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УДК 94(510).09
Three Texts on the Martyrdom of Abdurrahman Padshah, Collected by Martin Hartmann1
Sugawara Jun
Research Fellow, Graduate School of Global Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Add: Institute for Global Area Studies, TUFS, 3-11-1 Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi, Tokyo 183-8534 Japan. E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract. Today Bibliothek der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Halle, Zaale holds three fragmental manuscripts of the story of Abdurrahman Padsha, which is well-known as one of the masterpiece of Uyghur khälq dastanliri. These texts are the part of archival collections of late Martin Hartmann (1851-1918), a remarkable German Orientalist in the late 19th-early 20th centuries. These texts provide several key elements to examine the development of this legend from local short song (qoshaq) to another type of literature. Text (A) clearly shows the transformation from oral literature to written narrative (hekaye), and Text(C) presents certain refinements in the languages, style and historical consistency. On the other hand, Text (B) has strong features of orality, which reveals mixture of Khotan and Kashgar dialects. And this fact indicates this Abdurrahman Padshah legend had some extensiveness in the early 20th century, which prevailed over oasis identity and formed its character as a widespread common oral culture among Turkic inhabitants in the south fringe of Taklamakan. Keywords: oral epic; dastan; Khotan; Uyghur; Turkic.
Introduction. The Library of the German Oriental Society, Halle (Bibliothek der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Halle, Zaale), holds three fragmental manuscripts of the story of Abdurrahman Padshah(<'Abd al-Rahman Padshah), which is popular as one of masterpieces of Uyghur folk epics (Uyghur Khälq Dastanliri). These texts are part of the archival collections of late Martin Hartmann (1851-1918), a remarkable German Orientalist in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Grenard Texts; Hartmann Texts)2.
The epic story of Abdurrahman, as is well known, is a miraculous legend about rebels and martyrdom, which is full of patriotism to the motherland of Khotan. The stories originated from the historical memory of the Muslim rebellion that took place in the Khotan region in 1864. These texts (hereafter, «Hartmann texts») have a special academic value, showing how this Abdurrahman story appeared in the early twentieth Century.
In my previous paper, entitled «Expanded Texts of Martyrdom», I explored the historiographical development of this epic, and situated these Hartmann texts in the category of «earlier texts», together with the «Grenard texts», which were collected at Khotan by French Orientalist Fernand Grenard in the 1890s.3 However, due to the limitations of this previous approach, some aspects of each text, such as their language, structure, and motifs, still leave much room for discussion.
For the reasons set forth above, this paper primarily aims to introduce three Hartmann texts comprehensively through examining the fundamental philological matters mentioned above, and re-evaluating these texts as part of the historical development of this heroic epic.
1 The Texts of Abdurrahman Legend: Rhins, Jules Léon Dutreuil de, Mission Scientifique dans la Haute Asie 1890-1895, Vol. 3 Paris, 1897, 88-93 (text); 94-97 (variant); http://dsr.nii.ac.jp/toyobunko/VIII-1-B-26/V-3/ (last accessed, May 27, 2006); Bibliothek der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Nachlaß Martin Hartmann, B 192 (B) - 1490, 2 (Text A); 1490,1: fol. 4b-6a (Text C); 1490, 1: fol. 7a-b, 9a-b, 11a-12b (Text B); Rakhman 1988 -Rakhman, Abdikerim (ed.), Uyghur Khälq Dastanliri (1). Ürümchi: Shinjang Khälq Näshriyati, 1988.; Sayit and Abdulla - Sayit, Mämätili and Abdulla Majnun(eds), Abdurahman Khan, Khotan., n.d.
2 About Hartmann's brief biography and his collections in Berlin and Halle, see Sugawara 2007.
3 Sugawara 2014, P. 418. There I have defined two modern dastan texts (Rakhman 1998 and Sayit-Abdulla n.d.) as «later texts».
1. The Three Hartmann Texts: Past and Present
Provenance. As briefly mentioned above, Martin Hartmann was a remarkable German scholar in the field of Islamic and Arabic studies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Besides his famous works such as Der Islam (1909) and other works about the Arabic World and Islam, Hartmann wrote a series of works about Islam in China and Central Asia (Sugawara 2007, P. 55). It should be noted that he made a journey in Central Asia and China via Xinjiang in 1902-3, and brought back many volumes of Turkic, Persian, and Arabic manuscripts to Berlin, as well as publishing a travelogue-based work entitled Chinesisch-Turkestan: Geschichte, Verwaltung, Geistesleben und Wirtschaft (Hartmann 1908).
