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УДК 82
Shatalova N.S., Doctor of Pedagogy, Professor of the Department of Russian as a Foreign Language, Institute of International Educational Programs,
Moscow State Linguistic University (Moscow, Russia), shatalova59@mail.ru
Shatalova L.S., assistant professor of Russian language, Medical Institute of the People's Friendship University, (Moscow, Russia), luidmila.shatalova@mail.ru
LANGUAGE PRESENTATION OF SOCIALLY SIGNIFICANT TOPICS IN THE RUSSIAN MEDIA AND THE INTERNET COMMUNITY. The article examines the processes of social interaction that are actively taking place in the modern Russian Internet space. Actors - journalists, bloggers, ordinary Internet users, including members of the Internet community, - demonstrate a variety of communication tactics, language means of presenting opinions, evaluative judgments, ideological imperatives in discussing socially significant media topics. This massive social Internet communication provides opportunities for extended discussions of major informational events, giving rise to lively debates which have their own specific features of linguistic expression and argumentative-rhetorical objectification, which undoubtedly attracts the attention of linguistic researchers. Of particular interest are the means, methods and techniques for actualising axiological and regulatory meanings in the situation of discussing media topoi characterised as extraordinary, i.e. political scandals, armed conflicts, terrorist attacks, international sanctions, and protest actions during elections to various authorities, natural and environmental disasters. Such media topoi can be characterised in terms of information and content as key, polar and resonant socially significant media topics for the civil society. For the Russian audience in interactive communication, these media topics are most often the dominant embodiment of the oppositions 'one's own - alien' including the entire range of polarity of opinions and evaluative judgments in the tone of solidarity/ distancing, support/discrediting, accusation of legality/llegality, doubt/disagreement, etc.
Key words: media topos, mass communication, Internet space, communication strategies and tactics, linguistic means of expressing evaluative judgments, creative nomination.
Н.С. Шаталова, д-р пед. наук, проф., Институт международных образовательных программ Московского государственного лингвистического
университета, г. Москва, E-mail: shatalova59@mail.ru
Л.С. Шаталова, канд. филол. наук, доц., Медицинский институт Российского университета дружбы народов, г. Москва,
E-mail: luidmila.shatalova@mail.ru
ЯЗЫКОВАЯ ПРЕЗЕНТАЦИЯ СОЦИАЛЬНО ЗНАЧИМЫХ ТЕМ В РОССИЙСКИХ СМИ И ИНТЕРНЕТ-СООБЩЕСТВЕ
В статье исследуются процессы социальной интеракции, активно происходящие в современном российском интернет-пространстве. Акторы-журналисты, блогеры, рядовые пользователи Интернета, в том числе и участники интернет-сообщества, демонстрируют разнообразие коммуникативных тактик, языковых средств презентации мнений, оценок, мировоззренческих императивов в обсуждении социально значимых медиатем. Констатируется, что в рамках данной массовой социальной интернет-коммуникации происходит расширенная дискуссия, столкновение точек зрения на обсуждаемое информационное событие, которые имеют свои специфические особенности языкового выражения и аргументативно-риторической объективации, что, несомненно, вызывает внимание исследователей-лингвистов. Особый интерес представляют средства, способы и приемы актуализации аксиологических и регулятивных смыслов в ситуации обсуждения медиатопосов, характеризуемых как экстраординарные - политические скандалы, вооруженные конфликты, теракты, международные санкции, протестные акции в ходе выборов в различные органы власти, природные и экологические катастрофы. Такие медиатопосы можно охарактеризовать в информационно-содержательном отношении как ключевые, полярные и резонансные социально значимые для гражданского сообщества медиатемы. В статье исследуются и определяются способы, приемы, формы презентации прямой или завуалированной оценки, анализируются языковые средства ее выражения, актуализации экспрессии, эмотивности, социальной и субъективной модальности, уточняется роль оценки как тексто-образующей категории.
Ключевые слова: медиатопос, массовая коммуникация, интернет-пространство, стратегии и тактики общения, языковые средства выражения оценки, креативная номинация.
In recent years, in the space of communicative interaction between the Russian mass media and its audience, we can note several content-rich media topoi, which invariably arouse great interest and discussions of actors and respondents of the Internet community, for example, 'Syria', 'Ukraine', 'Belarus', 'Kyrgyzstan', 'International sanctions for Nord Stream 2', 'Elections to political authorities', 'COVID-19 pandemic', 'Protest actions' and many others.
