are designed using the same criteria for the allocation of odors, among which the main share is the smell of food and sanitation. The main thing how they differ is the way the
image of the house interacts with the images of the wider surrounding space, painting them in positive or negative tones, complementing them or entering into conflict.
Key words: frame, olfactory image, nonverbal semiotics, well-being, housing, home appreciation.
1. Introduction
Currently, the mnemonic and oriented functions of olfactory images are hardly used. The ability of dogs to identify certain odors has long been successfully used in the field of law enforcement1. Marketing is exploiting smells most intensively. Aromapoligraphy is used in trade2. Retail chains, restaurant business3 use dispensers. They benefit from smell and become channels for increasing the diversity of odors in urban space themselves.
The possibility of broadcasting the smell to enhance the media effect4 has been in discussion since the time of M. McLuhan, and relevant tech-
1 Stitt, B.G. (1991). Practical, ethical and political aspects of engaging "man's best friend" in the war on crime. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 1, Vol. 5: 5365.
2 Havenko, S.F., Kotmaljova, E.G., Labetska, M.T., Khadzhynova, S.Y. (2013). Using aromoprinting for finishing and labeling printing products. Internet-zhurnal Naukovedenie [Online journal of Science], 3 (16): 59. URL: https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n7using-aromoprinting-for-finishing-and-labeling-printing-products
3 Barbas, S. (2003). "I'll take chop suey": Restaurants as agents of culinary and cultural change. Journal of Popular Culture, 4, Vol. 36: 669-686.
4 Ocheretyany, K.A. (2018). The Destiny of Body in
Digital Age. Studia Culturae, 37: 59-66.
nical innovations are already emerging5. The development of nanotechnology will certainly raise some related questions of social risks of olfactory communication "in military applications, consumer products, and workplace safety "6.
At the same time, odorous images have not only direct, but also indirect impact, involving as-sociatively linked cultural meanings and thus 186 arousing oppressive or stimulating, positive or negative feelings and states. Aromatherapy and religious rituals7, theater and performance8 traditionally use psychological potential of smells.
5 Tugaryov, A.V. (2010). Sistema dlya peredachi zapa-hov na rasstoyanie. Patent na izobretenie RUS 2407578 28.01.2010 [System for transmission of odors at a distance. Patent for invention RUS 2407578 28.01.2010]. URL: http: //www. freepatent. ru/patents/2407578.
6 Pense, Ch.M., Cutcliffe, S.H. (2007). Risky talk: Framing the analysis of the social implications of nan-otechnology. Bulletin of Science, Technology and Society, 5, Vol. 27: 349-366. P. 349.
7 Lesovichenko, A.M. (2017). Blagovonie v rituale kak hudozhestvenno-ehsteticheskaya problema [Incense in ritual as artistic and aesthetic problem]. In: G.R. Kon-son (ed.) Iskusstvovedenie v kontekste drugih nauk v Rossii i za rubezhom: Paralleli i vzaimodejstviya. Sbornik trudov Mezhdunarodnoj nauchnoj konferencii [Art history in the context of other sciences in Russia and abroad: Parallels and interactions. Proceedings of the International scientific conference]. Moscow: Lim-
| 3 (36) 2019 |
Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
The symbolic role of smells is most fully revealed in perfumery9 as a business and as an art of body aesthetization10 through the integration of a personal habitual image into a wider context of interacting images and emotionally loaded motives. Smell identification and interpretation of a person's social status based on smell are the part of propositional knowledge, which "is phylogenet-ically new, highly symbolic, culturally acquired, exclusively human and expressible in different natural and artificial languages''"'1'1.
In contrast to the intensive development of the problems of semiochemistry in biological communication, discursive-semiotic studies of smell as a means of social communication and as a cultural code12 were barely born. So, all the above makes the relevance of the topic, which is considered in this article.
Theoretical framework
Attempts to consider the role of smell as a social medium, "that affects our ways of knowing, understanding and (re)creating social realities,
ited liability company "Publishing house "Consent": 256-262.
8 Banes, S. (2001). Olfactory performances TDR. The Drama Review, 1, Vol. 45: 68-76.
9 Lesovichenko, A.M. Op.cit.
10 Berry, K. (2007). Embracing the catastrophe. Gay body seeks acceptance. Qualitative Inquiry, 2, Vol. 13: 259-281.
11 Musacchio, J.M. (2002). Dissolving the explanatory gap: Neurobiological differences between phenomenal and propositional knowledge. Brain and Mind, 3, Vol. 3: 331-365. P. 331.
12 Kabakova, G.I. (1999). Zapah [Smell]. In: Tolstoj,
N.I. (ed.) Slavyanskie drevnosti. EHtnolingvisticheskij
slovar' [Slavic antiquities. Ethnolinguistic dictionary].
Moscow: Institute of Slavonic studies of the Russian
Academy of Sciences, Vol. 2: 266-269. URL:
http://ec-dejavu.ru/s-2/Smell-3.html
premised upon the use of smell as a moral judgments of others'"13, are just invisible in modern knowledge. Sociology and cultural studies owe the rarity of such attempts to the fact that the smell stubbornly resists digitalization14, without which the transformation of individual experience into a conventional cultural form becomes almost impossible in the modern era.
In this survey the author relies mainly on the semiotics approach and constructivist methodology of frame analysis. In the first case, the smell is considered as a metaphor15. In the second case, the smell is an analogue of social action, derived from the generating model of a frame.
The use of frame analysis to identify the image of space16 is not new. In fact, nothing more than a frame in reality underlies the functional zoning of urban space, which can be understood 187 as "the process and the result of the division of the city into fundamentally different territories, regulated at the administrative level, but manifested implicitly and ... reflected in the minds of citizens, fixed in the patterns of their behavior, as well as meeting their various goals, habits and behav-
13 Low, K.E.Y. (2005). Ruminations on smell as a so-ciocultural phenomenon. Current Sociology, 3, Vol. 53: 397-417. P. 397.
