Научная статья на тему 'THE SEMANTICS AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PREFIXES IN THE LIMITATIVE ASPECTUAL CONFIGURATION IN MACEDONIAN'

THE SEMANTICS AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PREFIXES IN THE LIMITATIVE ASPECTUAL CONFIGURATION IN MACEDONIAN Текст научной статьи по специальности «Математика»

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LIMITATIVE ASPECT / ASPECTUAL CONFIGURATION / PREFIX / MACEDONIAN LANGUAGE / VERBS / ГЛАГОЛСКИ ВИД / ЛИМИТАТИВНОСТ / ВИДСКА КОНФИГУРАЦИјА / ПРЕФИКС / МАКЕДОНСКИ јАЗИК / ГЛАГОЛ

Аннотация научной статьи по математике, автор научной работы — Panovska-Dimkova Iskra

Limitativity is a complex aspect consisting of two aspectual values: a dominant momentary aspect and a subordinate continuative one. In Macedonian, these two aspectual values can be combined in a complex limitative aspect as early as in the root of the actual word, but most frequently the continuative aspect is represented in the root, while the dominant momentary aspect is represented in the affix or in the syntactic environment. In this paper we will focus only on the semantics and the distribution of the momentary prefixes that take part in the structure: momentary prefix + root with a continuative dominant (a simple continuative aspect or a complex aspect with a continuative dominant: telic, habitual and multiplicative). The prefixes which take part in the formation of this type of semantemes in Macedonian are: do-, za-, iz-, od-, po-, pre-, pri-, pro- and raz-. These prefixes denote a right-hand limit for the duration of the event expressed by the root and can be semantically defined in relation to the type of limitation. Among them, the prefix po- is the most characteristic example of the limitative confuguration, i.e. that it has the widest range of distribution, whereas the prefix raz-has the most limited distribution.

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Текст научной работы на тему «THE SEMANTICS AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PREFIXES IN THE LIMITATIVE ASPECTUAL CONFIGURATION IN MACEDONIAN»

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811.163.3'366.57'373.6

THE SEMANTICS AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PREFIXES IN THE LIMITATIVE ASPECTUAL CONFIGURATION IN MACEDONIAN

Iskra Panovska-Dimkova

"Blaze Koneski" Faculty of Philology, University Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Skopje, Macedonia

Key words: limitative aspect, aspectual configuration, prefix, Macedonian language, verbs

Summary:Limitativity is a complex aspect consisting of two aspectual values: a dominant momentary aspect and a subordinate continuative one. In Macedonian, these two aspectual values can be combined in a complex limitative aspect as early as in the root of the actual word, but most frequently the continuative aspect is represented in the root, while the dominant momentary aspect is represented in the affix or in the syntactic environment. In this paper we will focus only on the semantics and the distribution of the momentary prefixes that take part in the structure: momentary prefix + root with a continuative dominant (a simple continuative aspect or a complex aspect with a continuative dominant: telic, habitual and multiplicative). The prefixes which take part in the formation of this type of semantemes in Macedonian are: do-, za-, iz-, od-, po-, pre-, pri-, pro- and raz-. These prefixes denote a right-hand limit for the duration of the event expressed by the root and can be semantically defined in relation to the type of limitation. Among them, the prefix po- is the most characteristic example of the limitative confuguration, i.e. that it has the widest range of distribution, whereas the prefix raz-has the most limited distribution.

