CC BY
19
УДК 94(510).09
The Sacred Edict in Arabic Translation: Sa'id Muhammad al-'Asali's «Qanun al-Sin» (1906)
Brophy David
Lecturer in Modern Chinese History, University of Sydney. SOPHI A14, Camperdown NSW 2006, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract. This article discusses a little known work by the Syrian Islamic scholar Said Muhammad al-'Asali al-Jarablusi, better known in Central Asia as Shami Damulla (1880-1932?). Entitled Qanun al-Sin (The Law of China), the work was published in Cairo in 1906, at the conclusion of al-Asali's first visit to Xinjiang. As I describe, the work is an Arabic translation of the so-called Li Kitabi, a bilingual Chinese-Turkic redaction of the Kangxi emperor's Sacred Edict, with supplementary material shedding further light on the functioning of late-Qing administration in Xinjiang. I conclude the article with some reflections on the place of the Qanun al-Sin in Islamic modernist discourse on China in the early twentieth century.
Keywords: Xinjiang; Sa id Muhammad al-'Asali al-Jarablusi; Qing law; translation; Confucianism; Islamic modernism.
Sa'id Muhammad al-'Asali al-Jarablusi (1880-1932?), better known by the name Shami Damulla «The Syrian Master» is by now a relatively familiar figure in the historiography of Islam in Central Asia. An Ottoman Arab by birth, al-'Asali left his mark as an influential hadith scholar in Soviet Turkistan in the 1920s, before falling victim to the Soviet anti-religious campaign and the persecutions of the 1930s. As discussed in studies by Ashirbek Muminov (2005) and Bakhtiyar Babajanov (2015), from 1919 onwards al-'Asali cultivated a circle of students in Tashkent who went on to play an important role in Soviet Islam in the period following World War II.
Most discussions of al-'Asali's life and times make mention of the fact that prior to his arrival in Soviet Turkistan, he had spent a considerable amount of time in neighboring Xinjiang. Between 1900 and 1919, a period spanning the fall of the Qing and the creation of the Chinese Republic, al-'Asali made three separate visits to Xinjiang, and acquired a considerable profile in learned circles throughout the province. In my recent book I touched on his involvement in school reform in Kashgar, and his efforts to insert himself into the relationship between the Muslims of Xinjiang and the Ottoman court (Brophy 2016). In this brief article I introduce one of the literary products of al-'Asali's years in Xinjiang, a study of Qing law entitled Qanun al-Sin (The Law of China).
The Li Kitabi in Late-Qing Xinjiang. Published in Cairo in 1906, al-'Asali's Qanun al-Sin serves as a rare example of a modernist Muslim theologian's engagement with the Confucian tradition. Besides this, the work is also valuable for the biography of al-'Asali that it contains, penned by the Palestinian writer Ibrahim al-Dabbagh. Al-Dabbagh's preface is, to my knowledge, the best available source for the early life of the man who eventually became known as Shami Damulla, describing his intellectual formation in the madrasas of India in the last decade of the nineteenth century, and attesting to al-'Asali's growing reputation as a man of letters.
The Qanun al-Sin is presented as a translation of a handbook of Qing law. According to al-'Asali's own introduction, he received a copy of the book from an educated young man in Kashgar, a local Muslim who had received a Chinese
education and had been appointed to teach in a Qing school (xuetang ЩШ.). Al-
'Asali carried the volume with him on his travels through the province, which evenutally took him to the provincial capital Dihua, a town he refers to by its
colloquial designation of Hongmiaozi (i.e. the Red Temple, a local landmark).
Al-'Asali had made his way to Dihua to present some kind of petition (about what he does not say), and doing so brought him to the translation office of the provincial governor's yamen. There he engaged one of the translators in conversation about the book that he was carrying:
One of the translators met me at that time, and I showed him the book and asked him what it was about. When he saw it he stood up and said to me: «Where did you get that from?» I said: «One of my friends gave me this». He said: «And do you know what it is?» I said: «No». He said «This is the Li». I said «And what is Li?»
He said «This contains information about the laws of the Chinese government». Then he opened it and started flipping through it until he found a sentence, and said to me: «See, this sentence is relevant to your petition. The chief secretary has included this with the translation of your petition, so that it will gain the governor's approval».