14 Ocheretyany, K.A. (2018). The Destiny of Body in Digital Age. Studia Culturae, 37. P. 59-66.
15 Cresswell, T. (1997). Weeds, plagues, and bodily secretions: A geographical interpretation of metaphors of displacement. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 2, Vol. 87: 330-345.
16 Suhonosova, S.V. (2016). Vozmozhnosti frejm-analiza v formirovanii obraza goroda u studentov-kul'turologov: k postanovke problemy [Frame-analysis potential in formation of the image of a city instudents-culturologists: problem formulation]. Pedagogicheskoe obrazovanie v Rossii [Pedagogical education in Russia], 1: 227-232.
| 3 (36) 2019 |
Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
iors"17. The most important point of reference in the construction of mental maps of the city by its residents is such a node as their own house, from which the "laying" of the path of movement begins18. In all cases, frame analysis operates with those elements of images that are based on visual perception. E.Á. Bogdanova pays attention to this fact, considering the sound background of the space of rural everyday life as an alternative to the visual source of sociological information19. The importance of studying the non-visual components of the urban environment is evidenced by the appearance in 2014 of the conference proceedings dedicated to the sound component of the urban landscape20. These certainly successful attempts can be rightfully continued by adding smell to the structure of implicit propositional knowledge about a particular type of space and the social communication taking place in this space both as its channel and as a special content.
17 Pirockaya, A.V., Karpov, A.E. (2014). Vospriyatie zhitelyami funkcional'nogo zonirovaniya v gorodah [Residents ' perception of functional zoning in cities]. Vestnik NGU. Seriya: Social'no-ehkonomicheskie nauki [Bulletin of NSU. Series: Socio-economic Sciences], 1: 170-179. Р.171
18 Ivanova, V.V., Dits, E.A. (2015). The images of territory in the perception of its residents (for example of Academgorodok). Mir ehkonomiki i upravleniya (Vestnik NGU. Seriya: Social'no-ehkonomicheskie nauki) [The world of economics and management (Bulletin of Novosibirsk state University. Series: Socio-economic Sciences)], 4: 139-146.
19 Bogdanova, E.A. (2017). Rethinking Public and Private in an Acoustic Community: Investigation of Contemporary Russian Village. Summary. Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research, 1:158-160
20 Invisible Places. Sounding cities. Sound, Urbanism and Sense of Place: Proceedings 18-20 July 2014. (2014). Viseu, Portugal. Jardins Efemeros: IV Edicao. 794 p.
But olfactory images are more complicated and lend themselves to reflection with great difficulty. Of course, as a species, "humans occupy a low step on the sensitivity scale"21, and none of the known classifications of smell is final because of the subjectivism introduced into them. But it has played an important evolutionary role in the relationship between predator and prey, the owner of the territory with neighbors, parents with offspring, in the search for marriage partners22. So, it could not be completely excluded from the processes of social distinction, orientation and establishment of hierarchies. Signal function of smell is evolutionarily weakened and deliberately suppressed by cultural norms23, rules of decency. But the perceived aggressiveness of the object of disgust still forces us to defend ourselves: to flee or to attack24.
21 Thome, B.M. (2006). Obonyanie (olfaction). In: Korsini, R., Auehrbah, A. (eds.) Psihologicheskaya ehnciklopediya [Psychological encyclopedia] (2 edition). URL:https://knigi.news/uchebniki-psiholog/obonyanie-olfaction-44091.html.
22 Grammer, K., Fink, B., Moller, A.P., Thornhill, R. (2003). Darwinian aesthetics: sexual selection and the biology of beauty. Biological Reviews, 3, Vol. 78: 385-407.
23 Pankratova, A.A., Lyusin, D.V. (2016). Pravila proyavleniya ehmocij v russkoj i azerbajdzhanskoj kul'turah [Emotional display rules in Russian and Azerbaijani cultures]. Psihologicheskie issledovaniya: ehlektronnyj nauchnyj zhurnal [Psychological researches: electronic scientific journal], 48, Vol. 9: 11.
24 Petuhova, V.N. (2017). Problema otvrashcheniya v sovremennoj psihologii [The problem of revulsion in modern psychology]. In: Sovremennaya psihologiya: Materialy V Mezhdunar. nauch. konf. (g. Kazan', ok-tyabr' 2017 g.) [Modern psychology: materials of the V intern. science. Conf. (Kazan, October 2017)]. Kazan': Buk: 4-19. URL https://moluch.ru/conf/psy/archive/254/13046/.
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
So, here we first try to identify some olfactory images, fitting time - spatial frames of some social moods of being. They are in part directed by socially determined life-styles, in part they are culturally conditioned and that's why common for different social conditions.
Problem statement
Does any rigid conventional set of smells marking time - spatial frames as friendly or hostile exist?
Can we feel comfort or discomfort from staying in certain spaces, oikophobic state, satisfaction or dissatisfaction with housing in dependence on such a set? In other words, how clearly can the smell, especially bad smell, serve as a reliable marker, identifier, and discriminator of dilapidated, deprived, uncanny dwelling?
Are there any significant differences between people with good and bad housing conditions in the ability to operate on a set of stable odor signs as markers of prosperous and dysfunctional space-time frames? If "Yes", is this set richer or poorer for those who experience housing deprivation, compared to those who live in more or less prosperous and comfortable conditions?