In turn, the Internet as a network resource for organising mass communication on websites (forums, blogs, social networks, instant messengers, comments, etc.) has created unique conditions for both interactive interpersonal communication between representatives of different communities of Russian society and interactive communication between actors of media discourse and mass audience. Within the framework of this mass social interaction, an expanded presentation of opinions, evaluations and ideological imperatives takes place, which have their own specific features of linguistic expression and argumentative-rhetorical objectification, which undoubtedly arouses the interest of linguistic researchers. Of particular interest are the means, methods and techniques for actualising axiological and regulatory meanings in the situation of discussing media topoi characterised as extraordinary, i.e. political scandals, armed conflicts, terrorist attacks, international sanctions, and protest actions during elections to various authorities, natural and environmental disasters, etc. [1-14]
In this article, we investigate the media topos 'Belarus: Presidential Elections 2020' (topos is a way of thematisation aimed at the speech itself). This media topos can be characterised in terms of information and content as a key, polar and resonant media topic not only for Russians but also for the world community, primarily European and Russian ones. For the Russian audience of the media, as respondents of electronic versions of media publications, this resonant media topic has become, first of all, the dominant for interpreting the oppositions 'own-alien', 'us-them', an expression of the polarity of opinions and evaluations of themicro-field 'approval' or 'disapproval' of the events covered, solidarisation/distancing, support/discrediting, accusations of legality/ illegality, expressive-emotional tonality and unambiguousness of modal evaluations of actors and respondents.
It should be emphasised that in the multilevel "interpretation system, which is schematically expressed by the reality-text dichotomy, it is not the concepts of culture that are interpreted as much as its topoi. This is primarily due to the differenc-
es that exist between the these notions and which are determined by the specific differences between linguistics and rhetoric. A concept is a reflection of a person's speech-thought-cognitive activity, a cognitive notion. The topos of culture is a reflection of evaluative-comparative cognition, ethical-moral paradigm of the people" [1: 87-88].
Of particular interest for our research is the definition of methods, techniques and forms of presentation of direct or veiled evaluations, linguistic means of their expression, actualisation of expression, emotivity, social and subjective modality, clarification of the role of evaluative judgements as a text-producing category [2: 375-376]. It should be remembered that the evaluativity of any colouration has dynamics in creating an invariant, it is situational, intentional and aimed at the act of forming an opinion about the object of evaluation, while this process includes not only the processing and interpretation of perceived information but also internal cognitive information based on the general background of communicants [3:12; 4: 134-145; 5: 5-12].
The study primarily used an integrated approach (structural-functional, communicative, discursive-stylistic), which makes it possible to consider the declared subject from the specified positions. The following research methods were also involved: descriptive analysis, continuous sampling, contextual analysis, structural-component analysis and content analysis.
Using the descriptive-analytical method including observation, comparison, generalisation and interpretation of the facts obtained, we could obtain a clear idea of the linguistic topic under study, develop a sequence of description and arrange and group the linguistic material. The discursive-stylistic and communicative analyses allowed us to consider the studied media topos 'Belarus: Presidential Elections' in the context of the mass communication system, taking into account different formats of media discourse, and also to highlight the shades of meaning in the semantic structure of specific statements of actors and respondents. The structural-component analysis gave us the opportunity to consider the components of the texts of publications, discussions and responses separately in order to study the characteristics of each of them as well as their interaction.The need to verify the theoretical provisions of the research on factual material required the use of content analysis, i.e. data on the frequency of use of various types of interpretation, dominants of comprehension, their functions and methods of interaction. The above-listed scientific approaches and methods applied together make it possible to comprehend the existence of the media topos 'Belarus:
Presidential Elections' in the Russian Internet community not abstractly but in concrete manifestations of their real functioning in media discourse and the discursive reality of the Internet space for the mass audience of Russians. We analysed information-analytical and political articles, posts from blogs of leading Russian journalists and political scientists of electronic Russian media publications (Argumenty i Fakty, Novaya Gazeta, Komsomolskaya Pravda, Moskovsky Komsomolets, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Kom-mersant, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Izvestia, Zavtra, Oko planety, militaryarms.ru, Voennoe obozreniye, FB.ru, AP Severo-Zapad, Picabu, Svobodnaya pressa, Politikus, Telegraf, regnum, etc.) and 'comments' as texts of representatives of a communicatively active mass audience for 2020. The subject matter of analysis in the texts of newspaper and electronic publications, interactive responses and comments is the definition of the thematic focus and targeting, the typicality and frequency of the presentation of evaluations of the micro-field 'own-alien', the degree of intensity and the character of tonality in evaluating information according to the communicative intentions and axiological attitudes of the author-journalist and the respondents [6: 41-47; 7: 85-94], as well as consideration of the dynamics of changes in the information context.