Hartmann's journey in 1902-3 apparently aimed to investigate the general situations of languages and Islam in the Middle East (Egypt, Syria, and Turkey), Central Asia, and China. He arrived at Kashghar in the autumn of 1902 after crossing over the Alay Mountains from Ferghana Valley, and traveled in the Kashghar region (Kashghar, Yengihisar, and Yarkand) until February 1903 (Sugawara 2007, P. 56). At this time, the Japanese Ötani Mission (the first expedition) was also conducting their field research, and Watanabe Tesshin states in his travelogue, that a German scholar called «Dr. Hätoman (< Hartmann)» was travelling through this region (i.e., Xinjiang) with his wife «in order to edit a dictionary of the local Turkic language in this country», also saying that his visit to Khotan was forcibly cancelled (Uehara 1937, Vol. 1, P. 278).
Hartmann's collections from his 1902-3 journey are possessed by two Institutions in Germany today; the Arabic script manuscripts are now in the Berlin State Library (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin), and the other fragments and travel diaries are preserved in the Library of the German Oriental Society (Halle) with other archival papers left by Hartmann. The «Hartmann texts» of interest to this paper are included in the latter collection.
1.2. Present Status. The Hartmann texts are currently being stored in box B192 in the archival collection of Martin Hartmann (Nachlaß Martin Hartmann: lit., «The Bequests of Martin Hartmann») in the Library of the German Oriental Society. The box consists of six paper folders with marked signs (A) to (F), and the three texts on the Abdurrahman legend are contained in Folder (B).
Folder (B) contains three uniformly sized (22*33.5 cm) bound or twofold European papers; i.e., three «Hartmann texts», which are going to be examined here. Hereinafter I refer to these three texts as texts (A), (B), and (C) for descriptive purposes4.
Text (A) is a bound volume, which is composed of a cover (twofold) and six folios of text in Turkic (hand-written in one side of three folios) and in German (typed in one side of three folios). The German text is a translation of the Turkic text, possibly by Hartmann himself. There is title and reference number «Abdijamen (<Abdurrahman), Turkestan 1490,2» observable in the cover page. In the Turkic text, the title HajjJ fädishähning hekäyisi is placed in the heading section.
Text (B) is twofold composite volume with four folios (sixteen pages), and Abdurrahman's story occupies seven pages (P. 2 to P. 8) in this volume. On the header of the right-opening first page, a reference number «Turkestan 1708» can be seen. In the body of the text from page 2, a hand-written note in small Latin script, «Abdiraman Pasha», is written to indicate the beginning of the section.
Text (C) is also a twofold paper with one folio (four pages), and the reference number «Turkestan 1627»; this can be observed at the beginning (P.1) of the text.
4 Each text introduced here corresponds to texts 3, 4, 5 in my previous study. See Sugawara 2014.
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Hartmann certainly mentioned his possession of three Abdurrahman texts in his work Chinesisch-Turkestan. He states that one Ghazeltchi (< ghazalchi; singer), Sawut, performed a song about Abdurrahman in Jarkend (< Yarkand) on 4 February 1903, and the «second ghazalchi» also performed it in Jangihisar (< Yangihisar) (Hartmann 1908, P. 40). However, the relationship between these accounts and the three texts is still unclear.
2. Text (A): Turkestan 1490.2. (2.5 pages in prose). In text (A), as mentioned above, there are typed German translations, possibly by Hartmann himself. This naturally suggests that Hartmann considered text (A) to have a distinctive value among these texts. In fact, this text has a certain prescriptive and polished nature in terms of its style, language, and content structure.
In terms of the style of text (A), it begins with the title HäjT FädTshähning Hekäyesi (The Tale of HäjJ FädJshäh), and concludes with the Arabic phrase «wallähu ä'läm bi-l' sawäb (and God knows what is right)». On the header sections of page two and three, the final words of the preceding page are placed for readers' convenience. These show that this text (A) is not a scribbled note (like texts (B) and (C)) for oral performance to audiences, but a literary work prepared for readers, although it does lack the regular beginning phrase Basmala.
The linguistic feature shows certain «literacy» of the author or copyist. It can be observed that there is less influence from oral languages and prescriptive spellings, both in terms of Perso-Arabic loanwords and Turkic words. In this respect, this text differs markedly from the other two texts. For example, the beginning part of this text appears as follows:
Text A, P. 1 beginning:
HäjT FädTshäh, 'Abd al-Rahman FädTshähni mektebke berdi, Yette kün bolghanda aldigha KhidrT 'aleyh saläm uchradi. HidrT 'aleyh saläm neyerge barasiz dep sordi, 'Abd al-Rahman FädTshäh mektebke baramen didi. KhidrT 'aleyh saläm nime telasiz dep sordi, 'Abd al-Rahman FädTshä Tmän telaymen didi. KhidrT 'aleyh saläm aghzingni aching didi 'Abd al-Rahman FädTshä aghzini achti. aghzigha KhidrT 'aleyh saläm tokurdi. yette kün bolghanda mulläsi sabaq bolmadi. mendin ötüp mollä bolupdur dep atasi HäjT FädTshähning qolighe berdi.