We assume that this set for housing-deprived people has to be scarcer. Its reduction will reflect the adaptation to the oppressive situation - the ability to get used to bad smells in the room, so as not to notice them. In favor of this hypothesis experiment's results of a psychiatrists team, showed that patients with severe depression have greatly reduced olfactory sensitivity compared to the control group of mentally healthy people of the same age, sex and attitude to smok-
ing25, say, for example. At the same time, we can assume the opposite - not a loss, but an exacerbation of olfactory sensitivity in housing-deprived people, precisely because of more frequent contacts with sources of bad smells, and hence a higher ability to distinguish, describe and remember them.
2. Material and methods
This article presents the results of the experiment testing the olfactory patterns of certain spaces and situations. It was based on the free Association method applied to students of Kaluga State University to reveal "friendliness-hostility" of smell characteristics of the following frames: New Year, Childhood, Hospital, University, Old pre-revolutionary building, Poverty, Moscow, Ka-
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luga, Neighborhood, and Home. Students were -
limited in response time and in the number of reactions. There could not be more than three associations with each of the stimulus words. For each reaction it was also necessary to indicate whether the smell is pleasant or unpleasant in the perception of the student. For each incentive, the sum of points ranges from -3 to 3. We've included calculated variables in the array: the Balance of "good" and "bad" smell reactions and the Middle assessment of all smells.
Thus, we have planned and completed the following tasks.
1. To determine if the above-mentioned space-time frames (New Year, Home, etc.) include stable, repetitive, overlapping social boundaries images-smells. The most obvious indicators of
25 Pause, B.M., Miranda, A., Goder, R., Aldenhoff, J.B., Ferstl, R. (2001). Reduced olfactory performance in patients with major depression. Journal of Psychiatric Research, 5, Vol. 35: 271-277.
| 3 (36) 2019 |
Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
social differences and sources of inequality at this stage of the life cycle and within the same educational institution for students is the status of "local residents" or nonresidents. This means, firstly, differences in the degree of "comprehension" of the surrounding space, the availability of immediate social support in case of difficulties, different quality of life (in the hostel and beyond), different conditions of socialization, including the spatial environment and filling it with smells and other signals. Therefore, we considered the influence of such independent variables as the Constant /temporary residence in Kaluga, Living conditions (daily shuttle migration between the place of residence and place of study, accommodation in a hostel, etc.), the type of Settlement in which the childhood of the subject was spent.
2. To determine in what way the olfactory images of different spaces / situations, ordered by the degree of proximity to the subject, are related to each other or contradict each other. First of all, it is the consistency of the image of the primary home space and secondary spaces. To clarify the favorable image of home space, incentives New Year and Childhood, which are culturally related to the home and in normal conditions should have an unconditional positive coloring, were introduced. The secondary spaces include: Microdistrict (the neighborhood) as the nearest physical and social environment of the house, Kaluga (the city as a whole), Moscow (the capital as a remote and for many people desirable social space, a symbol of success in life). Poverty was introduced as a contrast to stereotype of the capital's way of life. In addition, the University as the place of the main activity of students and the places where students appear sporadically (Gym as the embodiment of health and Hospital as the embodiment of
disease, as well as Objects of cultural heritage as the material embodiment of historical and cultural identity of the city, concentrated in the historical center, which attracts the bulk of students for leisure activity), are important for the formation of socio-spatial hierarchies.
3. To reveal their distinctive force in relation to the student's housing situation taking into account their gender differences and differences in conditions of socialization (village, small town, etc.). So, students of junior courses (first and second) were tested, n=211. Leveling on the sex is not done, because all groups of students of humanitarian specialties were tested on the principle of availability, and within groups, the selection was not conducted: all the students attending the classes were tested. Thus, the array consists of 40 boys and 171 girls, what, however, reflects the 190 actual contingent in the Humanities. The main part lives in a hostel (40.98%). Majority lives in apartments belonging to parents. Mainly (50.8%) it is multifamily housing stock, including communal apartments (9.01% of sample), an apartment separate for family where students do not have their own room (8.20%), separate apartment where students have separate room too (33.61%). Minor part (about 8%) lives in one-family private housing. So, the proportion of people living in favorable (individual private housing or apartment in which a student has own room) and unfavorable (hostel, communal apartment, overpopulated parent apartment) living conditions are equal.
Since all University dormitories are concentrated in the historical centre and students who rent accommodation prefer to live closer to the University, the different areas of the city are extremely heterogeneous: 46.4% of students live in central historical part of city, 23.2% live in central
| 3 (36) 2019 |
Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
areas of the city with the predominant modern buildings, 12.5% are residents of the outskirts, 11.6% live in suburban area and 6.3% of students every day make shuttle migrations from the house located in the districts of the Kaluga region, neighboring to the municipality, to the place of study and back.
At least, the distribution of subjects on the basis of the type of settlement in which they spent their childhood is also very heterogeneous.14.8% of students spent their childhood in the village. 16.8% lived in urban villages (urban-type settlements) before entering the University. 20.1% live permanently in small towns. 39.7% are permanent residents of Kaluga or the city of regional subordination - the first academic town of Russia Obninsk. It is not too big, but it is located closer to Moscow and many people regard its prestige higher than that of the regional center. Finally, 8.6% of students are residents of the capital. These are Muscovites, who are attracted by the cheapness of training, and immigrants from the former Soviet republics (Yerevan, Kiev etc.). In total nonresidents of Kaluga prevail. They make up 73%, while natives and permanent residents of the regional center, respectively, 27%.
In automatic data processing in IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows 20, connectivity of scales using Cronbach's alpha, the importance of distributions using Kruskal-Wallis independent samples were tested. We also compared the mean values and applied factor and discriminant analysis.
3. Discussion
3.1. Main olfactory attributes of frames: Common features
Reliability test using Cronbach's alpha showed a high internal consistency of each separate series of reactions (see table 1). Images of the
Microdistrict (neighborhood), Hospital, and Cultural heritage objects have the highest connectivity: one reaction is supplemented by reactions that do not conflict with the first, repeating evaluation of this the first. Images of the New Year, Childhood and University, despite their positive coloring, are excessively detailed or (as a University) unstable, contradictory. But in general, all the reactions show a fairly high consistency.