We identified several dominants in the discussion of the media topos 'Belarus: Presidential Elections', the interpretation and rhetorical argumentation of which is based on the media text-stimulus. Due to the fact that the media-text stimulus has its supporters and opponents, we distinguish the following axiological positions of the participants in the interactive:
1) solidarity and support of one of the presidential candidates (cf., "Lukashenko is a strong business executive, energetic organiser, strong-willed politician, flexible, sophisticated diplomat',"... Lukashenko managed to create his own economic miracle in Belarus", "In the most difficult years, Lukashenko managed to protect the country's sovereignty and national dignity of citizens, prevented crime and corruption, preserved order and social justice, avoided the collapse of industry and agriculture. Can the Russian government boast of such achievements? Definitely not!"; "Svetlana Tikhanovskaya is the "the face of change", "new Joan of Arc of Belarus", "wife, mother, almost president';
2) distancing from the positions of presidential candidates and the essence of their political programmes/comparison of current events with the situation in their country - "Civil solidarity in the country is off the charts, people themselves want to choose political leaders and determine the vector of the country's development', "Comparison of living standards and economic success - their own and neighbours' - is becoming an important factor forcing people to demand change", "I do not place myself among oppositionists, I am rather an opponent of this system, not of the order and structure as a whole but specifically of the current government", "If the line is crossed, after which leaving in an amicable way is impossible, then the strengthening of the opposition movement leads to tougher repression, and the possibility of a peaceful outcome becomes even less. It doesn't matter whether the dictator was originally good or evil - he will end up with blood";
3) support/doubt about the effectiveness of the actions of the official authorities or the opposition - "Lukashenko has preserved the civilisation in the country, which, for example, we have lost. Belarus has preserved - and, on top of all, is developing! - the social sphere, education, medicine, industry and agroindustrial complex, which, from a liberal point of view, simply cannot be found in a country with a 10 million population. Lukashenko has made people retain their self-respect, they have dignity"; "Why did they rebel against the Batka, who, through the years, showing miracles of diplomacy, preserved the independence and sovereignty of Belarus, being between the two giants -the European Union and Russia?"; "She is absolutely incapable of running the country, but Tikhanovskaya is a symbol, and I hope that her team will cope with the preparation of new elections. And I believe her";
4) disagreement with the position of the presidential candidate/accusations against the candidate - "It would not be an exaggeration to say that President Lukashenko shocked the world community by appearing at the Palace of Independence in a bulletproof vest and with a gun in his hands", "The rapidly growing crisis in Belarus is partly a consequence of the fact that for a long time both the Belarusian authorities and the Russian authorities following their lead supported the self-delusion and narcissism characteristic of Minsk and A. Lukashenko personally, "Now indignation has erupted because of Lukashenko's wrong actions. Everything fits together: the coro-navirus, the doctors who were never fully paid the promised money, the parade that even Putin postponed, and, of course, the elections in which Lukashenko made grave mistakes. Around him, among his devoted watchdogs, there is no one who can openly tell him. He believes so much in his power, believes that no one will ever do anything to him, believes that the military is on his side", "At first, in the Belarusian protests, there was not only a real leader, but even some noticeable person, who would stand out...", "Formal democracy of the Western type generates short, Buratino's thoughts and brings up nimble, very light-weight people, whose planning horizon is limited by the next elections".
The analysis of the factual material, consisting of the judgements of the authors of the media texts-stimuli, responses and comments of the participants of the Internet discussion, also showed that the argumentation of the situation of the civil split in Belarus is built according to the following models: 1) geopolitical interests of Russia -Belarus; 2) sovereign Belarus; and 3) Belarus - Europe and America are enemies. At the same time, the tactics of argumentation being implemented demonstrate options for the logical/illogical construction of the statement. Here are some examples of the implementation of these models: 1) "Lukashenko wants to involve Russia. Do
we need this?", "Lukashenko is bluffing. Moscow is still silent about certain 'threats from outside'. But does the Kremlin need Lukashenko at any cost? It will be a break with Western countries for many years"; 2) "The importance of the external factor is great, since, due to the aforementioned geography, Belarus was affected by the contradictions of European politics. The leading countries of the European Union, primarily Germany and France,... are interested in improving relations with Russia, in strengthening Europe as such. And it is for this reason that the leaders of Germany and the United States, in solidarity with Russia, emphasize the need for non-interference in the internal affairs of Belarus in order to avoid pretexts for new conflicts in Europe, and in order to see Belarus as an example of constructive cooperation in the future", "The main reasons and driving forces of this crisis are inside Belarus itself. Like all modern countries, Belarus is far from being uniffed. And the main challenge dividing the country into different groups is the image of the future. That is, what people want to see themselves and in what country. This is a global problem"; 3) "There is no doubt that the West keeps its hands on the levers of the protest wave in Belarus. The fact that the authorities as well as numerous "non-governmental" organisations in Poland and Lithuania have been purposefully working with the Belarusian intelligentsia and youth for decades also does not require proof'. "In Belarus, before our eyes, a well-known "orange" scenario is being played out".
