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22THE POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE ON THE CONSTRUCTION OF MOSQUES IN THE
KAZAKH STEPPE IN THE XIX CENTURY
Sabyr S.
2st master student. KazNU named al-Farabi. Kazakhstan, Almaty
Abstract
This article discusses the policy of the Russian Empire on the construction of mosques in the Kazakh steppe in the XIX century and their features of functioning. Particular attention is paid to the activities of the Muslim clergy in the construction and distribution of mosques on the territory of the Kazakh steppe. The author also made an attempt to analyze the role of mosques in the sociocultural life of Kazakh society in the 19th century. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of the Russian Empire in the construction of mosques and the development of Islam in the 19th century.
The article analyzes the development and changes in social norms, and also determines the level of Muslim literacy of the Kazakh society in the 19th century.
Keywords: religious policy, Muslim clergy, mosque, Kazakh steppe.
In the first quarter of the 19th century, the religious question was an important and cardinal element of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Empire. Religion determined the meaning and direction of many government decisions, so this happened due to several factors. First of all, Russian society (including the supreme power) of the 19th century was a religious society in its own way. And the government's policy proceeded, among other things, from the prevailing ideas of political, theological and domestic affairs in society. For example, the nature of the interaction of secular and spiritual authorities, on the degree of ad-missibility of state interference in the affairs of the population in the matter of faith.
The practical implementation of the government's plans was also laid down by the decrees of Catherine II of February 25, 1782 [1, p. 63], where the principle of tolerance became a reaction to the urgent need for a flexible religious policy regarding the non-Orthodox population of the empire, and Muslims in the first place. The principle of mutual loyalty (the loyalty of the government in exchange for the loyalty of the population) has become dominant in the confessional in state policy and the Muslim in particular. The next step was the transition from recognition of the rights of the Muslim community to its integration into the system of state structure. Due to the fact, the main principle of the confessional policy of the Russian Empire was to ensure complete state control over all religious institutions in the country. The experience of converting confessional structures into state institutions, tested in the Russian Orthodox Church, began to extend to Russian Muslims.
An important place in the system of religious policy of the Russian Empire occupied the building prayer houses (mosques) for the Muslim community, since there all life take place around it. According to the traditions of Islamic culture in every village should have a mosque. However, in order to build a mosque and keep a clergyman with it, it was necessary to comply with construction standards which was one mosque for 200 male souls [2, p. 96], and also that the mosque visitors in a public sentence express a desire to maintain a
mosque and the clergy with it. The process of obtaining permission to build a mosque was lengthy and lasted up to a year, and sometimes more [2, p. 96].
The first document reflecting the policy of the Russian government regarding the construction of mosques can be considered the of the Senate decrees "On the settlement of the Kazan Tatars in Orenburg and their permission to build a mosque outside the city" (March 8, 1744). The reason was the "remoteness" of the city and those wishing to settle in it. A certainly Tatars, who knew the language and professed the same religion with the Kazakhs, could better and faster contribute to the inclusion of Kazakhs in the system of the all-Russian market and mediate in trade relations between the Kazakh steppe and Empire. As a result, 200 Tatar families from the Kazan province were allowed move to Orenburg, supposed to be "wealthy people" [3, p. 6970]. Seit Aitov was initiator and organizer of the resettlement. Therefore, in 1745 they formed a settlement "the top of the Sakmara River 20 versts1 from the Berdyansk settlement and 18 versts from Orenburg", called Seitovskaya. In 1747 the population of the settlement was 996 male souls, of which 973 were Tatars, 23 were Bashkirs [4, p.164].
On June 22, 1744, a new Senate decree was issued, according to which it was: 1) The authorities allowed to restore the old and build new mosques if there were from 200 to 300 males in the settlement, but no more than one for each settlement and only where the Orthodox did not live with the Muslims;
2) If there were not enough religious in one settlement, it was allowed to rank among them residents of other settlements until 200-300 souls were formed to organize a joint parish and build a mosque.
3) Forced baptism of Muslims was prohibited [5, p. 157].
Researcher of the history of religious buildings among Muslims of the Russian Empire I.K. Zagidullin, noted that the decrees of June 22, 1744 was the starting point in the establishment of civilized state - Islamic relations [6, p. 60].