Table 1. Internal Reliability Statistics
Points Cronbach's N of Items
Alpha
New Year ,736 3
Childhood ,745 3
Hospital ,908 3
University ,778 3
Sports Hall ,889 3
Cultural heritage ,901 3
object
Poverty ,869 3
Moscow ,862 3
Kaluga ,897 3
Microdistrict ,928 3
Home ,892 3
As shown by summary table 2, we can identify a number of frames with unconditionally positive coloration (score above the median average, standard deviation below the median), with a definitely negative coloration (score below the median average, standard deviation below the median) and contradictory images: unstable positive (score above the median, but the standard deviation above the median) and unstable negative (score below the median, but the standard deviation is also above the median). The first type includes: New Year, Childhood, University. The second type includes Hospital, Sport halls and Poverty.
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
The third type includes: Moscow, Microdistrict (Neighborhood) and Home. The fourth type includes: Cultural Heritage Object and Kaluga.
Table 2. Descriptive Statistics of frames * Summary smell assessments
Variables N Mean Std. Deviation
New Year 211 1,99 1,007
Childhood 211 1,3602 1,00623
Hospital 211 -,9953 1,25546
University 211 ,2464 ,74701
Sports Hall 211 -,5829 1,13662
Cultural Heritage Object 173 -,3526 1,59849
Poverty 101 -1,0099 ,91099
Moscow 166 ,2349 1,35700
Kaluga 117 ,0855 1,50042
Microdistrict 134 ,3582 1,40570
Home 167 ,4132 1,65466
Average Assessment 201 0,2166 0,4213
The median 173 0,235 1,255
As expected, the smells of the New Year and Childhood are rated above all. The Hospital, the Cultural Heritage Object and Poverty got the lowest scores. The next reactions are most frequent for it.
For the New Year this is the smell of tangerines (63% of the first reactions and about 10% of additional reactions) and Christmas trees (spruce, pine, needles), which make up 12% of the first reactions and about 30% of additional reactions.
A large variety of Childhood-related odors does not allow distinguishing among them several definitely dominant odors. Natural scents are extremely individualized, full of details. Water spray, clay, rain, nettle, summer, jasmine, wild-flowers, hay, freshly cut grass, street flowers (in the city) and just flowers, apples, even the sun and
summer always smell good. Taken together, these natural odors make up 20% of the first reactions and over 16% of the second reactions. Pies, pancakes (with options - "grandmother'spancakes" or "mother'spies'"), rolls, pastries make up a total of 16% of the first reactions and never appear in second place. The second important note in the olfactory image of Childhood is determined by individual female smells: mother's smell or grandmother's smell (about 10%). 9% of primary reactions and 4.7% of additional reactions occupy a variety of sweets: candy, chocolate, Lollipop, cotton candy, marshmallows. Among the natural smells the smell of greenery is expressed stronger than others. In the composition of the odors attached to the house, odors of loving and caring women and of homemade cakes, dominated. So, greens, mother and cakes constitute the archetypal image of happy home childhood.
Chemical odors define the image of the Hospital. Medications (tablets) accounted for 63% of all first reactions. Medical alcohol (12%) and chlorine (8%) are the following. In the second stage, the dominant reactions are the same, in the same ratio. The hospital is associated with death and old age, so harmless, though sharp, smells of alcohol and chlorine are frightening and often accompanied by "explaining" additions: death, cold, tears, pain, blood, old people, old age, grandmothers, queues, porridge, and foul bed linen. These odoriferous ranks are very close to perception of Poverty and ancient buildings (Cultural heritage object).
Cultural heritage objects exude a smell of: dampness (18.5% of all first reactions), dust (14.7% of all first reactions), history/antiquity/past (this smell, which accounts for almost 8% of all first reactions, tends to be evalu-
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
ated positively, in contrast to the smells of "junk", "dilapidated" and just "old age", which are about 9% and are estimated purely negative). It's a complex, multi-component odor. It includes: slums (3%), chalk, plaster (2%), mold (3%) and musti-ness (4%), but the main note in this smell is wood and wooden products, in particular paper, old and rotting. Old paper, wet newspapers, (old) books make up about 6% of reactions. Rot, soil, rotting / wet wood, (old) wood, wooden floors together form 9% of the first reactions.
For the Poverty main smells are: dirt (with options: dirty bed linen, dirty or sweaty, unwashed body, stale smell, mustiness, rot, garbage, garbage can - about 12.5%), damp (8%), smell of old things/ clothes/rubbish/junk/decrepitude (7%), alcohol (5%). Smells of food and of the lack of food ("Doshirak", "tasty" food, rice, burnt porridge, bread, hunger) are about 11%. Reactions are for the most part isolated, imaginative and often unexpected: a wet smelly rag, a bum, fly agarics, mold, a basement, the smell of me, etc.
In general, the olfactory image of the surrounding reality, as shown by the average for all images assessment in Table 2, is quite unpleasant. Discriminant analysis allowed us to find out for whom the world "smells nasty".
3.2. Predictive ability of odors and predictability of odors
One can see that the first quick reaction reproduces the most common cultural pattern. Additional reactions have a much greater variability of social origin. The series of non-parametric tests has shown that all used independent variables are sources of some olfactory images variability. Table 3 presents them in summary.