Then he started to laud and praise its composer, Tongzhi Huangdi, the emperor of China. He said that the people of China were in unanimous agreement that this emperor was without equal, that in his wisdom, kindness, good policy and care for
the people he attained the level of a saint (shengren MA). The book was composed
four years before his death.
I asked: «Would there be anything to prevent me from translating it into my language?»
He said «No» (Tunji Khangdi 1906, P. 1-2).
Impressed by this fulsome praise of the Tongzhi emperor (reigned 1861-1875), al-'Asali set about translating the work into Arabic, relying for this purpose on an assistant who was bilingual in Turkic and Chinese.
The book which al-'Asali was translating has become known to the scholarly
world as the Li Kitabi (The Book of Li), a title presumably referring to Chinese li ff, i.e. ritual propriety. This bilingual Chinese-Turkic text was itself a product of a complicated process of translation. Printed in the wake of Zuo Zongtang's reconquest of Xinjiang in the 1870s, the purpose of the Li Kitabi was to inculcate Confucian ethical standards and knowledge of Qing law among Xinjiang's Muslims, an approach that reflected the territory's new status as a full-blown province of the Qing Empire. The Chinese text of the Li Kitabi consisted of the Sixteen Sacred Maxims with Simple Explanations of the Code (Shengyu shiliutiao fu lu
yijieMM+^ftffi&MM), by Xia XinS^ (1789-1871). This is an 1868 redaction of the Kangxi emperor's Sacred Edict, various editions of which were recited publicly throughout the empire every fortnight (Mair 1985). As well as homilies on the Sacred Edict's original sixteen maxims, Xia Xin's work also contains a selection of articles
from the Qing code (Daqing luli (Yang 2007). Alongside this Chinese text,
the Li Kitabi provides a loose Turkic paraphrase of its text's injunctions and sanctions, which at times diverges sharply from Xia Xin's composition. Either the translators came up with this Turkic text themselves, or were working from a highly simplified Chinese or Manchu version of the Sacred Edict.
The Turkic text of the Li Kitabi attracted the interest of a number of scholars passing through Xinjiang in the early twentieth century, and three of al-'Asali's contemporaries published studies of it. In 1891, the Tarbaghatay imam Qurban ' Ali Khalidi showed the visiting linguist Nikolai Katanov a copy of the Li Kitabi that he
had acquired in Dihua in 1886. Katanov copied it out, and eventually obtained his own copy, producing a transcription and translation of the text in 1902 (Katanov 1902). Where exactly Katanov derived the title Li Kitabi from is unclear, but judging from al-'Asali's encounter with the translators in Dihua (see above), the text was indeed known by this designation in Xinjiang1.
The second visitor to Xinjiang to study the Li Kitabi was the Prussian archaeologist Albert von Le Coq, who was given a copy as a gift of the hereditary Muslim aristocrat (wang) of Lukchun, in the Turfan oasis. In the spring of 1905, Le Coq read through the text with the help of a local translator, and transcribed it according to his assistant's colloquial pronunciation. Back in Europe he continued working on the text, aided by the Sinologist Erich Haenisch, and eventually published his study in 1925 (Le Coq 1925).
Finally, around the same time as Le Coq was excavating in the Turfan oasis, the Kokandi poet Zakirjan Furqat came into possession of a copy of the Li Kitabi in Yarkand, where he was then residing. Furqat rendered the Li Kitabi's awkward translationese style into a more literary form of Chaghatay, before sending it to the Turkistan Provincial News (Turkistan vilayatining gazeti), the organ of the tsarist administration in Tashkent. From December 1905 to February 1906, the Turkistan Provincial News printed a serialized edition of the text entitled «The Laws of China and its Political Affairs» (Qava'id-i Chin va amurat-i siyasi) (Furqat 1991, vol. 2, P. 262-280).
These studies indicate that the Li Kitabi had a relatively wide circulation in late-Qing Xinjiang, but the work is extremely rare today. No Chinese publications or library catalogues that I have seen make mention of it. Unfortunately, a copy once recorded as part of Martin Hartmann's collection of Central Asian prints and lithographs seems to have gone missing (Hartmann 1904, P. 100-101). The Katanov text, shipped to Istanbul with the sale of the linguist's library in 1914, is the most likely prospect for researchers, though so far my efforts to confirm its existence have not borne fruit. In the 1930s Huseyin Namik Orkun drew on the volume from Katanov's library for a Turkish translation of the Li Kitabi (Orkun 1935), and in 1941 Wolfram Eberhard also examined the work, penning some valuable notes on it (Eberhard 1978, P. 123-127).