1 Versta is a Russian unit of distance measurement equal to one thousand five hundred arshins (which corresponds to the
current 1066.8 meters, before the 18th century reform -1066.781 meters).
The next step of the Russian government to regulate the construction of mosques was the Senate decrees "On permission to build mosques in Tatar villages, as before" (September 23, 1756). This document made a clear definition that mosques can only built if there are 200-300 male souls [7].
Realizing the impossibility of forced uniformity in the ideological sphere on the Orthodoxy basis, the Russian state in the reign of Catherine II moved from a policy of violent Christianization to recognition of Islam as a tolerant religion. The Holy Synod on June 17, 1773 adopted an order about the tolerance of all faiths and the prohibition of Orthodox to intervene in matters relating to other faiths and the construction of their houses of worship. As the Most High God on earth endures all faiths, languages, and confessions, so they should make efforts so that there cannot be any disagreement between the "Russian" subjects, and love, silence and consent reigned between them "[8, p. 806].
Important steps in this direction of the policy were the decrees of Catherine II (1782, 1784) about the construction of mosques (the creation of a border zone between Kazakh nomads and the Orenburg borderlines) of special places for public prayer would attract Central Asian merchants "to an uninterrupted visit ... to bargain". In this way, 20 thousand rubles were allocated from the treasury in order to build four mosques in a four-year period. Through to the proximity of the stay of the khan of the Younger Zhuz Nuraly, a new mosque in Orenburg near the was built and opened in 1785. In view of the fact that the mosque was located outside the city, on the steppe side, beyond the Ural River and for a long time did not have a parish, it served only visiting Muslims, in particular Kazakhs and merchants from Central Asia [9, p. 55].
In 1802 Orenburg Muslims, because of the remoteness of the Menovninsks mosque, asked the Turkmen Khan Pirali, who was traveling from Orenburg to meet with Alexander I, to assist in opening the first city mosque. As a result, May 6, 1802 an emperor's personal order was issued on permission to build a mosque in Orenburg "to encourage residents of Orenburg to trade there in a considerable number of different Mohammedan titles" [10, p. 83]. The mosque built at public expense and it was agreed that the building "should consist without any extra splendor". The official opening took place in 1805 and was called the Orenburg city government mosque [10, p. 85].
The above facts indicate that the Russian authorities had political hopes in the mosques, so the government at the first stage tried to satisfy the requests of representatives the Kazakh nobility for the construction of mosques.
In this case, it is important that the central government realized the need to set up religious buildings for the Muslim population of the vast multi-ethnic Orenburg region. Consequently, the "Charter of Siberian Kirghizes" (1822), the first document, which established the inclusion of the Kazakhs of the Middle Zhuz under the power of the Russian Empire. According to Paragraph 124 of the "Charter" in each district, the construction of religious buildings was planned, along with other public places, a house of worship for the clergy.
Paragraph 125 provided for the preparation of plans and estimates indicating local funds for enforcement. These plans and estimates took submission to the government for approval. Responsibility for the speedy construction of these buildings by regional authorities in accordance with paragraph 126 of the Charter. Empire considered that these paragraphs were provided for reasons of using mosques in the interests of the Russian authorities, as well as for the Center's idea of the Kazakh people's affiliation with Islam and, accordingly, the importance and necessity of prayer houses [11, p. 100].
Despite the fact, that the archives preserved information about the petitions of the Sultan Orman Nu-raliev (1809) about the construction of a mosque near the Sarachik fortress, also the sultans of Abdulmukmin Ashimov; and Tauke and Baimukhamed Aishuakovs on the construction of a mosque for 200 people on the Hobda River (1825). In the Kazakh steppe, no mosque was built until the beginning of the 30s of the XIX century [12, p. 106]. According to the petitioners, if the Kazakhs have a mosque, they "can leave inclinations and bad things." Nevertheless, the tsarist government refused them, motivating this decision by the fact that the construction of a mosque would require significant financial costs. Allegedly, the steppe peoples will not be able to cope with this, without having stationary settlements; do not know how to save wooden buildings [11, p. 206]. Based on this view, in the first half of the 19th century, the Orenburg authorities built mosques along the borderlines, and the Tatars were the initiators of their construction. However, there are also facts of joint activities of Kazakhs and Tatars in raising funds in 1832 on the construction of a mosque in Iletsk as a "place of concentration of their trade." The Kazakh sultan Tauke Aishuakov was in charge of the collection of offerings by the Kazakhs, and a school organized at the mosque to study their children Tatar literacy and Islamic law. The Sultan-ruler of the western part of the Younger Zhuz Baimukhamed Aishuakov, in turn, donated 20 gold coins (400 rubles) for the construction of this mosque; and the Kazakhs, who roamed the lands of the salt fields, delivered 9 sheep. As a result, the mosque was built in 1833; a Tatar from the Kazan province Gainulla Gadilshin was appointed a mullah at the mosque [13, p. 36].