Translation:
HäjT FädTshäh led 'Abd al-Rahman FädTshäh go to school, on the seventh day 'Abd al-Rahman encountered KhidrT (Peace be upon him!). KhidrT (Peace be upon him!) asked him «Where are you going?» 'Abd al-Rahman said «I go to school». Then KhidrT (Peace be upon him!) said «Open your mouth». 'Abd al-Rahman opened his mouth, and KhidrT (Peace be upon him!) poured [something into his mouth]. On the seventh day, his master could not teach anything to him and said "He became more intellectual than me" and send him back to his father HäjT FädTshäh.
Personal names as presented in a Perso-Arabic manner, such as HäjT FädTshäh, 'Abd al-Rahman FädTshäh, are basically appropriate. The Turkic verbs, such as uchur-, bar-, sor-, tel-, de-, ach-, tokur-, bol-, and öt-, are rather prescriptive, but there are little influences from local oral accents.
The structure of text (A) is as follows. The three texts have fundamentally similar structures but differ in their final accounts of Tungan's victory and the capture of Khotan.
- At the beginning of the story, young 'Abd al-Rahman FädTshäh meets with Saint KhidrT. KhidrT performed miracles to 'Abd al-Rahman, and he becomes «more intelligent than his master" in a moment of time.
- At the age of 30, 'Abd al-Rahman has a seal placed on his shoulders by KhidrT, and is then enthroned as king of Khotan.
- A son of Mehmän Bäy brought a letter and 'Abd al-Rahman found out that the
[enemy] Tungans had advanced to a land named Pialma.
- 'Abd al-Rahman dispatched his servant Isma'Jl.
- Isma'Jl is arrested by Tungan troops, and abetted (by whom?) to kill his master 'Abd al-Rahman.
- 'Abd al-Rahman arrives at the battlefield and is killed by Isma'Jl.
- After 'Abd al-Rahman's death, Ismail is arrested by Tungan again, and is accused of disloyalty to his master ('Abd al-Rahman).
- Tungan finally captures Khotan and the story concludes with the Arabic phrase «and God knows what is right».
Text A concludes with mentioning the capture of Khotan by the Tungans. In reality, the Battle of Pialma in 1865 was won by Khotan troops and the enemies, including the Tungans, returned to Yarkand5. In texts (B) and (C), there are no such contradictory descriptions. This aspect of contradiction is rather similar to the Grenard texts, which were been collected at Khotan one decade earlier.
In terms of the motifs, text (A) includes many common elements with the modern Abdurrahman epics. For example, someone who performs miracles to 'Abd al-Rahman at the beginning of text (A) appears under the name of Saint KhidrJ. A series of specific stories that are included in text (A) have certain aspects in common with texts in the modern dastan. These include the idea of Tungan-Khotanese rivalry at Pialma, a betrayal by hero's servant called Isma'Jl, and an enemy's oath on a fake Qur'an. These elements are new in text (A), and are not included in Grenard's text.
3. Text (B): Turkestan 1708 (7 pages in verse). In contrast with text (A), text (B) has obviously irregular aspects in both style and language; it is written in a disorderly style on the pages with different types of ink, which has partly discolored over a century. On the other hand, the entire content of this text is in the form of rhyming couplets (beyt) and includes many wordy refrains. These features suggest the possibility that this text was written in a great hurry, while listening to a real performance of a ghazalchi.
This suggestion is also supported by the linguistic features of this text. Many of the words that appear in this text show strong oral features; we can find many features of Khotan and Kashgar dialects in the Perso-Arabic vocabulary, as well as the Turkic words of the text. This aspect of a mixture of two dialects is one of the most notable features of this text. This can be summarized as follows:
(1) Correspondence between the consonants [j] and [r] : biydi (<berdi: gave); biygin (<bergin: do give ); qiyiq (<qirq: 40).
(2) Omission of the consonant [l] from verbal stems: aghan (<alghan: took); otturdi (<olturdi: sat); bosa (< bolsa: if it is --).
(3) Correspondences between chirmek/ kirmek (enter), chim / kim (who).
Whereas (1) and (2) are usually explained as typical features of Khotan dialect,
(3) is recognized as distinct among Kashgar dialect speakers (Osmanow 1990, P. 77-78; Sugawara 2014, P. 423, f.n.21).