As can be seen from the table 3, the least predictable are estimates of Home and Poverty odors, which are influenced by too many factors. The fewer factors are involved in the formation of a frame, the easier it is to predict the quality of the frame. This means that the level of crowding in the home (variable People in bedroom) can accurately predict the character of olfactory images of Home and Poverty. Conversely, the quality of living conditions can predict the frequency of contact with sources of unpleasant odors, the placement of housing in a certain part of the city can predict the prevalence of unpleasant odors over pleasant, and the conditions in which childhood was spent let predict the severity (intensity) of reactions to both bad and pleasant smell. What smells have the greatest distinctive force, discriminate analysis verifies.
3.2.1. Sources of Variability Sex Distinctions
Girls in general are more sensitive to smells and have a greater olfactory palette, which is expressed in a greater number of verbal reactions per Respondent. As shown by discriminant analysis with the inclusion of all the above independent variables, the perception of Poverty has the greatest dividing force in relation to the dependent variable Sex. With a reliability of 67.3%, such variables as Poverty and New Year classify subjects by sex, but reliably identify only female perception (observations with a value of "girl" accurately classified 73.7%, while observations with a value of "boy" accurately classified only 40%). Also there are noticeable differences between some male and female olfactory images, mainly: Moscow and Sports hall. These differences indicate the traditional gender division.
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
Table 3. Nonparametric Test for Independent samples
Independent
Dependent Sex People in Residence in Ka- Housing Childhood_Pl City Zone
Variables bedroom luga (Y es/No) ace
Null Si Null Si Null Sig Null Si Null Si Null Si
Hypothe gn Hypothe gn Hypothesis n. Hypothe gn Hypothe gn Hypothe gn
sis sis sis sis sis
New Year Retain 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,0 Reject 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,
71 37 3 04 07 00
Childhood Retain 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,0 Reject 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,
71 06 2 00 70 00
Hospital Retain 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,8 Retain 0, Reject 0, Retain 0,
13 91 2 38 02 49
University Retain 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,5 Reject 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,
28 08 2 01 15 14
Sports Hall Reject 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,0 Retain 0, Reject 0, Retain 0,
00 39 5 13 00 13
Cultural Retain 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,0 Retain 0, Reject 0, Reject 0,
Heritage ob- 42 69 4 28 04 00
ject
Poverty Reject 0, Reject 0, Retain 0,0 Retain 0, Reject 0, Reject 0,
00 04 9 17 01 01
Moscow Retain 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,0 Retain 0, Reject 0, Retain 0,
29 57 0 11 00 09
Kaluga Retain 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,3 Retain 0, Reject 0, Retain 0,
84 37 7 20 02 79
Retain 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,0 Reject 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,
Microdistrict 09 82 2 02 99 00
Home Reject 0, Reject 0, Reject 0,0 Reject 0, Reject 0, Reject 0,
03 00 0 00 01 00
Good Smell Reject 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,8 Retain 0, Reject 0, Reject 0,
Assessments 04 88 6 13 02 01
_Total
Bad Smell Retain 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,2 Reject 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,
Assessments 38 07 1 02 26 63
_Total
BalanceGood Retain 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,4 Retain 0, Retain 0, Reject 0,
BadSmells 21 18 4 60 34 00
MiddleAsses Retain 0, Retain 0, Retain 0,6 Retain 0, Reject 0, Retain 0,
sment 99 49 2 10 00 08
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
New Year as a "family" holiday is much higher estimated by girls (mean female Sum = 2,031 with std.dev. = 0,931; mean male Sum = 1.55 with std.dev. = 1,057, while the average for the entire sample the sum of points is 1,940 with std.dev. = 0,969). Girls strung on the frame of New Year more number of olfactory images and cannot resist of adding abstract concepts (such as love, family) to the noun with a specific meaning. Boys are limited to one, most accurate, from their point of view, symptom, and these symptoms are often culinary in nature (champagne, salads, Olivier salad, vinegar - something that in girlish reactions never occurs in the first place). Men almost completely ignore "decorative" smells designed to create a festive atmosphere: the smells of candles, sparklers and even firecrackers, as well as washing powder (or freshly laundered linen) and sweet desserts. But these differences are not so significant (Eta=0.162, Eta Squared = 0.026) as to believe that the frame of the New Year in the national picture of the world is represented by male and female variants.
On the contrary, Sports halls always smell nicer for boys, not in content of reactions, but in the evaluation pole, contrary to those estimates, which girls take out. Both boys and girls have the same frequent categories: sweat, rubber, iron. These smells are nasty for girls, and for young people these smells are pleasant. Mean female Sum of points = -0.76 with std.dev. = 1.08; mean male Sum = 0.18 with std.dev. = 1.14, while mean for the entire sample sum of points is -0.58 with std.dev. = 1.14. Primary and secondary (in order of appearance) reactions differ from each other not too much (for first reaction Eta=0.308, Eta
Squared=0.095: for second reaction Eta=0.326, Eta Squared=0.106).
Women's perception of Poverty is characterized by a pronounced intolerance. Mean point of The Sum of Poverty Smell Assessments in girls is -1.31 with std.dev. 0.83; in boys it is -0.50 with std.dev. 0.67; for the entire sample = -1.150 with std.dev. 0.86. The first reaction may be more restrained or even sympathetic, and gender differences in the nature of the first spontaneous reactions are less noticeable. Perhaps this reflects the cultural norm of compassion, from which mainly women's charitable role expectations follow. But giving it a tribute, the girls no longer hold back and then exceptionally sharp, precise and openly social-Darwinist reactions follow. Here are exclusively women's associations: Dregs of society, 195 Smell of decay, Unwashed underwear, Wet smelly rag, and Vagabond's smell etc. Cases of identification with poor people occur twice in young men (Poverty smells like me, It's me), but are completely absent in girls. As a result, the statistics of eta and eta square show significant increase of intolerant, derogatory emotions from the first reaction to the third, distinguishing girls from boys: for first reaction Eta=0.370, Eta Squared=0.137: for second reaction Eta=0.681, Eta Squared=0.464; for third reaction Eta=0.791, Eta Squared=0.625.