An important role in the policy of the Russian authorities on the construction of mosques was the Decree of the Governing Senate (May 31, 1829), which confirmed the basic requirements for the construction of mosques, according to the number of visitors to the mosque. A significant addition to this document is that the authorities determined the construction sites of the mosque for the "not arbitrary" desire of visitors. From now on, mosques could be "built on squares where they are not; at a distance of at least 20 fathoms from buildings. In addition, the decree raised for the first time the importance of the uniformity of the facades of mosques as "public buildings". Thus, the Ministry of Internal Affairs instructed to draw up a general plan and a facade for the construction of mosques [14, p. 144].
The legislation governing the organization of the Muslim parish and mosque as its religious and ritual
center, evolved, according to the definition of D. Den-isov [15], gradually. These disparate norms firstly codified within the framework of the Charter of construction only in 1836. When authorities, moreover, drew up the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire in the framework of the Charter of construction, and not the Charter of spiritual affairs of foreign confessions. As the legislation improved, this normative act supplemented in the editions of 1842, 1857, 1886 and 1900 (with a change in the numbering of articles). The building charter determined:
• the general procedure for considering cases on the construction of mosques (art. 260/154);
• the minimum standard for the size of the parish and the obligation to finance it by members of the community (art. 261/155),
• the need to coordinate the construction with the dominant Orthodox Church (art. 262 -263 / 156157),
• Requirements for architectural projects of religious buildings (Art. 264/158), their fire safety (Art. 265/159), as well as liability for violation of these rules (Art. 160).
At the same time, many aspects of the construction and operation of mosques were not regulated at all by the current legislation: the procedure for adopting a public sentence on the construction of a mosque, the procedure for obtaining permits for its repair and transfer, changing the status of the temple from five-time to the cathedral [15, p.114]. These legislative acts show that the Russian Empire tried mechanically transferring the principle of organizing an Orthodox parish to Muslim communities, as uniting several villages around the church only in a large village [6, p. 127].
The translation of the construction of Muslim religious buildings into the legal framework facilitated by the targeted policy of state bodies to enlarge parishes. By the decree of the Orenburg Mohammedan Spiritual Assembly (October 11, 1839), it was ordered to close all mosques with less than 200 male souls, and to rank their visitors in the nearest full-fledged parishes [16, p. 98].
In 1867, the mufti turned to St. Petersburg with a project that proposed new standards for the construction of Muslim religious buildings. If there are less than 20 families of believers in the settlement, the mufti recommended allowing the construction of a house of worship with one cleric. If there are from 20 to 100 families - a five-time mosque with two clerics (imam and muezzin); and more than 100 families - a cathedral mosque with three clerics (two imams and a muezzin or an imam and two muezzins) [17, p. 130-131]. However, they did not approve this project as well.
Russian law continued to ignore the concept of a Muslim house of worship. It distinguished only five-time and cathedral mosques. The first intended for daily fivefold prayers, but collective Friday and festive services were allowed only in the latter. Therefore, each five-time mosque, as a rule, ranked as another - a cathedral, so that believers could take part in the obligatory Friday prayer. In the Russian Empire, the determining criterion for the type of mosque was the status of a parish clergy rather than a settlement. The approval
of a person with the title of a khatib who has the right to read a sermon (khutbah) after the Friday prayer to the prayer building already served as a sufficient basis for renaming the mosque into a cathedral [8, p. 96-100]. According to the approved opinion (December 9, 1835) of the State Council, one imam and one muezdin were included in the staff of the five-time mosque, and one khatib, one imam and muezdin at the cathedral mosque [18, p. 143].