What kind of situation may have caused this kind of «mixture" of two dialects in a text? This phenomenon is obviously related to the provenance of this text. As is well known, this legend (song) was originally generated in the Khotan region after the tragic death of Abdurrahman in the Battle of Pialma in 1865. At first, this legend must have been sung among the people of Khotan, and it is definite that the primary version of this song would have had a genuine Khotan accent. This linguistic feature of text (A) (and the provenance of these texts) suggests the possibility that this song was also sung in the Kashgar region by ghazalchis with a Kashgar accent in the early twentieth century. In fact, according to the record by Hartmann, a ghazalchi
5 About the historical facts surrounding Abdurrahman's death, see: Sugawara 2014, P. 419-421; Kim 2004, P. 51.
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named Sawut, who had sung Abdurrahman Padshah to Hartmann at Yengihisar in the year 1902 (?), was a speaker of the genuine Yarkand dialect (Hartmann 1908, P. 40).
In terms of its structure and contents, this text is fundamentally similar to text (A) but differs in the final part, as mentioned above. There are also some small differences from text (A), such as the lack of a name for Khidr and the accounts of the capture of Isma'Jl. At the beginning, a few additional couplets also appear before the miraculous story of the old man and the hero. It is also noteworthy that there are many similar phrases and word-usages between this text and text (A).
For example, the descriptions of battles prior to death of 'Abd al-Rahman: Grenard Text, P. 92:
bir qetimmu kirganda, nechchesinimu olturgan. ikki qetim kirganda, yarmisi tugap chiqqan. uch qetimmu kirganda, ong yotagha oq tikkan. Translation
At the first attack, he killed some. At the second attack, his yarma (?) is exhausted. At the third attack, a bullet hit at his thigh. Text (B), p. 6:
bir qetimmu chigande, dawuzisighamu ot qoydi. ikki qetimmu chigande, minglik kafir otturdi. uch qetimmu chigande, on minglikni otturdi. tot qetimmu chigande, at pachiqqa oq tegdi.
besh qetimmu chigande, birghine haramzadJ putiningki aqisida marlapghine yetip tayfu bile bir qoydi. tayfuning oqi kelip 'Abd Rarman Akhund(sic)ning ong yotisiqa oq tegdi. Translation
At the first attack, he gave fire to the gate. At the second attack, he killed a huge number of infidels. At the third attack, one bastard shot a tayfur from behind, and the tayfur's bullet came and hit 'Abd Rarman Akhund's right thigh. Likewise, on the scene of 'Abd al-Rahman's death: Grenard Text, P. 93:
buyuruq(sic) bilan arada qichqiring, Khotenlikni. rezaliqni men berey, reza bolsunglar, Khotenlik. dunya desammu bar idi, auqat disammu bar idi, padshahliqgha yurtimda, hajetimmu yoq idi. men sizlarnimu men dep, shundagh boldum, Khotenlik. bu sozni bayan qilip, bir nefes tamam bolghan. Translation
Call the Khotaneses by my order. I will give satisfactions, be satisfied, Khotaneses. If I mention property, I have it. If I refer to time, I have it. I do not need to be the king of my motherland. I would like to be like you, Khotaneses. He told this word and gasped his life away. Text (B), P. 8:
way ukam, jenim ukam. Isma'Jl degan mahramning konglighe,
aza be'mang, dilighe aza be'mang.
yaxshi ashmu beringla, yaxshi tonmu beringla.
yaxshi atmu beringla, dilighe aza be'mang
dep sozni bayan qildi, nefsi togep ketti.
Translation
Way, my brother, my dear brother. Do not give any pain
to Isma'Jl's heart; do not given it to his mind.
Give him good meals, give him good clothes.
And give him good horses, and do not give him any pain.
He spoke in this way, and gasped his life away.
There are certain differences in the contents of the two texts, but it is still possible to point out some similarities in the usage of the words, suggesting some historical continuity. The same kind of «similarity» is also observable in the final part of this text, a verse entitled «elegy» (marthiya). This elegy could be understood as correspondence relating to the final refrains later in the text. Text B marthiya, P. 8:
at qoruqi? sachlise balam balam, leshke qachti desangchu balam. yunji majan chachlisa balam, pasha oldi desangchu balam. Khotendaki wakhtingda balam, karyurt da yatting balam. Translation
If horse's qoruq(?) my boy, my boy, you say soldiers run away, my boy. If treasures were strewed, my boy, you say King is dead, my boy. In your time in Khoten, my boy, you laid on the bed, my boy. Sayit and Abdulla, n.d. P. 81:
Khotanliklar yighlashti, baghrini hol yaga yeqip. bi-wapa ikan, alamning ishi, Abdurahman Ghazikhan, balam. a-balam, a-balam, a-balam. Translation
Khotanese cried together, [they] put their hearts to the wet place. How unjust divine work is! Abdurahman Ghazikhan, my boy! a-my boy, a-my boy, a-my boy.