The Qanun al-Sin. For Katanov and Le Coq, the Li Kitabi was primarily an exercise in Turkology. Unlike these two scholars (though similar to Furqat), al-'Asali saw his work instead as a contribution to the Islamic world's knowledge of Qing China and its laws. The work was published at a prestigious press in Cairo, and was a means of establishing the translator's reputation in the Ottoman literary milieu. Al-'Asali's name on the cover is accompanied by the epithets «the renowned traveller and great hadith scholar and linguist» (al-rahhalat al-shahTr al-muhaddith al-lughawT al-kabTr), and luminaries of the Arab intellectual scene such as Rashid Rida and Muhammad Kurd 'Ali gave his book positive reviews in their journals (Rida 1907; Kurd 1907). Conscious of the need to meet certain literary standards, al-'Asali penned an introduction and conclusion to his translation, and also edited the text significantly. Dividing the text into two halves, he dealt with the Sacred Edict's homilies in the first, and the punishments for various infractions in the second.
Although al-'Asali's Qanun al-Sin is obviously a translation of the Li Kitabi, it is equally evident that his text is much more substantial work than the Turkic version.
1 Katanov adds that in his view the word li in Arabic script represents Chinese liyi, by which he probably intends i® «propriety and righteousness». He also received information to the effect that the book was the work of a translator named Fusan in Kashgar, though this seems to confuse the Li Kitabi with the Turkic translation of the Yuzhi quanshan yaoyan WWMSWrn, printed in Kashgar in 1893.
Given its length, my initial hypothesis was that he was working from the Chinese text of Xia Xin's Sixteen Sacred Maxims, but a comparison of the two quickly ruled this out. Al-'Asali's work draws exclusively on the Turkic text, but augments it considerably with supplementary materials. Without going into a full exegesis of the text, I will demonstrate this structure using al-'Asali's fifth clause on ploughing and weaving, which corresponds to the fourth maxim of the Sacred Edict: «Recognize the importance of husbandry and the culture of the mulberry tree, in order to ensure a sufficiency of clothing and food» (Mair 1985, P. 325). In the Li Kitabi, this section begins as follows:
yemasa gaza ac qaladur, kiymasa cafan toqlap qaladur. adam ac qalmay desa tarilgu qilsun. adam savuqga toqlamay desa, fila baqsun. tarilgu qilmaq er kisiniq isi. fila baqmaq mazlum kisiniq isi (Katanov 1902, P. 38-39).
If someone does not eat, they will go hungry. If they don't wear a coat, they will freeze. If someone wishes to be free from starvation, they should plant crops. If they wish to avoid freezing in the cold, they should cultivate silkworms. Agriculture is a man's work, while raising silkworms is a woman's work.
Al-'Asali's Arabic follows the Li Kitabi up to this point, but then turns to a much more elaborate injunction on the same theme, which has the feel of an official decree:
And cultivate, oh people, and sow, and construct irrigation and dig reservoirs and canals, and bring to life what is dead, and plant trees with wholesome and delicious fruit, and increase as far as you can your planting of mulberry trees and poplars etc., and willows and other kinds of tree for firewood and construction supplies, and similarly increase your vegetables and herbs. You must also obtain hemp, flax, cotton, sugarcane and bamboo, and be sure not to neglect the benefits of tea.
The text then switches to an explication of concrete regulations for agriculture and sericulture, beginning with the following:
He who wishes to reclaim wasteland or cultivate his land but does not have seeds or the instruments of cultivation, then let him request what he needs in terms of silkworms, livestock, or equipment from the agricultural official (amTr al-aradT) in that county. It is that official's duty to give him a respite of three years in which he will not levy any land tax (kharaj) from him, and then he will continue to request what is owing without increasing the amount. And thus, those who devote themselves to reclaiming the wasteland and bring to it sufficient water, thereby making it fit for cultivation and habitation, their recompense will be that a rank will be bestowed upon them as an official of the county. And if they had been dismissed for an offense it will be forgiven, and they will be returned to their position, and if they are an official, then they will rise or be increased in rank during their tenure, and if they are not worthy of that, then the emperor will reward them generously, and make honourable mention of them (Tunji Khangdi 1906, P. 17).