In linguistic terms, the analysis of factual material testifies to a wide range of emotional-figurative expressiveness used to convey the tension/dramatism of the situation, patriotic pathos, subjective evaluation and the degree of its maximalism. Compare, for example: "The entire centre of Minsk is closed off - army forces have been brought out into the streets. The Belarusian media report that special-purpose vehicles are being pulled to the residence of the head of state Aleksandr Lukashenko. The security forces blocked Karl Marx Street, on which the building is located, and also fenced off Oktyabrskaya Square, where the Republic Palace is located"; "The leaders said that the elections in Belarus were'neither fair nor free"; therefore, the EU does not recognise the results presented by the authorties"; "One thing can be said for sure about the presidential elections in Belarus, which ended in mass protests of thousands and a night fight with OMON: they did take place.The turnout above 84% is the only thing that is in no doubts, because even in Moscow thousands of Belarusians wishing to vote formed a giant queue to the embassy"; "To prove that, without an alliance with Russia, the independence of Belarus is not worth a penny means breaking into an open door".
Note that the evaluative judgements about ongoing events are expressed by correct/incorrect forms of language presentation; one can observe linguistic diversity which can be expressed by lexical means explicitly and implicitly, and is characterised by a wide range of associative-figurative representations, emotionality and stylistic markedness [8:109; 9:179-182, 10, 11]. It should be emphasised that the rhetoric of polar statements about the current political situation in Belarus is most often characterised by irony or sometimes by negative expression (in contrast to the previously discussed protest events in Ukraine which are replete with very incorrect evaluations). Compare, for example: the Belarusian brawl, the Batka's era, the plush Maidan, 'usual' meetings according to the schedule, the triumph of feminism in politics, the female triumvirate (S. Tikhanovskaya, M. Kolesnikova, V. Tsepkalo), 'yevalution'; "Dual anarchy has been established in Belarus. The opposition is holding demonstrations in front of Lukashenko, and he is responding in kind in front of the opposition"; "The main humorist in Belarus before the elections was Lukashenko himself. His jokes were boorish, swinish. And so he joked until he got into trouble... It was Lukashenko's brutality and machismo that became the subject of today's jokes. He did not expect such a reaction from the people. The discrepancy between swing and blow is always funny"; "The cool dude turned out to be helpless, came a cropper. So cool, and the workers at the rally send him to hell right in the face. Sitcom"; "Throughout the week Lukashenko's opponents dispersed their protest across Minsk, creating a semblance of never-ending hullabaloo. And thus, the main exam was scheduled for Sunday! They were to show that they were not tired of the protests. Yes, funny but completely fruitless"; "The OMON behaved emphatically polite. One could walk freely Only at the Government House, there stood a fellow in a helmet with a loudspeaker saying: "Dear protesters, when you leave the square, please pick up trash." And they did so, collecting the trash in plastic bags. Well, I never! But the Belarusian protest is like that, here even girls are at the rally, climbing with their feet on the bench to shout, taking off their shoes beforehand." "Any rally in Minsk turns into a performance. This time "oppressed Belarus" is as a girl with her arms folded behind her back'; "If you think it over, it is so. I'm done! Bored with it. It's always the same. It's like a bored husband:... does nothing wrong, but I am sick and tired of him. And boredom, as our experience of stagnation and perestroika shared with Belarusians, has shown, is an explosive material. People appreciate stability only when they are deprived of it."
The greatest evaluative maximalism of judgements is manifested in negative nominations in relation to a specific person, in our case, a presidential candidate or his opponent. Most often they use subtle irony, play on words, the inclusion of precedent units or even invectives [12]. Compare, for example, the following statements about A. Lukashenko: "The one who dragged his country into the swamp", "What's wrong with the word 'people?", "high-tech sovkhoz" (a hint at Lukashenko's having been the director of the state farm), potato grower,usurper, experienced demagogue, manipulator and hypocrite, new Bohdan Khmelnytsky, petty squabbler, intriguer, bloody dictator, the last dictator of Europe, decrepit/aged dictator, Batka cockroach/stop cockroach, former tyrant, tyrant Luka, mustachioed scum, 'marozmat', 'bald stabilist'.