Клучни зборови: глаголски вид, лимитативност, видска конфигурацща, префикс, македонски ]азик, глагол

Резиме: Лимитативноста е сложен глаголски вид ко] содржи две видски вредности: доминантен моментен вид и подреден континуативен вид. Овие две видски вредности во македонскиот ]азик можат да се по]ават како составни елементи на сложениот лимитативен вид уште во коренот на зборот, при што доминантниот моментен вид е изразен во афиксот или во синтаксичкото окружение. Во ово] труд ке ги разгледаме семантиката и дистрибуцщата на моментните префикси кои учествуваат во структурата: моментен префикс + корен со континуативна доминанта (прост континуативен вид или сложен глаголски вид со континуативна доминанта: теличен, хабитуален и

мултипликативен). Префикси кои учествуваат во овие образувааа во македонскиот ]азик се: до-, за-, из-, од-, по-, пре-, при-, про- и раз-. Овие префикси ja означуваат десната граница на времетраеаето на настанот изразен во коренската морфема и можат да бидат семантички определени во зависност од типот на лимитацща што го воведуваат. На]карактеристичен за лимитативната видска конфигурацща, односно префикс со натирок опсег на дистрибуцща, е префиксот по-, додека префиксот раз- е со на]ограничена дистрибуцща.

Limitativity is an aspectual configuration, a complex aspect consisting of two aspectual values: a dominant momentary aspect and a subordinate continuative one (Panovska-Dimkova, 2003). The continuative aspect communicates the action, i.e. the state, the duration of which is limited with the momentary aspect, which acts as a right-hand limit of the event duration, i.e. the end of the event (Spasov, 1997). The use the term limitative aspectual configuration in this paper derives from the definition of the limitativness provided by Stanislav Karolak in his semantic theory of the verbal aspect (Karolak, 1996: 47).

In Macedonian, the two aspectual values can be combined in a complex limitative aspect as early as in the root of the actual word: ostane, si pocine (to stay, to rest a little). The limitative root has been seldom mentioned in the aspectual literature (Grubor, 1953: 9-170). This is due to the fact that most frequently the limitative configuration is represented by a combination: the continuative aspect is represented in the root, while the dominant momentary aspect is represented in the affix or in the syntactic environment (Paduceva, 1996: 11).

In this paper we will focus only on the semantics and the distribution of the momentary prefixes (Ugrinova-Skalovska, 1960) that take part in the structure: momentary prefix + root with a continuative dominant (a simple continuative aspect or a complex aspect with a continuative dominant: telic, habitual and multiplicative) (Spasov, 1997), as the most appropriate type of structure for the expression of the limitative aspectual configuration, because it contains two aspectual values: a continuum, represented by the root, and a moment functioning as a right-hand limit, represented by the prefix (Karolak, 1996: 45).

The prefixes which take part in the formation of this type of semantemes in Macedonian are: do-, za-, iz-, od-, po-, pre-, pri-, pro- and raz-. These prefixes limit the duration of the event expressed by the root and can be semantically defined in relation to the type of limitation. It should be noted that among all these prefixes, the prefix po- is the most characteristic

example of the limitative confuguration (Piernikarski, 1975: 32), i.e. it has the widest range of distribution. For example: tojpoode malku (He walked a little) = 'X was walking a certain (short) time'.

All of the above prefixes denote a right-hand limit for the duration of the event. However, there are differences among them regarding the distribution, the length of the duration which they constrain, the additional (non-aspectual) meanings they introduce etc. A survey among 21 native Macedonian speakers was carried out in order to add to the differentiation of the meaning of the momentary prefixes in Macedonian.

1. The prefix DO-

Definition: A SPECIFIED MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS THE TIME INTER VAL OF T.

The distribution of the prefix do- as a right-hand limit of the limitative configuration is rather narrow (Bondarko, 1987: 173, Ugrinova-Skalovska, 1960: 52). The main restraint in the distribution arises in situations when the prefix do- is used to express a terminative or a resultative configuration. Contrary to its use in these two configurations, when the prefix do- is used as the moment P in a limitative configuration, it has to be specified, i.e. its content has to be declared. Thus, for example: Ja dorabotev statijata (I finished working on the paper) is a resultative aspectual configuration meaning 'I made the paper to be finished', or: Konecno dorabotev (Ifinally finished working) — a terminative aspectual configuration with the meaning: 'I finished working' vs Dosedov do polnok (I sat until midnight). — a limitative aspectual configuration meaning 'I was sitting (T) and I stopped sitting at midnight (R)' - 'polnok' ('midnight') is the content of P (or the specified moment).