The most common type of mosque in the Volga region and in the Urals was a small and cheap to manufacture rectangular wooden log house with one door for the convenience of heating and heat retention during long winters. The roof of the temple had sharp angles of slopes for self-cleaning from snow and was cut through by a minaret, which, in comparison with a separate one, was distinguished by structural rigidity, resistance to wind loads and greater efficiency [19, p. 98].
And finally, a decree issued "On the construction of mosques under the authority of the Orenburg Mohammedan Spiritual Assembly according to new plans and facades (1844) [20, p. 96]. According to which the Minister of the Interior sent an order in the province on the importance of observing a model drawing, including a new plan and the facade of wooden mosques. In addition, the chapter "On the construction of Mohammedan mosques" was introduced in the "Construction Charter". Articles 264 and 265 of this chapter said that new mosques recognized by the proper spiritual and civil authorities to be necessary for maintenance are being built according to plan and facade" [20, p. 97-100].
This document has contributed to the fact that the existing architectural traditions of the construction of mosques were united by the presence of several mandatory attributes:
• a minaret - a tower from which the minister of the mosque, the muezzin, declares an azan-call to prayer;
• mihrab-niche, indicating the direction to Mecca, in the direction of which the prayer is performed;
• minrab - the pulpit of a preacher located next to the mihrab, usually in the form of a ladder, onto which the imam rises for all believers to see, and reads a sermon - hutbu during Friday prayers.
• Each mosque also has an artificial reservoir or a special room with water for performing ritual bathing - Tatarathana [6, p. 45-46]. These elements are present in any mosque, wherever it is.
The published Code of Laws of 1857, where article 260 said that discloses the mechanism and procedure for obtaining permission from the Russian government to build a mosque. First of all, the population who wanted to build a mosque had to write a public request stating the need for building in the village and expressing their consent in this document to allocate funds to support and maintain the mosque and the clergy staff necessary for it. This document was sent to the Orenburg Muslim Spiritual Assembly, having received approval, sent to the provincial government. A drawing and facade of a future mosque sent to the construction department of the same state body of the Muslim community [22, p. 6].
An attempt to maintain control by the Russian administration explains the need to obtain permission to build a mosque of the Governor General of Western Siberia "only" after proper certification of the need for this construction ", as well as with the consent of the Mohammedan clerical authorities to erect a new mosque [23, p. 38-52].
By the mid-60s of the XIX century, there is a change in the religious policy of the Russian authorities. This was due to a number of factors of the foreign policy order. First, by the middle of the 19th century, the Russian Empire came close to the borders of the Central Asian khanates, where the main population is Muslims. In addition, they bordered on Muslim states, which caused concern of the Russian administration about the behavior of Muslim citizens of the empire. Secondly, a part of the Muslim (Crimean Tatar) population of Russia migrated to the Ottoman Empire. The government was afraid of the consolidation of the Turkic-speaking peoples of the empire under the auspices of Turkey. Thirdly, two legislative documents played a role in changing the tactics of the government: "The Regulation on the Bashkirs" (May 14, 1865) and "On the transfer of control of Bashkirs from the military to the civilian department" (July 2, 1865), concerning Bashkir Muslims and Kazakhs evidence of changes in the domestic political situation in the region. Finally, the formation of new national priorities for creating a "single and indivisible Russia" through a single language (Russian) and a single religion (Orthodoxy). In this regard, the question was "How much a Muslim can become a citizen of the Orthodox state?" The answer to this question was ambiguous and set the task of studying the "world of Muslims." As a result, in 1854. Kazan Theological Academy has become a center for the scientific study of Islam. Moreover, as the orientalist V.Bartold noted [24], the study of Islam carried out under the influence of Eurocentrism, which based on the idea of the fundamental difference between East and West and the incompatibility of Islam with the concept of progress. In this regard, Islam characterized as fanaticism, religious intolerance, isolation, ignorance, inertia, etc. Subsequently, the rejection of European culture and European (understood as Russian) influence was regarded as "fanaticism", while a different degree of "religious fanaticism" was distinguished among Russian Muslims. The most fanatical, hence the "dangerous" were recognized Volga Tatars, who have a cultural influence on other Muslims.