With those addressed to S. Tikhanovskaya: simple housewife, runaway Belaru-sian housewife, housewife and the wife of an arrested blogger, cookmaid, "admitted to the elections to make fun of", dark horse, "IQ of an orangutan", venal doll, got banged on the head by a dusty bag, sad aunt, a sort of she-Napoleon, 'madam naivety'.
It is noteworthy that, if A. Lukashenko as an object of negative evaluations is identified in the coordinate system as a manager "whose personality was developed in the Soviet era", a politician "whose time in power is counted for more than one decade", most of the negative evaluations addressed to S. Tikhanovskaya are built according to the parameter of a person "with a minimum level of knowledge, claiming to be a leader."
There are also examples of wordplay and ironic word formation in addressing their opponents. In the overwhelming majority of cases, the evaluations are realised by conceptual metaphors and multilevel means of pejoration: for example, lukashi, lukashists, stabilists, zastobils (Lukashenko's supporters for stability), 'cosmonauts' (OMON-men in helmets), grant-eaters-journalists, amers supporters of US policy), gayrops (supporters of EU policy).
The study of the media topos 'Belarus: Presidential Elections' revealed a whole layer of texts, including those creolised, related to active popular word-creation in a humorous form of protest agitation - memes, anecdotes, posters. Compare, for example: "Am I alone here for free?", "Agent of Holland', "Pay the Witcher", "Are Czech puppeteers here?", "Alejandro, Lady The Hague is waiting for you", "Sasha, you are fired!", "I, we = 97%","We'll melt rubber hoses into condoms"," It's all so bad that even introverts
Библиографический список
came out"," I'm not a drug addict, I'm an artist', "Please, a cheeseburger, a little potato and a new president for me", "I learned that I have a huge family", "What do you mean, 'broke your arm'? You walked by yourself', "Don't hit the men, I'm not married yet", "Should I help you in a paddy wagon?", "A new voting system has been developed. Those who vote for Lukashenko go to the president website. Those who vote against him go to the kgb website. There they will be explained how to access the president website"," The elections showed that Lukashenko had only a few decades left to rule"," Only freedom is needed, we can do without money","Lukashenko, go away!"," Death to cannibals!", "You fool, no one can kill me","For change!"
Thus, using the example of the considered media topos 'Belarus: Presidential Elections', we can state that the semantic-cognitive field of publications, interactive communication in the Russian Internet space is a paradigm of the mental polarity of opinions, points of view, evaluations of current events; it is formed in accordance with the actualization of the most important classifying culturological category 'own-alien'; it is one of the main dominants of the national mass consciousness of Russians and is in demand for further study of the features of modern social communication in the Russian segment of the Internet; it affects the mass audience and manifests itself in the estimated maximalism of the addressee and the respondent; it is characterised by rejection/denial of another point of view, accusation against the opponents and their discrediting expressed in most cases by linguistic means of pejoration; it determines a certain informational worldview, which affects the consciousness of the mass audience and serves as a kind of communicative mode and guideline for Russians.
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Статья поступила в редакцию 03.04.21
УДК 811.112.2
Sibiryakova S.N., Cand. of Sciences (Philology), senior lecturer, Altai State University (Barnaul, Russia), E-mail: sibirykova80@mail.ru
Pyanzina I.V., senior lecturer, Altai State University (Barnaul, Russia), E-mail: piv_irina2004@mail.ru
INSTITUTIONALITY AND PERSONALITY OF THE LETTER OF PETITION FROM THE STANDPOINT OF SOCIOLINGUISTICS (BASED ON THE MATERIAL OF GERMAN-LANGUAGE LETTERS OF PETITION OF THE 19TH CENTURY). The article analyses the discourse of 19th-century German-language letters in terms of the practical and social linguistic paradigm. The language study as a social phenomenon is impossible without taking into account institutional statuses and roles, since it is these that constitute the individual as a social being. Institutional discourse is representative communication, dominated by status-role rather than personal-oriented meanings. It should be noted, however, that institutional discourse in its pure form is relatively rare. In real communication, discourses can "mutate" into adjacent ones, the degree of presence of personal meanings can vary depending on the type of discourse and the communication situation. The question of "purity of discourse", the relationship of its personal and institutional components is, in the authors' opinion, a clear research interest and is one of the key problems of this work.
Key words: sociolinguistics, discourse, written communication, German-language letter-petition of the 19th century, institutionality, personality, addressee, addresser.
С.Н. Сибирякова, канд. филол. наук, доц., Алтайский государственный университет, г. Барнаул, E-mail: sibirykova80@mail.ru
И.В. Пьянзина, доц., Алтайский государственный университет, г. Барнаул, E-mail: piv_irina2004@mail.ru