A restriction of the distribution of the prefix do- in expressing limitativity in Macedonian is seen in roots denoting emotion. Thus, when we asked the informants in the survey for their opinions regarding the sentence: Do krajot na godinata go dozalija/dotazija covekot (They were mourning over the man until the end of the year), 14 of them (14/21) considered it as not acceptable, and 7 considered it as possible. The same is true also for the verbs of the type: se doraduva (to rejoice until certain moment), se domaci (to agonize until certain moment), etc. According to the survey, the distribution is also limited in the cases when some other lexeme can better express the meaning given by the prefixed lexeme. Thus, 16 informants replied that the sentence: Doodevme do 9 casot vecerta (We

were walking until 9 o 'clock in the evening) is not acceptable (in this context they felt the need for the lexeme dojde — to come or the lexeme stigne — to arrive).

2. The prefix ZA-

Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A VERY SHORT

TIME INTERVAL OF T.

The prefix za-, just as the prefix do-, is used mainly to express other aspectual configurations, such as, for instance, the inchoative (Karolak, Mirkulovska, 2000) and the resultative one (Spasov, 2011). The limitativity of these semantemes can be attested by the fact that they are most often accompanied by a time amount adverbial, whereat limitativity is introduced by the momentary aspect of the prefix, while the adverbial is provided to achieve a more detailed specification (Gzegorcikova, 1997). For example: Nadvor zavrna (It started raining outside) (an inchoative configuration with the meaning 'it began to rain'), but: Zavrna pet minuti, pa se razvedri (It rained for five minutes and then it cleared up) (a limitative aspectual configuration with the meaning 'it rained for five minutes').

The distribution of the prefix za- in the limitative configuration is to a high extent constrained by the inchoative configuration, and thus in the Macedonian language this model is rather unproductive, with only nine verbs: zavardi (to guard awhile), zavrne (to rain awhile), se zavrti (to turn awhile), zadreme (to nap awhile), zadrzi (to hold awhile), zamolci (to keep quiet awhile), zaplace (to cry awhile), zaspie (to sleep awhile), zacuva (to guard awhile).

3. The prefix IZ-

Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A SPECIFIED TIME INTER VAL OF T.

It follows from the definition that a time amount adverbial, used to express the duration of the time interval of T, accompanies the prefix iz-. The time amount adverbial is not obligatory, but is very frequent. Thus, in the example: Naum iscekal Marija da se sozeme i ja pokanil vo sobata (Naum waited for Maria to pull herself together and then he invited her in the room), there is no time amount adverbial, but the right-hand moment is nevertheless indicated by the second part-sentence: da se sozeme (to pull herself together) = dodeka ne se sozeme (until she pulled herself together).

Most of the examples do have an adverbial: Cel saat isedov na toj tvrd stol (I sat a whole hour on that hard chair). The semantemes with iz- are infrequent in the literature (this is partly due to the restriction by the resultative configuration), but could be heard in the colloquial language. Regarding the time duration, limited by the prefix iz-, the informants were asked to define the length of the time duration in the sentences (both meaning We sat awhile with them):

Isedovme izvesno vreme kaj niv.

Otsedovme izvesno vreme kaj niv.

Ten of the people considered that the time duration in both sentences was equal, while eleven considered that the time duration, limited by the prefix iz- was longer than the one limited with od-. This is due to the nuance of coerciveness and reluctance to perform the event inherent in the prefix iz-, which contributes that the event is subjectively perceived as lasting longer. For example, in: Isedovme dva saati kaj niv and Otsedovme dva saati kaj niv (both meaning: We sat with them for two hours), the time durations are equal, but the event in the first case is felt to last longer, whereas in the second case the objective time duration of the event is emphasized.