Taking all of the above aspects into consideration, text (B) looks like both the Grenard text and the new texts since the 1980s. It can apparently be placed on the lineage of the developmental history of this oral tradition.
4. Text (C): Turkestan 1627 (4 pages in verse). Text (C) has a basic stylistic similarity to text (B) in terms of its couplet verses. On the other hand, this text has many differences from text (B) in its layout, language, and some small motifs.
The layout of text (C) looks tidier and indicates that the copyist had higher levels of literacy; each couplet begins on a new line and the script is also in order within the whole.
About the language, there are some oral features, such as the assimilation of consonant [r] in coda position (Hahn 1998, P. 385), and the insertion of the suffix -ghu and -ghine, possibly for rhyming purposes. However, the dialectic elements that have been discussed in the case of text (B) cannot be observed. There is simply a misspelling of Zangboy / Zangsuy for the place name Zangghuy.6 This might suggest that the original singer of this text was from the Kashgar region, and lacked geographical knowledge of Khotan region.
In terms of the structure of its content, as is mentioned above, text (C) is fundamentally similar to the other texts, especially text (B), although there are definite differences in detailed word usage as well as certain motifs in the story. For example, in one comparatively similar part, the accounts of the situation of the Khotanese troops after they have been sallied from Khotan are described as follows: Text (B), P. 4:
6 Zangghuy (Present day Zangguy yezisi) locates in Guma County, Khotan Prefecture. See Sabit and Nasir 1994, p.706.
nechchen kunmu yol mangip, Piyalmagha kelganda kech mu ghu bolap qaldi. soghaqmu ghu bek boldi. tashnaliqgha teng boldi. leshker balla gha qalap, sarwaz balla gha qalap. mahram(sic) ballagha qalap, yigit balla gha qalap. way balla jenim balla, bir yurtni achip keling balla. igasi yetip kelse, ottuz alte yambuni nekh beray ghine balla. leshker ballamu berip, bir yurt ni achip keldi. igasi yetip kelse, ottuz alte yambuni nekh berip mu ottadi. otni mu qalap qoydi, chaynimu quyup qoydi. Translation
After marching several days, they arrived at Pilayma in the evening. The coldness became harder, it became the same as teshnaliq(?). ['Abd al-Rahman] saw the soldier boys, and saw the officer boys. ['Abd al-Rahman] saw his servant boys, and saw the cavalier boys. Way boys, my dear boys, please go and open one house (?yurt), If the owner has come, I will pay 36 yambu to him, boys. The soldier boys went out, and opened one house.
After the owner had come, ['Abdurrahman] gave him 36 yambu and sat down. They put the firewood [into the fire], they poured tea [into the teacup]. Text (C), P. 1-2:
SerJq Sughe barghande, soghaqmu bek boldi. ichi dise sumu yoq. sinay dise otmu yoq. teshnelik ke teng boldi. 'Abd Rahman(sic) Akhunum leshker balalargha qaralap, ozanglarmu yenglar, 'Jd namazni oqup mangali dise, shubu jengde, olup ketsek shahJd keteli khojam, shubu jengde yene qalsaq ghazJ qalali khojam, 'Abd Rahman Akhunumning balalagha qalap, Hay balala jenim bala, erlarning oyini achip otlarni qalap qoyghil. (P.2) sJn chayni quyup qoyghil. oyning igesi kelse besh yambuni men berey. otlarni qalap qoydi. SJn chayni quyup qoydi, Gul Khanni yeqip qoydi. chadJr-baregahlarni qatarmu tekip qaldi. elemni qadap qoydi. Translation
When they arrived at SerJq Su, the coldness became harder.
They did not even have water to drink, they did not even have firewood to be
warm. It became the same as teshnelik(?).
'Abd Rahman Akhunum saw the boys
and said «Please eat something, let us do the service for the feast and go».
[The soldiers replied] «If we die in this battle, we will be martyrs, Khojam.
And if we can survive the battle, we will be Holy Warriors (ghazJ), Khojam !»
[And] 'Abd Rahman saw the boys and said,
«Hey boys, my dear boys, open the man's house and put firewood,
(p.2) and pour sin tea. After the owner of the house has come, I will pay five
yambu to him».
[Then the soldiers] put firewood, poured sin tea, put Gul Khan, set up the tents (chadTr-baregah), and erected the frags.
Although the first place name is different (Pialma / SerJq Su), these descriptions could be recognized as belonging to the same scene; the Khotanese soldiers have departed from Qaraqash, and tried to take rest at a local private house to escape the cold of the evening. Whereas text (B) is preoccupied with a detailed explanation of the situation, text (C) has slightly more recitative elements such as the insertion of the conventional phrase «If we die, we will be martyrs (shahJd), otherwise we will be Holy Warriors (ghazJ)!»