In the second half of the XIX century, the central authorities have developed a conceptual view of the need to unify the system of governance of Islamic institutions. The regulation of the Muslim issue has always been an integral part of the administrative structure of the outskirts. The desire to unify the administrative management of the regions assumed the adoption of adequate steps in this sensitive area. In general, the authorities focused on the gradual decrease in the role of the clergy and religious administrations in the daily and social life of traditional communities. In the 60s, the Orenburg provincial authorities regularly sent reports and proposals to the Ministry of Internal Affairs,
requiring stronger control of the authorities over Muslim ulama. An important step in the new policy of the Russian authorities was the creation in 1865 of the Steppe Commission to study the management of the Kyrgyz steppes, one of the tasks of which was to study the extent to which is Islam spreading in various parts of the steppe. The steppe commission was to present a draft of measures aimed at stopping the further spread of Islam, and explore the possibilities of Christianiza-tion of the Kazakhs. In the end of the study, two secret notes compiled: "On Mohammedanism in the Kyrgyz steppe and on the management of the spiritual affairs of the Kyrgyz" and "On the spread of Christianity in the Kyrgyz steppes" [25, p. 80-84]. The Commission noted the presence of a large number of mosques, decree and non-decree mullahs, or even just persons acting as mullahs. Nevertheless, at the same time, the commission recognized that there is no religious fanaticism among the Kazakhs yet, on the contrary, the majority of Kazakhs still practically do not know the basics of Islam. From this, it was concluded that it was not too late to change the situation in favor of Orthodoxy. For this, the commission proposed the following measures:
1) The need to remove the Kazakhs from the conduct of the OMDS;
2) Local mullahs, subordinate to the local civilian authorities, through this, the Ministry of Internal Affairs should manage spiritual affairs;
3) Clergy should choose the society itself and only from the Kazakhs;
4) Kazakhs elected to mullahs should not pass an exam in Islam;
5) Establish the norm for the number of mullahs and mosques in Kazakh societies;
6) The duties of the mullahs should be limited only to the religious sphere; \
7) Need to split the sphere of education and religion [15, p. 116].
The most indicative in this regard is the report of the Orenburg Governor-General N. Kryzhanovsky "On the Transformation of the Management of the Spiritual Affairs of Muslims" (1865). In a submission addressed to the Minister of the Interior (1867) to N. Kryzhanovsky proposed to introduce paperwork in Russian; the mullahs to appoint a certain salary from the treasury in order to "prohibit all requisitions" and make them "dependent on the government", to prohibit the "Tatars" to teach Kazakh children literacy. It was about effective control over them, because among the Muslim clergy "inclinations predominant paralyzing the efforts of the government" [26] prevailed.
Measures aimed at "weakening Mohammedan fanaticism" in southeastern Russia (the Ural-Volga region and the adjacent Steppe territories), the source of which, in the opinion of government circles, was the "Tatar clergy" became reality. This evidenced of this was the activities of the Steppe Commission of 18651868, which, along with administrative, tax and judicial issues, studied the confessional situation [26]. The introduction of the "Provisional Regulation on the Management of the Orenburg Governorate" (October 21, 1868) radically revised the position of the government regarding the management of the spiritual affairs of the
Kazakhs. They removed from the jurisdiction of the Orenburg Mohammedan Theological Assembly and transferred to civilian administration. Through it to the Ministry of the Interior [26]. In addition, the activity of only one mullah was allowed, which was supposed to be a Kazakh and, accordingly, only one mosque within the volost. At the same time, the mullah was approved and dismissed by the military governor. This became a violation of the religious rights of the Kazakh population, since one volost in accordance with Art. 59 of the "Temporary provision ..." (October 21, 1868) and Art. 56 of the Steppe Regulation (1891) of the year could include the number of wagons from 1000 - 2000, and accordingly in each wagon the population was from 610 people. In general, from 5-10 thousand souls per mosque, while the decree (August 23, 1763) allowed one mosque for 500 souls [27, p. 254].