The same effect has also been observed regarding the difference between iz- and po- (the most neutral prefix for expressing limitativity) in the sense that the prefix po- is more common in contexts with no coerciveness: Posedovme malku, si napravivme muabet i si otidovme (We sat for a while, we chatted and we left), whereas within the same context the prefix iz- would be perceived as extremely bizarre: *Isedovme malku, si napravivme muabet i si otidovme.

4. The prefix OD-

Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A SPECIFIED TIME INTER VAL OF T.

In the same way as in the case of the verbs prefixed with iz-, the prefix od- can be accompanied by a time amount adverbial that specifies the time interval (Piernikarski, 1969: 121), which is limited by the prefix: Odleza dve godini i sega e na sloboda (He was in prison for two years and now he is free). It is also possible for the time amount adverbial to be absent, but in that case the verb lexeme will be most likely doubled (Koneski B., 1996: 424): Odleza sto odleza i sega e na sloboda (He spent time in prison and now he is free), whereas in some cases the very lexeme is sufficient to express limitativity: -Otspa?, -Otspav. (-You slept a little?, -I did.) - with

the meaning 'I slept awhile'.

According to its distribution, this prefix is situated somewhere between the prefix iz- (reluctance, coerciveness) and the prefix po-. It is most often used to express a required time duration of the event, but without the nuance of reluctance which is present in the case of the prefix iz-. As in the case of iz-, this prefix occurs rather rarely in the literature, but is encountered in the colloquial language, and its limitative meaning is also listed in the Macedonian Language Dictionary.

5. The prefix PO-

Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A RELATIVELY SHORT TIME INTERVAL OF T.

The absolutely most frequent prefix for expressing limitativity in Macedonian is the prefix po- (Koneski B., 1996: 399, Ugrinova-Skalovska, 1960: 86). Much has been written for this prefix, and in linguistics it is generally recognized as a prefix used to express an amount of time duration.

Regarding the amount of time duration, which is limited by po-, we can say that this prefix is used to limit relatively short events (relatively: subjectively assessed time duration) and that, in contrast to other momentary prefixes, the nuance of coerciveness or reluctance is absent in the case of po- and it is, thus, unacceptable to use po- in situations of the type: *Edvaj posedovme dva saati kaj niv (*We hardly sat for two hours with them) (in contrast to: Edvaj isedovme (otsedovme, presedovme) dva saati kaj niv (We hardly sat for two hours with them). As regards the other momentary prefixes, in Macedonian the prefix po- can be considered as the most neutral one, i.e. the one with the lowest number of additional meanings apart from the basic meaning: a moment functioning as the right-hand limit of the continuum.

The restrictions in the distribution of po- in Macedonian are lesser than in the case of other prefixes. It combines with the highest number of roots with a continuative aspect or with a telic aspectual configuration and forms with them a limitative aspectual configuration. Also, there are hardly any restraints regarding the binding of a semanteme with po- with some of the time amount adverbials. It occurs most often with the adverbial malku (a little): Posedovme malku i si otidovme (We sat a little and left), but can also occur with no adverbial: Posedovme i si otidovme (We sat a little and left), or, on the other hand, with any other adverbial: Posedovme eden saat (We sat an hour), Posedovme dodeka ne se stemni (We sat until it got dark), etc.

The only restriction, which is likely caused by the abovementioned neutrality of po-, is that a semanteme limited by po- can not be combined with a time amount adverbial functioning as a direct object (Grickat, 19661967): *Go posedov cel den (*I sat the whole day through), (in contrast to: Go otsedov (presedov) cel den — I sat the whole day through).