5. Discussion: The Abdurrahman Legend in the early 20th century. As
mentioned above, the real images of the Abdurrahman legend in the early twentieth century emerge through a close examination into the Hartmann texts. These images can be categorized in terms of their extensiveness and consistency. Let us now reconsider each of them in turn in greater depth.
Geographical Extensiveness. Historically, the story of Abdurrahman is a tragedy, which took place in the Khotan region in 1865. Therefore, this story has been primary memorized, performed, and appreciated by Khotenlik, the people of Khotan. After the «martyrdom" of Abdurrahman, the people of Khotan witnessed various political movements; the murder of Hajj! HabJb Allah after an evil plot by Ya'qub Beg, Niyaz Beg's governorship under the Ya'qub Beg regime and Qing's re-conquest, etc.7 However, it could be surmised that this painful memory of their lost leader Abdurrahman was stored and maintained among the people of Khotan until the arrival of French travelers. At this time, Grenard witnessed a singer's performances and recorded the two Abdurrahman stories.
However, the three texts collected by Hartmann were not collected in the Khotan region, but Yarkand or Yengihisar, which had originally belonged to the «enemy" of Abdurrahman and Khotaneses in a historical context. At the time of Hartmann's visit, the Abdurrahman legend had acquired certain extensiveness in the south fringes of Taklimakan and was even sung by local ghazalchis with a Kashgar accent. The emergence of a literary text like text (A), and a comparatively polished oral text like text (C), could also be recognized as products of this extensiveness. The provenance and contents of Hartmann's texts clearly reveals that this legend has accomplished an expansion to outside the Khotan region and entertaining a wider group of people in the early twentieth century.
Historical Consistency. The two Grenard texts were collected in the 1890s in the Khotan region. As I have examined in my previous study, both texts are very short in length, and there is an apparent historical contradiction where the stories have been described as showing a dichotomy between the Khotanese people and the Qing government, headed by the local governor (Amban).
In contrast, the three Hartmann texts follow the fundamental historical process in two ways: portraying the rebels against their infidel rulers, as symbolized by the phrase «Open the Islam (Islam achmaq)», and the battle against the invaders (Tungans) from the west. Beyond this, the total volume of these texts is significantly greater than that of the Grenard texts, with each description, such as that of the actual situations of Abdurrahman and the Khotanese troops in the battle, becoming definitely informative. This «expansion» of the contents may increase the accuracy of the story, although it is not so easy to distinguish accurate information from literary rhetoric. The historical consistency of the basic plot and the increase in the contents may have developed as a result of repeated performances by singers in front of audiences.
Concluding Remarks: Toward the Genesis of Uyghur Dastan. The various features of the Hartmann text that have been examined here can be recognized as the prototype for further developed versions of the Abdurrahman epic. The fundamental synopsis and most of the motifs of this heroic legend reached a stable "perfection» in the early twentieth century, and have been polished through constant public performances up to the present day.
It should be noted that text (A) is has the characteristic of a literary work rather than an oral epic. This fact indicates the possibility that Abdurrahman's story was in the process of developing as a written piece of literature. That is to say, even though
7 The general descriptions about Khotan in this era, see Kim 2004, pp. 90-91; 103-108; 173-178.
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it is very limited, this legend came to be read and referred to through written text at the time when Hartmann had made his journey to Xinjiang. This could be related to the discussion about the creation of a «fixed text» and the «death of the oral tradition», which Albert Lord suggested in his well-known work The Singer of the Tales (Lord 1960, P.137). This should be examined in more detail in future studies.
The extensiveness of the Hartmann Text (especially text B) is definitely notable. Through examining cultural elements of the neighboring region Kashgar, the story shows a great transition from a painful local memory within the oasis community of Khotan to a more extensive cultural story or common knowledge.
The last century-the hundred years from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth century-was a time of genesis and development of the Abdurrahman epic, as well as an epoch of nation-building for «Uyghurs» in the context of modernization. If we pay attention to this Abdurrahman legend, the extensive transition discussed runs parallel to the higher dimension of a cultural movement; another «extensive transition" of Uyghur national identity beyond the oasis identity. Therefore, the Hartmann texts may embody some aspects of certain developments in oral literature among the Turkic inhabitants that make up «Uyghur Dastan» in the present day.
Эдебиеттер tî3îmî / Список литературы
1. Hahn R.F. «Uyghur»// The Turkic Languages. / Lars Johanson and Éva A. Csatö (eds). - London-New York: Routledge, 1998. - P. 379-396.