Men are more loyal to the poor and less focused on the capital as ideal of wealth and success life. Mean point of The Sum of Moscow Smell Assessments in girls is 0.413 with std.dev. 1.45; in boys it is -0.120 with std.dev. 1.05; for the entire sample it is 0.32 with std.dev. 1.40. The gap in estimates is not very significant and manifests itself only at the level of reactions following the first. Young men are primarily ethnically xeno-
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
phobic. They do not like the smells of Chinese, different nationalities, multinationality, Shawar-ma. Girls are repelled by crowding and technocracy of the capital. But in subsequent, additional reactions gender differences are erased: young people of both sexes dreamily and enviously list the smells of restaurants, expensive perfume or good Cologne mixed with the smells of money and freedom, cars and gasoline, novelty and opportunities.
Residence distinctions
For the dependent variable City Zone, 41.1% of the initial grouped observations are correctly classified using independent variables such as the Sum of bad odors (the strongest variable), the Sum of good odors, the evaluation of the Cultural heritage objects' odors, and the evaluation of the University odors. For the first discriminant function they explain 57.6% of the variation, the canonical correlation is 0.787. Residents of the historical center and outskirts are most clearly isolated, opposing each other. Classification function coefficients show, that living on outskirts means a clear predominance of good smells in the hole set and at the same time a pronounced negative olfactory perception of the most important objects of the center: the University and Cultural heritage objects. On the contrary, living in the historic center means a distinct predominance of bad smells, a highly positive assessment of Cultural heritage and a somewhat less pronounced, but also quite strong aversion to the smells of the University. This reflects the differences between permanent and temporary residents. Only permanent residents of Kaluga, as already mentioned, live on the outskirts. Temporary residents settle closer to the center.
To identify the type of settlement in which childhood was spent, a set of odors can predict only 33% of the original grouped observations. For the first discriminant function set of smells explain 84.7% of the variation, the canonical correlation is 0.998. All independent variables are involved, except for the evaluation of Gym odors, the evaluation of Poverty odors and the Total number of bad odors. The next smells have main distinctive force: New Year, bad for rural settlement with urban infrastructure ("urban village") and good for capital or city with millions of residents; Childhood, bad for "urban village" and good for capital; Hospital, bad for "urban village"; University, bad for capital residents as children; Cultural Heritage Object, good for capital residents as children; Moscow, very good for capital residents as children and very bad for "urban vil- 196 lage" residents; Kaluga, bad for all categories, except country residents; Microdistrict, very bad for capital residents as children and rather pleasant for "urban village"; Home, bad for village and good for "urban village"; Total number of Good smells as dominant for "urban village" residents; a pronounced negative Balance of good and bad smells for the capital's residents and a pronounced positive Balance for those respondents whose childhood was spent in the village; extremely high Middle assessment of all smells for capital residents and extremely low Middle assessment of all smells for "urban village" residents. Thus, the capital's childhood is clearly opposed to childhood spent in conditions not so much of a village as a settlement, very close to the village by the nature of the social environment, but devoid of village's household inconveniences associated with the absence of urban infrastructure.
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
Permanent residents of Kaluga and educational migrants are classified with reliability of 50.2%, namely: 42.9% of natives and 52.9% of visitors. They are characterized by (in descending order): polar perception of the Microdistrct (neighborhood) in which they live (very good for natives and very bad for educational migrants), the Balance of good and bad smells (positive for natives and negative for educational migrants), the polar perception of Kaluga (very good for natives and very bad for educational migrants), which affects in the opposite way perception of the University. Here the polarity is changing: nonresidents, for whom the University was a desired and achieved goal, describe it with the help of positive odor associations, and natives who have gone on the path of least resistance, smell in the University space only unpleasant odors. These variables explain in the first function 100% variations with a high canonical correlation of 0.878. Thus, the olfactory image of the city is clearly polarized along the axis of "friend - or - foe". Visitors perceive it as a place that should be "con-
quered", considering the University as an elevator of mobility. Natives consider the city as a "continuation" of the home, and the University - belonging to them by right of birth "addition" to the house.
The type of housing conditions can be predicted (only in 33% of cases) using variables such as (in descending order of importance): the smell of Kaluga, Cultural heritage, the Number of good smells, the Average estimate of smells, New Year, Childhood, the Balance of good and bad smells, Moscow, Neighborhood, University, Poverty. For the first discriminant function set of smells explain 89.1% of the variation, the canonical correlation is 0.999. The most distinct perception of odors is shared by the hostel, communal apartment and all others whose living conditions lie in a continuum of greater or lesser well-being.
Key differences in odor perception between people with different living conditions are presented in table 4. The highest and lowest scores are shown in bold.