Concerning sentential structure, the prefix po- tends to occur in the first of the constituent complex sentences, connected with the conjunction pa (and then), in which the events follow in a succession, whereat the time relation between the events can also be causal. The survey has shown that people often had the need of the complex sentence containing the pa conjunction when a sentence with a verb prefixed with po- was given, and, in order to explain the meaning of the semanteme with po-, they themselves added a sentence with the conjunction pa, for example: Ke posedime kaj niv (pa ke si odime) (We will sit awhile with them, and then we will leave).

The roots, which combine with the prefix po- can be:

• continuative roots denoting profession, vocation, whereat the suffix -uva with no aspectual value is added to the semanteme constituted of po- + continuative root: povojnikuva (to be a soldier awhile), podoktoruva (to be a doctor awhile), popretsedatelstvuva (to be a president awhile), pocaruva (to be a tsar awhile), etc. - all examples listed in the Macedonian Language Dictionary.

• continuative roots denoting emotion: se poveseli (to be joyful awhile), pozali (to greave awhile), se poraduva (to rejoice awhile) etc.

• continuative roots denoting motion: povozi (to drive awhile), podvizi (to move awhile), poleta (to fly awhile), poodi (to walk awhile), potrca (to run awhile), poskita (to wander awhile), etc.

• some roots (continuative and telic), denoting state: pogleda (to watch awhile), pogree (to heat awhile), posedi (to sit awhile), pospie (to sleep awhile), postoi (to stand awhile) etc.

• continuative and, more rarely, telic roots, denoting action (process): povesla (to paddle awhile), ponosi (to carry awhile), popliva (to swim awhile), poraboti (to work awhile) etc.

Restrictions in the distribution of the prefix po- arise in several cases.

There are restrictions in those roots where the prefix became common for denoting some other meaning (in these cases the prefix can also be historical, but it can nevertheless inhibit the occurrence of a limitative

aspectual configuration with a historical root). Such are the lexemes: pobrza (to hurry up), pobudali (to get crazy), povraka (to vomit), povredi (to hurt), podava (to hand), poznae (to recognize), se pokae (to be sorry), pokani (to invite), polie (to pour on), pomirisa (to smell), pomnozi (to multiply), poraga (to give birth), posaka (to want), posrami (to be shy), postiga (to achieve), potvrdi (to confirm), pocuvstvuva (to feel) and other. These are all composed of the prefix po- and a root with a continuative dominant, but have no limitative aspectual configuration and constrain the distribution of po- as a prefix for expression of limitativity.

A certain number of lexemes possess homonymic forms for expressing limitativity and for expressing some other meaning as well. Such are: poboli with the meaning: 'to become sick' and 'to hurt awhile', povika: 'to shout' and 'to shout awhile', se pobuni: 'to protest' and 'to protest awhile', se pokoleba: 'to change one's mind' and 'to be puzzled awhile'; pomisli: 'a thought to occur' and 'to think awhile' etc.

The strongest restriction in the distribution of the prefix po- occurs in telic roots. This is due to the nature of the telic aspectual configuration, which has, in principle, two main phases: that P} occurs, from which it can be assumed that P2 will occur, i.e. that there will be a result (Karolak, 2005). In other words, telicity is contained in the aspiration to achieve a result, which will be expressed by the prefix. Because of this, for the telic aspectual configuration it is more common for the process to end with a result than for it to be time-limited by a momentary prefix. Thus, for example, the meaning of the telic semanteme gradi (to build) does not permit any phase between the telicity and the result: gradi (to build) can be followed only by izgradi (to have something built), i.e. one can not say pogradi (to build awhile): *Ja pogradi kukata i prestana (*He was building the house for a while and then he stopped). If one wants to say that the result was not achieved in its entirety, one would say: Ja izgradi kukata donekade i prestana (He built a part of the house and then he stopped) -which is a resultative configuration. The following semantemes will be of the same type: gubi (to loose) - *pogubi (*to loose awhile) — izgubi (to have something lost); budi (to be waking up) — *pobudi (*to be waking up awhile) — razbudi (to be woken up); pali (to be setting a fire) — *popali (*to be setting a fire awhile) — zapali (to have a fire set). The semantemes pogubi and pobudi do exist in the Macedonian language; not with the meaning that the event had developed over certain time, but instead with a completely different meaning: pogubi - 'to kill someone', pobudi - 'to start feeling something'. Here is a second example: limitation is possible and