Identifying the source(s) for these sections of al-'Asali's translation, which do not occur in either the Chinese or Turkic text of the Li Kitabi, presents something of a conundrum. It may well be that he was working with the text of decrees or proclamations that he encountered on his travels through Xinjiang, or was interpolating text from administrative handbooks such as the Instructions for Raising Silkworms (Fila Baqadurghan Bayani), a work that I have not been able to examine (Hartmann 194, P. 101). Or, it is possible that he simply incorporated what his interlocutors told him was the prevailing law of the land. Al-'Asali was a conscientious editor, though, and in his introduction he does not mention embellishing the text in any way. A third possibility, therefore, is that there were editions of the Li Kitabi circulating in provincial Xinjiang with greater detail on local administration, and al-'Asali was working from one of these.
Whatever his source, these additional texts have the feel of authentic pronouncements of the Qing authorities in Xinjiang. In vocabulary and syntax, the passages show traces of linguistic features characteristic of Turkic translations issuing from the Qing bureaucracy in Xinjiang2. This being the case, al-'Asali's work acquires a certain additional value as a source on Qing provincial administration in Xinjiang. Among the most interesting of these rulings occurs at the end of the forty-second and final clause of the Qanun al-Sin. This section deals with the activities of qadi courts, and the relationship of the Qing code to Islamic law:
The people of the realm (al-iqlTm) are equal in rights. There is no difference among them, nor between the greatest scholars and the rest. If someone among the Muslims commits a crime, then the punishment will be meted out to him according to the determination of the shari'a of the Holy Muhammad3. Oh Muslims! Respect your religion, and be faithful to what your Prophet has brought you. If someone among you does something reprehensible, then it is up to the qadi to enforce the shari'a against him. Should [the qadi] refuse to do so, we have instituted a punishment of the li in terms of blows and reprobation. If any qadi makes a ruling, or mufti gives an opinion, in contradiction to the shari'a, they will be stripped of their office, and will be deemed to be falsifying the religion. The people of the realm are obliged to strive cooperatively and unite in everything that concerns the strengthening of the realm, the defense of the kingdom, and the increase of happiness. In this way they will be worthy of the emperor's approval (Tunji Khangdi 1906, P. 58).
If this does indeed represent some kind of official decree, it provides a valuable insight into the public ideological framing of Qing and Islamic law in late-Qing Xinjiang. On the one hand, it equalizes the status of the Muslims of Xinjiang and the inhabitants of the interior-an equality before Qing law that was embodied in the promulgation of the Li Kitabi itself. On the other hand, it affirms the role of the shari'a in adjudicating criminal cases involving Muslims. It does this, though, within an encompassing Qing legal regime that is itself capable of regulating the application of Islamic law. That is to say, the Qing state reserved for itself the right to act as an authority in determining when and where qadis and muftis had violated the shari'a.
Conclusion. The Sacred Edict has a long and involved textual history, both inside China as a means of moral instruction, and outside China as an entry point for foreigners to fathom the inner workings of the empire-a tradition tracing as far back as Russian translations of the Sacred Edict in the eighteenth century. To this textual history we can now add al-'Asali's Arabic rendering of the Li Kitabi. In this sense, al-'Asali was participating in a global effort to grasp the nature of Qing rule via the Sacred Edict. Yet as the work of an Islamic modernist, a man often referred to as a pan-Islamist and Salafist, al-'Asali's Qanun al-Sin presents its own distinct problems of interpretation. To properly situate this work in an Islamic intellectual context would require a much lengthier study than this, but I offer a few thoughts here by way of conclusion.
Al-'Asali's justification for his translation has a slightly apologetic ring to it. Situating himself within the genre of travel writing, he explains that he was motivated simply by a desire to set down the «weird and wonderful» (aja'ib wa ghara'ib), a common defense for Muslim writers taking an interest in things non-Muslim. He also informs us that he anticipated questions upon returning home about the state of
2 Below, for example, the word iqlTm «clime, region» is the standard translation for Chinese guo H, Manchu gurun in the Turkic «translationese» of Xinjiang, an idiom that I have referred to elsewhere as «yamen Uyghur». On p. 18 of the Qanun al-Sin we find the phrase «Is this not the case?» (a-laysa hadha bi-sidq?), most likely a translation of the Turkic emasmu, the standard rendering of the Manchu suffix -kai.