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Table 4. Classification Function Coefficients
Variables Housing
Hostel Communal Separate apart- Separate apart- Individual
Apartment ment without own room ment with own room house
New Year 565,321 260,227 -104,584 48,552 -104,743
Childhood 338,316 124,353 -103,641 20,853 -117,783
University 25,764 89,275 -70,319 -42,849 -23,427
Cultural Heritage Object 56,581 17,757 -50,121 -2,288 -95,119
Poverty 60,225 26,766 -21,664 2,807 -33,126
Moscow 385,683 212,029 -122,979 3,630 -100,662
Kaluga -144,530 68,631 -30,484 -74,939 86,093
Microdistrict -143,494 -72,907 11,260 -12,281 -17,328
Good Smell -147,499 -75,295 48,540 -,387 33,808
Assessment_Total
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
Variables Housing
Hostel Communal Apartment Separate apartment without own room Separate apartment with own room Individual house
BalanceGoodBadSmells -8,087 -30,606 26,063 14,479 19,920
MiddleAssessment 47,329 48,324 35,242 9,468 101,777
(Constant) -б00,229 -281,479 -161,492 -56,462 -2б2,430
Fis îer's linear discriminant functions
A hostel with its characteristic density gives rise to the most extreme estimates. Hostel residents are most loyal to poverty, but most of all look at Moscow. They have a distinctly negative territorial identity: the rejection of the district in which one of University hostels is located, and Kaluga as a whole. Against this background they feel nostalgia for home well-being, filling the frames of the New Year and happy, carefree childhood with the most positive details of odor images. There is almost nothing to say about those whose housing corresponds to the average, widespread in the country and the city, housing norm. This is a parent apartment where the student has his own private room. The only thing that is typical for them is a generally positive or neutral assessment of all the proposed incentives, the absence of acute, extreme reactions, which brings them closer to the most prosperous category of students living in individual homes of the private sector. Communal apartment on the background of a pronounced negative balance of assessments forms the highest loyalty to stay at the University, perhaps because of more comfortable space. But the most pronounced positive balance of assessments is among those who live in close interpersonal contacts with family or friends, together with whom a separate apartment is rented. They don't show tendencies to escapism, don't idealize
childhood or hope to go away to Moscow, are attached to the residential district and most of all don't like the atmosphere of University. Most likely this is due to the domestic and psychological comfort of home space.
3.2.2. Housing well-being: does world smell better?
All the great variety of details, of odor pecu- 198 liarities has a simple latent structure. As the factor analysis by the main components with all variables initially included shown, an olfactory image of the home is in the centroid, connecting these seemingly disparate frames into a single system. Evaluation of smell of home is almost merges with the assessment of how Kaluga smells. The values of both variables increase linearly with the quality of living conditions. The smells of the Hospital and the Gym indicate what smells - bad or pleasant - prevail. They form a single cluster with a variable Balance of good and bad smells. Then we moved towards simplifying the structure of the factor space. The output threshold of the coefficients was set to more than 0.6. Factors that had loads in more than one component were excluded. In a series of experiments, we considered the growth of KMO, the decrease in the determinant value, and the increase in the proportion of the explained variance as indicators of reliability growth. Visually strengthening the kink in the
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
scree graph showed it. Finally (see picture 1), there are four variables left in the model. Total variance explained is 78.96%; Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin Measure of Sampling Adequacy is 0.683, approximated Chi-Square is 69.637 with 6 df and 0.000 significance. As the graph of the components in the rotated (Varimax) space shows, the prevalence of good or bad smells is ultimately determined by what is not the image of the house, but a wider space: the city as a whole and the neighborhood as the most developed, "domesticated" part of this urban space.
Component Plot in Rotated Space
Component 1
Pic. 1. Factor model of the prevailing quality of olfactory images of the surrounding space
The home remains the strongest factor in the model, but it does not complement the previous two spaces, but opposes them. This situation arises due to the fact that we asked nonresident students to describe not how their home smells in the place of permanent residence, but the one in which they live during their studies in Kaluga. As a result, the "quality" of the home olfactory atmosphere improves almost linearly as the quality of living conditions improves (as control chart
show, students from Hostels give the lowest estimates, falling below the control range of averages in 3 Sigma, while students who live in parents apartment into multi-family housing stock and have their own room give the best responses, and those responses are even better than estimates of students living in individual houses). The very olfactory composition of the descriptions of the house clearly splits into two paradigmatic series: "own", "native", "permanent", "unique" against "common", "alien", "temporary", "one of many possible".
We grouped the individual reactions into semantic blocks and found that for both the "bad" and the "good" home, the main source of olfactory originality is the food, the conditions of its preparation and the eating behavior of the inhabitants of the
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house. The second most important source is per- _
fumery and cosmetics, which are used by the inhabitants of the house, and household chemicals. The third source is the individual secretion of the inhabitants, pleasant in case of relatives (mother's smell) and disgusting if the source is someone else's ("terrible neighbors", "sweat", "socks'), even if these "strangers" insidiously mask their "smelly" essence with the help of"cheap perfume" or "air fi'eshener". In conditions of relative isolation (individual house or separate apartment), the image of a neighbor never appears. A neighbor as a potential aggressor is an attribute of a hostel or a communal apartment. Therefore, smells are given an ethical meaning. The neighbor is "lazy" and "selfish ", he doesn't care about the norms of coexistence and the comfort of other people, so his "socks stink", "heel <are> black", he shamelessly "farts" and all the apartment is permeated with the smell of his "dogs" or other "pets". In communal life, even the food is disgusting. Unlike "their"
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
home, which smells of meat or pastries, in the hostel and communal apartment people try to reduce, minimize all household chores. It smells with something quickly and simply to cook: "fried chicken breasts" that you can throw in the pan and forget about them, and then the room envelops the "smell of burning". All modern houses, even in the countryside, is almost completely devoid of natural smells. Only residents of the historic city center mention the smells of lilacs, flowers, mushrooms, which are always pleasant. Absolutely exotic smells of Church candles and myrrh are twice mentioned only by those who live in the area of historical buildings and next to the Church shops of large temples. That is, the smell penetrates from outside, and does not occur because of ceremonies conducted at home.
1/
■ Functions
■ Emotions, mental states
■ Inhabitants, their relayions and status
■ Parts of construction, their fray, climat conditions
■ Religious objects
■ Natural environment
■ Food, its components and eating behavior
■ Means of sanitation, hygiene health and body care
Pic. 2. Sources of Home olfactory originality
Home conditions, therefore, vary greatly in the intensity of exchange with the environment, the degree of their closeness or openness. Therefore, as can be seen from table 5, housing conditions of high quality (low permeability to external influences) differ sharply from the bad, and from the "common", "normal" by nature of the interactions of olfactory images of different spaces:
Moscow, Kaluga, urban district and dwelling. We treated as "extremely bad" hostels, as "normal" or at least close to normal communal apartments and separate apartment without own room, as "good" separate apartment with own room or individual household (cottage).