frequent with roots that denote motion, but only if they are continuative: poodi (to walk awhile), potrca (to run awhile), whereas one can not obtain limitativity with the telic root id- (to come): *poide with the meaning 'he was coming awhile'. There is also an identical situation in roots that denote speech: the telic root vel- (to tell) can not be limited: *poveli deka... (*to tell awhile that...), whereas the root zbor- (to speak), which can be both continuative and telic, confirms the opposition continuativeness vs telicity, because when it is continuative it can be limited: Si posedovme, si pozboruvavme malku i si otidovme (We sat awhile, we talked a little and we left), but it can not be limited when it is telic: *Toj pozboruva deka treba pobrzo da se zavrsi rabotata (*He spoke awhile that the job should be quickly finished).

Several continuative roots denoting modality and state belong as well to verbs that could never be joined with po- in order to express limitativity. Such are the verbs: moze (can), mora (must), znaci (mean), treba (should), smee (is allowed) and the verbs: e (to be), ima (to have), kopnee (to yearn), lici (to look alike), obozava (to adore), pameti (to remember), saka (to want), sodrzi (to contain), sustestvuva (to exist). The interesting feature of these verbs is that they can be all limited; not in a morphemic manner, but only in a syntactic manner instead: Imav doverba vo nego izvesno vreme, no ne poveke. (I had faith in him for a while, but not anymore) vs *Poimav doverba vo nego izvesno vreme, no ne poveke (I had awhile a faith in him, but not anymore). An example with ponema (to not have awhile) is listed in the Macedonian Language Dictionary: Ke ponema, ke ponema limoni, i tuku gledas donesle (There would not be lemons for a while, and then suddenly they will bring more).

The prefix po- differs from the other momentary prefixes regarding the limitative aspectual configuration not only because it is by far the most frequent one, but also because it is quite productive in expressing limitativity. This means that it is possible in a given situation to construct a semanteme with a limitative aspectual configuration, which is otherwise not common in principle. For example, the verb pojade (to have breakfast) has the meaning 'to eat the first meal in the day, i.e. breakfast': Pojaden si? (Have you had breakfast?), and even in a given context, e.g.: Si posedovme, pojadovme, pa si otidovme. (We sat awhile, we had breakfast, and then we left), where posedovme (we sat awhile), a semanteme with a limitative aspectual configuration, precedes, the Macedonian native speakers would understand pojadovme as 'we had breakfast', and not as 'we ate awhile'. Again, even in those cases a limitative meaning is sometimes seen. Thus, pojade (to eat awhile) is listed as limitative in the Macedonian Language

Dictionary in the example: Pojal malku toj i zel ta mu odnesol na drugiot gulab (He ate awhile and then he took a little and took it to the other dove).

The productivity of the prefix po- is also seen in cases when it combines with telic roots, too, which are, in general, extremely unusual as parts of the limitative configuration, but which can be limited in cases when the event which they denote is a profession or when the event is quite usual for the speaker. Thus, for example, the lexeme polektorira (to proofread awhile) is common for a person, which is by profession a (proof)reader: Moram malku da polektoriram prvo, pa ke dojdam. (I first have to proofread a little and then I will come); pokomponira (to compose awhile) is common for a person whose profession is composer: Otkoga stanav, pokomponirav malku, pa izlegov (When I woke up, I first composed a little, and then I went out), etc.