3 The Arabic text reads MJYN SNK RYN, i.e. Majin (?) Shengren ^A. In a footnote, al-'Asali confirms that this refers to the Prophet Muhammad.
affairs in China. In his opinion, the fact that the Qanun al-Sin contains the words of the emperor should lend his work greater reliability than the hearsay one usually encounters in travelogues (Tunji Khangdi 1906, P. 3-4). Given the effort involved in translating and publishing this work, though, it is hard to avoid the sense that al-'Asali's work in some way represents an endorsement of the positive view of the Qing expressed by the translator in Dihua-a sense that is consistent with what else we know of al-'Asali's view of the Qing (Brophy 2016, P. 108). As seen above, the final section of the Qanun al-Sin emphasizes the interest of Qing officialdom in upholding the shari'a, and in his conclusion al-'Asali expresses to his readers a hope that "it may seem to you that most of this [code] falls within the rulings of our pure shari'a" (Tunji Khangdi 1906, P. 58).4
The timeless notion of the justice of the Chinese emperor was a trope known to Islamic writing as much as to European. Beyond this, though, there seems to have been renewed interest in things Chinese among Muslim modernists at the turn of the century. Cairene journals such as Jurji Zaydan's al-Hilal and Rashid Rida's al-Manar carried articles not only on the political situation in the Far East, but also on Chinese religion and the Confucian classics. Though often mediated by Christian missionary discourse on China, Muslim intellectuals brought their own concerns to this topic. Rida argued, for example, that China's example of harmonious civilization confirmed that society's superiority to the Christian world, and he deemed it permissible for Muslims to think of Chinese religions as as much the product of divine revelation as Judaism and Christianity (Ryad 2009, P. 194-195).
It was not simply the affairs of Muslims in China that interested these intellectuals, therefore, but idea of China as a unique civilizational space, administered in accordance with a canon of classical texts. For Arab dissidents of the Hamidian period such as al-'Asali, who sought the salvation of the Islamic lands by renewing the authority of Islam's classical texts, it is not hard to imagine how such a vision of China could be attractive-not least as an ideal to which the Ottoman Empire might equally aspire. If there is validity to this line of interpretation, then we could well read the Qanun al-Sin as a rare, possibly even unique meeting of the minds, between kindred intellectual endeavors at opposite ends of Eurasia: Salafist theology with its strict emphasis on the hadith and Quran, and Zuo Zongtang's Hunanese school of activist Confucianism, which viewed the empire-wide consolidation of traditional ethical standards as key to China's survival in the modern world.
Эдебиеттер TißiMi / Список литературы
1. Babajanov B.M. 'Ulama'-Orientalists: Madrasa Graduates at the Soviet Institute of Oriental Studies // Reassessing Orientalism: Interlocking Orientologies During the Cold War. / Eds. Kemper, M. & Kalinovsky, A.M.) - Abingdon: Routledge, 2015. - P. 84-119.
2. Brophy D. Uyghur Nation: Reform and Revolution on the Russia-China Frontier. - Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2016.
3. Eberhard W. China und seine westlichen Nachbarn: Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen und neueren Geschichte Zentralasiens. - Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1978.
4. Furqat Z. Asarlar mazhmuasi. - Tashkent: Qo'lyozmalar instituti Tahrir va nashriyot bo'limi, 1991.
5. Hartmann M. Das Buchwesen in Turkestan und die türkischen Drucke der Sammlung Hartmann // Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin. - Berlin: Zweite Abteilung: Westasiatische Studien, 1904. - P. 69-103.
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4 The Syrian publicist Muhammad Kurd 'Ali took particular interest in the Qanun al-Sin's concluding passage on Islamic law, and excerpted it in his review (Kurd 'Ali 1907, P. 664).
7. Le Coq A.V. Das LT-KitabT // Körösi Csoma-Arkhivum. - 1925. - № 1. - P. 439-479.
8. Mair V.H. Language and Ideology in the Written Popularizations of the Sacred Edict // Popular Culture in Late Imperial China / Eds, Johnson, D., Nathan, A.J. & Rawski, E.S. - Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. - P. 325-359.
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12. Rida R. Qanun al-Sin // al-Manar. - 1907. - № 9. - P. 948.