2. Hartmann M. Chinesisch Turkestan: Geschichte, Verwaltung, Geistesleben und Wirtschaft. -Halle,1908.
3. Kim Hodong. Holy War in China. - Stanford, 2004.
4. Lord A.B. The Singer of the Tales. - Oxford, 1960.
5. Osmanow M. Hazirqi Zaman Uyghur Tili Di'aläktliri. - Ürümchi: Shinjang Yashlar-Ösmürlär Näshriyati, 1990.
6. Sabit A., Turdi N. Khänzuchä-Uyghurcä Shinjang Yär Namliri Lughiti [Chinese-Uyghur Dictionary of Xinjiang Place Names]. - Ürümchi: Shinjang Khälq Näshriyati, 1994.
7. Sugawara J. Doitsu Renpö Kyöwakoku shozö no Shinkyö shiryö ni tsuite: Marutin Harutoman shushu syahon to kanren shiryö [Электронный ресурс] // Xinjiang Historical Sources stored in the Federal Republic of Germany: Manuscripts and the related materials collected by Martin Hartmann, in Shinmen Yasushi(ed.), Chuö Ajia ni okeru Uigurujin chi'iki shakai no hen'yö to minzoku aidentiti ni kansuru chösa kenkyu (Heisei 15 nendo - Heisei 18 nendo Kagaku kenkuhi hojokin, Kiban kenku A(1) Kenku seika hökoku sho). - Tokyo: Chuö Daigaku. URL: http: http://www.uighur.jp/myworks/articles/ 06survey/200703.htm (дата обращения: 27.05.2006).
8. Sugawara J. «Expanded Texts of «Martyrdom»: The Genesis and Development of the Uighur Legend of Abdourahman Han» Eurasian Studies // Scribes and Readers in Iranian, Indian and Central Asian Manuscript Traditions. / Edited by Nalini Balbir and Maria Szuppe. - Rome-Halle: Istituto per l'Oriente C.A. Nallino, Rome & Orientalisches Institut der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle- Wittenberg, 2014. - P. 417-435.
9. Shin Sei'iki ki [New Record on the Western Region]: 2 vols. / Uehara Yoshitarö (ed.). - Tokyo: Yukousha, 1937.
References
A. The Texts of Abdurrahman Legend
Grenard Texts - Rhins, Jules Léon Dutreuil de, Mission Scientifique dans la Haute Asie 1890-1895, Vol. 3 Paris, 1897, 88-93 (text); 94-97 (variant); http://dsr.nii.ac.jp/toyobunko/VIII-1-B-26/V-3/ (last accessed, May 27, 2006). (in Eng). Hartmann Texts - Bibliothek der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Nachlaß Martin Hartmann,
B 192 (B) - 1490, 2 (Text A); 1490,1: fol. 4b-6a (Text C); 1490, 1: fol. 7a-b, 9a-b, 11a-12b (Text B). Rakhman 1988 - Rakhman, Abdikerim (ed.), Uyghur Khälq Dastanliri (1). Ürümchi: Shinjang Khälq
Näshriyati, 1988. (in Uygh) Sayit and Abdulla - Sayit, Mämätili and Abdulla Majnun(eds), Abdurahman Khan, Khotan., n.d. (in Uygh)
B. Other works
Hahn 1998 - Hahn, Reinhard F., «Uyghur» in Lars Johanson and Éva A. Csatö (eds), The Turkic Languages. London and New York: Routledge, 1998, P.379-396.(in Eng).
Hartmann 1908 - Hartmann, Martin 1908 Chinesisch Turkestan: Geschichte, Verwaltung, Geistesleben
und Wirtschaft, Halle. (in Deutsch). Kim 2004 - Kim Hodong 2004 Holy War in China. Stanford. (in Eng). Lord 1960 - Lord, Albert B 1960 The Singer of the Tales, Oxford. (in Eng).
Osmanow 1990 - Osmanow, Mirsultan 1990 Hazirqi Zaman Uyghur Tili Di'alaktliri. UrQmchi: Shinjang
Yashlar-OsmQrlar Nashriyati. (in Uyg). Sabit and Nasir 1994 - Sabit, Abdreshit and Turdi Nasir, Khanzucha-Uyghurca Shinjang Yar Namliri Lughiti [Chinese-Uyghur Dictionary of Xinjiang Place Names], UrQmchi: Shinjang Khalq Nashriyati (in Uyghur and Chin).