The same applies as well to other roots which are, in combination with the prefix po-, more common for the expression of some other meaning, but rarely occur both as limitative. It is interesting that there is a special template for such semantemes in the Macedonian Language Dictionary which allows indeed a higher frequency of the limitatives, this template being: dosta jas ..., sega ti (I was doing it enough ..., now it's your turn). For example, the roots mat- (to mix), fak- (to catch) and many others are not common with the po- prefix for expression of limitativity, but promptly fit in as limitatives in the aforesaid structure, depending on the action the speaker had been performing till the relevant moment: Dosta jas matev, sega ti pomati malku (I was mixing enough, now it's your turn to scramble a little); Dosta jas fakav, sega ti pofakaj (riba) (I was fishing enough, now it's your turn to fish a little) etc.

In addition to the above, one can say that the prefix po- also has restrictions in the distribution with semantemes of foreign origin having the suffix -ira: koordinira (to coordinate), organizira (to organize) and other.

6. The prefix PRE-

Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A SPECIFIED TIME INTER VAL OF T.

The prefix pre-, when used to limit a specified time interval, is the only prefix that inevitably demands a time amount adverbial functioning as a direct object (Koneski B., 1996: 400, Ugrinova-Skalovska, 1960: 95). However, the limitation is introduced by the prefix, and the time amount adverbial only specifies the amount of time. In Macedonian even the prefix

pre- can occur without a time amount adverbial functioning as a direct object in the following cases:

a) when attached to continuative roots, which possess inherent information about the time duration, so that the occurrence of a time amount adverbial would be redundant: prezimi (to spend the winter), prenoki (to spend the night), for example: Ke prezimat vo gradot (They will spend the winter in the city); ... poprestojot na Palikko ezero, kade prenoki... (... after being at PalikLake where he spent the night.);

b) with the continuative root spi- (to sleep), when it is implicitly clear that the adverbial nok (night) is meant: Prasaa dali ima mesto da se prespie (They asked if there was a place to spend the night);

c) in the case when the prefix pre- is homonymic with po-(denoting: a moment P, which limits a relatively short time interval of T), which is rarely seen, mainly in the colloquial language, for example: spi-(sleep): Prespa li detevo denes? = Pospa li detevo denes? (both meaning: Has the child slept awhile today?), and also in the literature: Legni si, prespij si. (Lie down, sleep awhile); sed- (sit): Presede dokajpolnok (He sat until about midnight).

Unlike the situation in Russian, where this prefix in the variants pere-and pro- is very frequent (Bondarko, 1987: 79-80), its distribution in the Macedonian language is limited to a number of intransitive verbs, which denote a state, of the type: prezivee (to live through), prelezi (to lie through), presedi (to sit through), prestoi (to stand through) and other, and it can very rarely be also joined with roots denoting a process: preplace (to cry through): Cel praznik go preplaka, kutrata (The poor woman, she cried the whole holiday through).

7. The prefix PRI-

Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A VERY SHORT TIME INTERVAL OF T.

Because the prefix pri- participates primarily in the inchoative and resultative configurations, its distribution is limited to just a few lexemes. One of the meanings of the prefix pri- is 'execution of the action to a small extent' (Koneski, K. 1995: 143). Although this meaning is non-aspectual, it has an impact on the subjective perception of pri- as a prefix used to express a shorter time duration than with the time duration expressed when the prefix is po-, for instance. Thus, in the survey, 12 out of 21 people answered

that there was no difference between the prefixes po- and pri- in the lexemes pocuva — pricuva (both: to guard awhile) and poceka — priceka (both: to wait awhile), while 9 of them answered that the lexemes with the prefix pri- denoted a shorter time period.

As with the prefix pre-, the continuative roots, which combine with the prefix pri-, denote a state.

8. The prefix PROIn Macedonian the prefix pro- occurs with two meanings.

1. Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A SHORT TIME INTERVAL OF T.