13. Ryad U. Islamic Reformism and Christianity: A Critical Reading of the Works of Muhammad RashTd Rida and His Associates (1898-1935). - Brill, Leiden, 2009.
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References
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Harvard University Press, Cambridge MA. (in Eng). Eberhard 1978 - Eberhard, W 1978, China und seine westlichen Nachbarn: Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen und neueren Geschichte Zentralasiens. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt. (in Deutsch).
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Kazanskii federalist, 1, P. 231-247. (in Rus). Orkun 1935 - Orkun, HN 1935, Li Kitabi, Türk Hukuk Tarihi, Ara§tirmalar ve Dü§ünceler, Belgeler,
Köyhocasi Matbaasi, Ankara, P. 317-400. (in Turk). Kurd 1907 - Kurd Ali, Muhammad 1907, Qanun al-Sin, al-Muqtabas, 1, P. 663-664. (in Eng). Rida 1907 - Rida, R 1907, Qanun al-Sin, al-Manar, 9, P. 948. (in Eng).
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al-Asali al-Jarablusi) Matbu at Madrasat Walida Abbas al-Awwal, Cairo. (in Eng). Xia Xin 2007 - Xia Xin (2007) Shengyu shiliutiao fu lü yijie MM+A^l^ff^M. In Zhongguo lüxue
wenxian. Di 4 ji ^Hff^X®. ®4tt (Ed, Yang Yifan^ — K) Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, Beijing, vol. 4, P. 545-624. (in Chin).
Араб аудармадагы киелi эдикт: Ca'^4 Мухаммад аль-Асалиньщ «Канун аль-Син» атты шыгармасы (1906)
Брофи Дэвид
Заманауи Кытай тарихы бойынша лектор, Сидней университету Австралия. SOPHA A14, Camperdown NSW 2006, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]
tywh. Макалада Орталык Азияда Шами Дамулла (1880-1932?) атымен эйго болган сириялык мусулман галымы Саид Мухаммад аль-Асали аль-Тараблусиныц квпшiлiкке кец тынылмаган шыгармасы карастырылады. Аль-Асалидыц «Канун аль-Син» (Кытайдагы кукык) атты шыгармасы оныц Шынжацга алгашкы сапарынан кешн, ягни 1906 жылы Каирде жарык кврген. Бул шыгарма Шынжацдагы кежнп Циц эгамштпнщ жумыс жYргiзу ерекшел^ерЫ ашып кврсететiн мэлiметтермен толыктырылган император Кацсидыц кытай-тYркi екiтiлдiк касиеттi эдикты - «Ли китаби»ныц араб тоне аударылган нусхасы болып есептеледi. Макала соцында автор ХХ гасырдыц басындагы Кытай туралы исламдык модернистiк пмрлердеп «Канун аль-Син»ныц орнына катысты взшщ жеке квзкарастарымен бвлiседi.
tywh сездер: Шынжац; Са'ид Мухаммед аль-Асали аль-Тараблуси; Циц кукыгы; аударма; конфуциштдк; исламдык модернизм.
Священный эдикт в арабском переводе: сочинение «Канун аль-Син» Саида Мухаммада аль- Асали (1906)
Брофи Дэвид
лектор по истории современного Китая, Университет Сиднея, Австралия. SOPHI A14, Camperdown NSW 2006, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]
Аннотация. В статье рассмотрено малоизвестное сочинение мусульманского ученого из Сирии -Са ида Мухаммада аль- Асали аль-Тараблуси, более известного в Центральной Азии под именем Шами Дамулла (1880-1932?). Сочинение аль- Асали под названием «Канун аль-Син» (Право в Китае) было опубликовано в Каире в 1906, после первой поездки Шами Дамулла в Синьцзян. Сочинение представляет собой арабский перевод так называемой книги «Ли китаби», китайско-тюркской двуязычной редакции священного эдикта императора Канси, с добавлением материала, проливающего свет на функционирование позднецинской администрации в Синьцзяне. Статья завершается некоторыми собственными взглядами автора на место «Канун аль-Син» в исламском модернистском дискурсе о Китае в начале ХХ века.
Ключевые слова: Синьцзян; Са ид Мухаммад аль- Асали аль-Тараблуси; цинское право; перевод; конфуцианство; исламский модернизм.