The largest orientalist M.A. Miropiev (19th century) argued that the Islamization of the Kazakhs by Sarts and Tatars posed a huge danger to the Russian Empire. Recent pagans, the Kyrgyz, with the light hand of Empress Catherine II, who were diligently caring for the spread of Islam between them, in which she sought to see the transitional stage from paganism to Christianity, are becoming more and more Muslims, which were especially promoted by zealous propagandists of Islam. The Tatars from the north and sarts from the south, as well as our Orthodox Kazan, which through its printing houses - university and private, with great energy, distributes Muslim publications throughout Russia, including among the Kyrgyz. It is sad and painful to see how, under the Russian banner and even with its help, Islam, and not Orthodox Christianity, is being planted in the Kyrgyz pagan steppe "[28, p. 148].
In Orenburg in 1876 at a meeting of a special committee of the Ministry of the Interior, they considered the proposal of N. Kryzhanovsky on methods of "weakening Mohammedan fanaticism". The authorities saw a condition for weakening the "harmful" influence of the Tatar culture in forcing a policy of "rapprochement", relying on the Russian language, the introduction of Russian classes at Muslim educational institutions. This was reflected in the disposal of the Minister of Internal Affairs to the Orenburg Governor, the condition for occupying a spiritual position should be knowledge of Russian literacy" [28, p. 148].
The Ministry of the Interior played the leading role in the development of the "Muslim issue". In its structure, the "Muslim affairs" dealt with by the departments of spiritual affairs of foreign confessions (DSAFC) and the police. As noted by Russian researcher D.Yu. Ara-pov, they worked on these issues very thoroughly and a lot of material has been preserved on this issue. The fund of the Police Department contains cases of the pan-Islamist movement in Russia and its monitoring. The activity of DSAFC contributed to the emergence of a variety of paperwork on Islamic topics: notes, conclusions, relationships, representations, projects, references, circulars, etc. The director of DSAFC Kharuzin
played a significant role in the preparation of many documents in 1908-1911. A prominent ethnologist and anthropologist, was interested in Muslim issues. Back in 1889, analyzing the political and spiritual processes that took place among the Kazakh population of the Inner Horde, he wrote with alarm about the "strengthening of Islam's position here" and believed that the imperial authorities should not indulge in "hostile our (Russian) state principles, the direction of the Moham-medan-Tatar"[29, p. 165].
It should be noted that in the process of functioning of mosques a whole series of difficulties arose, since the legislation of the Russian Empire did not regulate the procedure for obtaining permits for their current and major repairs, restructuring to replace burnt or dilapidated ones, transferring to another place, changing the status from five-time to the cathedral. At the same time, the main sources of maintaining mosques as religious and ceremonial centers were: gathering of parishioners, individual donations.
Thus, the state policy of Russia regarding mosques in Kazakhstan underwent certain changes during the 19th century. As we know, the mosque in the Islamic world performed a number of functions: ideological, educational, enlightening, social and communicative. Naturally, the representative of the Russian authorities could not ignore this institution of Islam. Therefore, from the last quarter of the eighteenth to the first half of the nineteenth century, the Russian authorities believed that the mosque as a public place could influence the Kazakh nomadic population, develop humility among them, re-educate newly-nominated nomads, and incline them to the side of the Russian Empire. At this stage, religious buildings were built from the treasury, they tried to regulate the number of parishioners, determine their plans and facades, and convenient location. In addition, the Russian government supported the request for a mosque. With the strengthening of Russian power in Kazakhstan, as well as fears of the Islamiza-tion of the population and withdrawal from Russian influence, a desire appeared to limit the number of mosques, regulate their appearance, and refuse to build them. This policy of the second half of the 19th century did not have the desired results, not only because of the small number of regulatory bodies. The ecclesiastical assembly developed general circulars and instructions for subordinate akhuns, imams, and muezzins. A careful study of them shows that officials of not only religious institutions, but also local and central administrations took part in the preparation of the most important circulars. Some documents, in particular the Mufti fat-was, fully developed in the offices of the Orenburg Governor-General, the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Justice. These facts clearly show that the Spiritual Assembly was under the control of the authorities, and completely depended on the decrees of the empire. The spiritual assembly and its head practically deprived of the opportunity to pursue an independent policy.
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