As in the case of the other prefixes limitting a short time interval, there are restrictions in the distribution of the prefix pro-, in verbs where the prefix has developed a specialized meaning for expression of inchoativity or for denoting action done to a lesser extent. It retains the latter meaning in some semantemes with a limitative aspectual configuration, as well, in which it has the meaning of a small amount of action, but also of a short time over which the action was carried out (Koneski K., 1995: 144), which can be observed by submitting them to the so-called "limitativity test", i.e. by adding a time amount adverbial. For example: Se probanja i izleze meaning 'he took a bath not very thoroughly and he went out', but: Se probanja 5 minuti i izleze wich means 'He took a bath for a very short time - 5 minutes, which, logically, was not done very thoroughly'.

2. Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A SPECIFIED

TIME INTER VAL OF T.

In this case the prefix pro- appears with the meaning of the prefix pre-: Prodrema cel cas (He napped through the hour). In contrast to Macedonian, in other Slavic languages, for instance in Russian, the prefix pro- is quite frequent for the limiting of a specified time interval.

9. The prefix RAZ-

Definition: A MOMENT P, WHICH LIMITS A RELATIVELY SHORT TIME INTERVAL OF T.

The functioning of the prefix raz- as the right-hand limit of the continuum is very rare in the Macedonian language, i.e. only the

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semantemes: razgleda (to look through) and razmisli (to think through), possess limitative aspectual configurations: Razgledaj gi spisanijava nekolku dena i vrati mi gi (Look through these magazines a few days and then return them to me).

To conclude: among the nine momentary prefixes in Macedonian: do-, za-, iz-, od-, po-, pre-, pri-, pro-, raz-, which can be used to make limitative aspectual configurations, the most frequent, the most productive and the one that is specialized for the expression of a limited time duration is the prefix po-, whereas the prefix raz- has the most constrained distribution. The other prefixes have a more or less limited distribution and their primary participation is in the other aspectual configurations with a momentary dominant: the inchoative, resultative and terminative configurations.

References:

Bondarko, Aleksander Vladimir. et al. 1987. Teorija funkcional'noj grammatiki.

Vvedenie, Aspektual'nost', Vremennaja lokalizovannost', Taksis. Leningrad: Nauka.

Grickat, Irena. 1966-1967. Prefiksacija kao sredstvo gramaticke (ciste)

perfektizacije. In Juznoslovenski filolog XXVII, 1-2: Beograd. 185-223. Grubor. Buro. 1953. Aspektna znacenja. Zagreb: Rad.

Gzegorcikova, Renata. 1997. Kategorija vida i semanticeskie klassy glagolov. In Trudy aspektologiceskogo seminara Filologiceskogo fakul'teta MGU im. M. V. Lomonosova, II: Moskva. 155-156. Karolak, Stanislaw. 1996. O semantyce aspektu (w dwudziest^ rocznicç publikacji rozprawy F. Antinucciego i L. Gebert "Semantyka aspektu czasow-nikowego"). Bulletin de la Société polonaise de linguistique LII: Krakow. 9-56.

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2003-2014. Skopje: Institut za makedonski jazik "Krste Misirkov". Paduceva. Elena Viktorovna. 1996. Semanticeskie issledovanija. Semantika vremeni i vida v russkom jazyke. Semantika narrativa. Moskva: S"kola 'Jazyki russkoj kul'tury'.

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Panovska-Dimkova. Iskra. 2003. Limitativnata vidska konfiguracija vo makedonskiot jazik. Skopje: 3D-Proekt studio.

Piernikarski. Cezar. 1969. Typy opozycji aspektowych czasownika polskiego na tle slowianskim. Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy im. Osslinskich.

Piernikarski. Cezar. 1975. Czasowniki s prefiksem po- w jçzyku polskim i czeskim. Warszawa: PWN.

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Spasov. Ljudmil. 2011. Rezultativna vidska (aspektna) konfiguracija na glagolite vo makedonskiot jazik. Skopje: Univerzitet "Sv. Kiril i Metodij" - Skopje, Filoloski fakultet "Blaze Koneski".

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