Sugawara 2007 - Sugawara, Jun 2007 Doitsu Renpo Kyowakoku shozo no Shinkyo shiryo ni tsuite: Marutin Harutoman shushu syahon to kanren shiryo" [On the Xinjiang Historical Sources stored in the Federal Republic of Germany: Manuscripts and the related materials collected by Martin Hartmann ], (27.05.2006) Shinmen Yasushi(ed.), Chuo Ajia ni okeru Uigurujin chi'iki shakai no hen'yo to minzoku aidentiti ni kansuru chosa kenkyu (Heisei 15 nendo - Heisei 18 nendo Kagaku kenkuhi hojokin, Kiban kenku A(1) Kenku seika hokoku sho), Tokyo: Chuo Daigaku. available: http:// uighur.jp/myworks/articles/06survey/200703.htm. (in Jap) Sugawara 2014 - Sugawara, Jun. 2014, «Expanded Texts of «Martyrdom»: The Genesis and Development of the Uighur Legend of Abdourahman Han", Eurasian Studies 2014 XII (Scribes and Readers in Iranian, Indian and Central Asian Manuscript Traditions, edited by Nalini Balbir and Maria Szuppe), Istituto per I'Oriente C.A. Nallino, Rome & Orientalisches Institut der Martin-Luther-Universitat Halle Wittenberg, P. 417-435. (in Eng). Uehara 1937 - Uehara Yoshitaro (ed.) 1937 Shin Sei'iki ki [New Record on the Western Region], Tokyo, Yukousha, 2 vols. (in Jap)
Мартин Хартман жинаган Абдурахман Падшахтьщ азаптанушыльщ туралы уш мэпш
Джун Сугавара
гылыми ^ызметкер, Ау^ымды Зерттеулердщ магистрлк мектеб^ Токионщ шетелдердi зерттеу институты, Токио, Жапония. Add: Institute for Global Area Studies, TUFS, 3-11-1 Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi, Tokyo 183-8534 Japan. E-mail: [email protected]
Тушн. K|a3ipri уа^ытта Галле, Заледеп немю шыгыстанульщ ^огамыньщ ютапханасында уйгыр хальщ дастандары шшен жа^сы мэлiм болган шедеврлерЫщ 6ipi - Абдурахман Падишах тарихы туралы эцпмелейтЫ Yш ^олжазбаныц фрагментi са^талган. Бул мэтiндер XIX-XX ff. басындаFы эйгл немiс шыFыстанушысы Мартин Хартманныц (1851-1918) коллекциясыныц 6ip бвлiгi болып табылады. Бул мэтiндер эдеби шыгарманьщ басца mYpiHde ягни ^ыс^а влек (цошац) mYpiHde жазылган, осы ацыздыц дамуын Yйренуде ерекше мацы^а ие бiрнеше мэлiметтердi ^амты^ан. А мэтiнi ауыз эдебиетшщ жазба эдебиетке фекая) ауысуын аныщ кврсетсе, С мэтiнi ттдк, стилистикалыщ жэне тарихи баяндаудыц на^ты тYсiндiруiн ^амты^ан. В мэтiнiнде уЙFыр ттшщ Хотан жэне KашFар диалекттершщ араластырылFанын кврсететiн жэне а^параттарды ауызша берудщ ерекше элеменнтерi бар. Бул деректер ХХ f. басында Абдуррахман Падишах туралы ацыздыц Таклимаканныц ок^ст аудандарында тараFан тYркi халы^тарыныц жалпы мэдениетiне жататыны туралы мэлiмет бередк ТYЙiн сездер: ауызша эпос; дастан; Хотан; уЙFыр; тYркi.
Три текста о мученичестве Абдахмана Падшаха, собранные Мартином Хартманном
Сугавара Джун
научный сотрудник, Магистерская Школа глобальных исследований, Токийский институт исследования зарубежных стран, Токио, Япония. Add: Institute for Global Area Studies, TUFS, 3-11 -1 Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi, Tokyo 183-8534 Japan. E-mail: [email protected]
Аннотация. В настоящее время в Библиотеке Немецкого востоковеденого общества в Галле, Зале, хранятся три фрагмента рукописей, повествующих об истории Абдуррахамана Падшаха, которая хорошо известна как один из шедевров уйгурских народных дастанов. Эти тексты составляют часть коллекции Мартина Хартманна (1851-1918), известного немецкого востоковеда конца XIX - начала XX вв. Эти тексты содержат несколько сведений, которые очень важны для изучения развития этой легенды от того вида, в котором она изложена в коротких песнях (цошац), до повествования в иной форме литературного произведения. Текст А ясно показывает трансформацию от устной литературы к письменному нарративу (hекая), а текст C содержит
явные уточнения в языковом и стилистическом планах и в смысле связного исторического повествования. С другой стороны, текст В имеет четко выраженные элементы устной передачи информации, что выражено в смешении хотанского и кашгарского диалектов уйгурского языка. Этот факт говорит о том, что легенда об Абдуррахмане Падишахе была распространена в начале ХХ в. в такой форме, которая находилась выше оазисных идентичностей и относилась к общей культуре тюркского населения южной оконечности района Такламакана. Ключевые слова: устный эпос; дастан; Хотан; уйгурский; тюркский.