In a completely comfortable living conditions, the image of the home and the neighborhood in which the housing is located, are very closely connected and complement each other, while the city is opposed to the home: the city is that the big world from which the house saves. The microdistrict and the city are two different localities, as the microdistrict is a continuation of the home. Moscow in this model is a completely superfluous, extraneous element: the thoughts of a young man satisfied with his living environment are not connected with it in any way.
In the conditions of a hostel the residential district is more than for half identified with the city, and both of them are opposed to Moscow: the worse the space of the city and the residential district smell, the more tempting the capital smells.
In the absence of segregated accommodation of visiting students, that is, in quite a variety of housing conditions (not too high comfort, but not depressingly frequent intrusions into personal space), we see the strongest correlation. They show that any external spaces in relation to the house are opposed to the "internal", home. In this context, Moscow is no different from Kaluga or the neighborhood outside the home. The better the home is, the cozier are scents it is filled with; the more person loathes the smell outside. And vice versa (all correlations are bilateral): the nastier it smells at home, the more person wants to be outside, where it smells much nicer.
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
Table 5. Correlations between assessments of spaces types in "bad" (1), "common" (2) and "good" (3) housing conditions.
Living conditions quality Home Microdistrict Kaluga Moscow
1,00 Home Correlation Coefficient 1,000 ,235 -,045 -,237*
Sig. (2-tailed) ,078 ,765 ,042
N 90 57 46 74
Microdistrict Correlation Coefficient ,235 1,000 ,539** -,335**
Sig. (2-tailed) ,078 ,000 ,008
N 57 75 49 62
Kaluga Correlation Coefficient -,045 ,539** 1,000 ,126
■e Sig. (2-tailed) ,765 ,000 ,337
yj N 46 49 64 60
1 Moscow Correlation Coefficient -,237* -,335** ,126 1,000
Sig. (2-tailed) ,042 ,008 ,337
a сл N 74 62 60 100
2,00 Home Correlation Coefficient 1,000 -,452* -,405* -,773**
Sig. (2-tailed) ,016 ,036 ,000
N 32 28 27 29
Microdistrict Correlation Coefficient -,452* 1,000 ,509** ,576**
Sig. (2-tailed) ,016 ,007 ,002
N 28 30 27 27
Kaluga Correlation Coefficient -,405* ,509** 1,000 ,522**
■e Sig. (2-tailed) ,036 ,007 ,005
yj N 27 27 29 27
1 Moscow Correlation Coefficient -,773** ,576** ,522** 1,000
Sig. (2-tailed) ,000 ,002 ,005
a сл N 29 27 27 31
3,00 Home Correlation Coefficient 1,000 ,609** -,525* ,277
Sig. (2-tailed) ,001 ,012 ,145
N 45 26 22 29
Microdistrict Correlation Coefficient ,609** 1,000 -,030 ,208
Sig. (2-tailed) ,001 ,906 ,366
N 26 29 18 21
Kaluga Correlation Coefficient -,525* -,030 1,000 -,137
■e Sig. (2-tailed) ,012 ,906 ,553
yj N 22 18 24 21
1 Moscow Correlation Coefficient ,277 ,208 -,137 1,000
Sig. (2-tailed) ,145 ,366 ,553
a сл N 29 21 21 35
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
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Анна Юрьевна КАЗАКОВА / Anna KAZAKOVA
| Запах дома: ольфакторные образы пространственно-временных фреймов / Smell of Home: Olfactory Images in Time-Spatial Frames |
4. Conclusion
Despite the fact that biological "analyses found no significant association between odor perceptibility and potential for inducing health effect^'26, the concentration of bad smells is a signal of environmental distress, one of the key distinguishing features of slums. Bad smell implies the absence of clean drinking water, of favorable temperature conditions, and therefore bad smells successfully perform a signal function, warning of the high probability of deterioration of health as a result of prolonged contact with the space filled with these smells. It is no coincidence that the problems of urban sanitation concern public opinion more often than the problems of energy conservation, "preservation of natural resources and the prevention of industrial pollution"21. These problems push the masses into indignation and protest as a direct and obvious violation of the rights to a favourable environment directly affecting everyone. The probability of social protest,
like a series of garbage riots that swept through Russia, can be put in dependence on the degree of concentration of the smell "to estimate contours of probability of response and degree of annoyance through the surrounding community which can serve as the basis for the development of odor impact parameters"28. It can also be made dependent on the strength of the symbolic impact of smell as a marker of territorial stigma, disadvantaged urban areas, as a biological source of social disgust.
It can be assumed that the long-standing, habitual feeling of aversion to home in unfavorable living conditions, to its immediate physical and social environment not only reduces the satisfaction of the urban citizen's life, but also forms a widely understood absenteeism, alienation from social life and creates favorable conditions for interpersonal and social conflicts.
Thus, the study of the communicative functions of smell, its existence in culture as a symbolic code deserves attention and further study.
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26 Rosenkranz, H.S., Cunningham, A.R. (2003). Environmental odors and health hazards. The Science of the Total Environment, 1-3, Vol. 313: 15-24. DOI: 10.1016/S0048-9697(03)00330-9
27 Tesh, S.N., Paes-Machado, E. (2004). Sewers, garbage, and environmentalism in Brazil. Journal of Envi-
ronment & Development, 1, Vol. 13: 42-72. DOI: 10.1177/1070496503260971
28 Nicell, J.A. (2003). Expressions to relate population responses to odor concentration. Atmospheric Environment, 35, Vol. 37: 4955-4964. DOI: 10.1016/j.atmosenv.2003.08.028
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