CC BY
13
UDC 338.48
DOI: 10.24412/1995-0411-2021-3-109-125
Angela TEBERGA
Federal University of Tocantins, UFT (Palmas, Tocantins, Brazil)
Doctor in Tourism and Hospitality, Professor; e-mail: angela.teberga@gmail.com
THE INTENSE WORK ON MEGA CRUISES: A STUDY OF CABOTAGE SHIPS ON THE BRAZILIAN COAST1
Abstract. The cruise industry was responsible for generating more than 500,000 direct jobs (crew and workers of onshore companies) and for paying more than $21 billion in wages in 2019 worldwide. Despite the expressive numbers, very little is guided or discuss the working conditions to which the crew of sea cruises is subjected. From this context, the objective of this research is to measure the intensification of crew work on cruise ships, based on a study of cabotage ships on the Brazilian coast, in the period between the summer seasons of 2013/2014 and 2019/2020. The intensification of work appeared in the economic history of humanity especially in times of capital expansion or at times when legislation imposed limits on working hours. If there are limits to the length of journeys, the technology will be the instrument used to ensure increased productivity, making it work more intensely in shorter intervals. In the case of cruises, it was found that the intensity of work has increased over time, according to the increase in the capacity of ships. This is because megacruises have proportionally fewer crewmembers than smaller cruises aiming at reducing the cost of the operation, as well as cheeping trips to the consumer market, through the massification of production. The results of this research indicate that the passenger/crew member ranged from 3.09 to 3.34, considering all ships that were in Brazil between the 2013/2014 and 2019/2020 seasons. In addition,while the number of passengers per ship grew by anaverage of 9%; the number of crew members per ship grew by an average of 8%. It is concluded that the operation of megacruisestends to increase,even if slowly,the intensification of the crew's work.
Keywords: Sea Cruises, Intensification of work, Crew, Brazil.
Citation: Teberga, A. (2021). The Intense Work on Mega Cruises: A study of cabotage ships on the Brazilian coast. Service and Tourism: Current Challenges, 15(3), 109-125. doi: 10.24412/1995-0411-2021-3109-125.
Article History Disclosure statement
Received 3 September 2021 No potential conflict of interest was reported by
Accepted 21 September 2021 the author(s).
© 2021 the Author(s)
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0). To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons. org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/
1 This paper is a compact version of the Research Report titled "Work on Cruises". Full reference, see: Teberga, A. (2021). Work on cruises. From prolongation to the intensity of working hours. Series Reports in Contrast, 15. Alba Sud Editorial.
УДК 338.48
DOI: 10.24412/1995-0411-2021-3-109-125
ТЕБЕРГА Ангела
Федеральный университет Токантинса (Палмас, Токантинс, Бразилия) Doctor in Tourism and Hospitality, Professor; e-mail: angela.teberga@gmail.com
ИЗУЧЕНИЕ КАБОТАЖНЫХ СУДОВ НА БРАЗИЛЬСКОМ ПОБЕРЕЖЬЕ В КОНТЕКСТЕ МЕГАКРУИЗОВ
Круизная индустрия обеспечивала более 500 тыс. прямых рабочих мест (экипажей и рабочих наземных компаний) и выплату заработной платы на сумму более 21 млрд USD в 2019 г. Несмотря на выразительные цифры, на сегодня очень мало информации и научных публикаций об условиях труда экипажей морских круизов. Исходя из этого целью данного исследования является измерение интенсификации работы экипажей круизных судов на основе исследования каботажных судов на бразильском побережье в период между летними сезонами 2013/2014 и 2019/2020 гг. Интенсификация труда появилась в экономической истории человечества, особенно во времена увеличения капитала или когда законодательство налагало ограничения на рабочее время. Если есть ограничения на продолжительность поездок, технология будет инструментом, используемым для повышения производительности, заставляя отрасль работать более интенсивно в более короткие сроки. В контексте круизов выяснилось, что увеличение вместимости судов обуславливает увеличение интенсивности работы. Результаты этого исследования показывают, что соотношение количества пассажиров и членов экипажа варьировалось от 3,09 до 3,34 с учетом всех судов, которые находились в Бразилии в период с 2013/2014 по 2019/2020 годы. Кроме того, количество пассажиров на одно судно выросло в среднем на 9%; количество членов экипажа на судно выросло в среднем на 8%. Сделан вывод о том, что развитие мегакруизов ведет к увеличению, хотя и медленному, интенсификации работы экипажа.
Ключевые слова: морские круизы, интенсификация работы, экипаж, Бразилия.
Для цитирования: Теберга А. Изучение каботажных судов на бразильском побережье в контексте мегакруизов // Современные проблемы сервиса и туризма. 2021. Т.15. №3. С. 109-125. DOI: 10.24412/1995-0411-2021-3109-125.
Дата поступления в редакцию: 3 сентября 2021 г. Дата утверждения в печать: 21 сентября 2021 г.
1. Introduction
The cruise industry was responsible for the generation of more than 500 thousand direct jobs (crew and workers of the onshore companies) and for the payment of more than 21 billion dollars in salaries in the year 2019 (Clia, 2020) - which confirms the attractiveness of the sector as a job opportunity for young people and adults from different parts of the globe, especially from peripheral countries.
Despite the expressive numbers, very little is debated or discussed about the working conditions to which sea cruise crews are submitted. To keep all on-board services operating (hospitality, restaurant and entertainment), it is necessary for workers to make them happen, daily, seven days a week, without breaks or holidays. This is a contradiction of the tourism industry (Meliani & Gomes, 2010), and particularly of maritime cruises (Gibson, 2008), which more than ever should be put on the scene: while some rest and practice tourism, others work so that the first ones can enjoy idleness and leisure.
Exhausting working hours are cited by all consulted authors as the most important complaint of seafarers, of all nationalities, who work on sea cruises (Mather, 2002; Klein, 2002; 2006; Lee-Ross, 2006, Chin, 2008a; Seh-karan & Sevcikova, 2011; Bolt & Lashley, 2015; Oyogoa, 2016; Llangco, 2017). The consulted literature is unanimous in the understanding that "the workers suffer from long working hours and high work intensity" (Cole & Eriksson, 2010: 113).
From this context, the objective of this research is to measure the intensification of crew work on cruise ships based on a study of cabotage ships on the Brazilian coast, in the period between the summer seasons of 2013/2014 and 2019/2020.
2. Cruise Tourism in Brazil
The Cruise Lines International Association (Clia) estimates that more than 29 million cruise passengers traveled in 2019, representing a 68% increase between 2009 and 2019. The expressive numbers are a reality in regions of the globe with consolidated markets: in 2019 alone, North America received more than 15 million cruisers, followed by Europe with more than 7 million, and Asia with 3.7 million (Clia, 2021).
South America can be considered an independent and expanding zone in the international market. In this region, the ports of Buenos Aires (Argentina), Baltra (Galapagos/Ecuador), Ushuaia (Argentina), Valparaiso (Chile) and Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) are highlighted. There are factors that favor the expansion of the market in the region, among them: the saturation of other regions, such as the Caribbean, and the demand of European and American tourists for the hot and mild climate during the summer (corresponding to the winter in the northern hemisphere) (UNWTO, 2008).
In this context, cruise tourism in Brazil is considered incipient. There have been significant fluctuations in the number of ships and travelers over the last two decades and, in addition, the country has a predominantly domestic market, considering only cabotage trips - according to a survey by Clia-Brasil (2020), approximately 87.5% of the total tourists in the 2019/2020 season were Brazilian2,3.
The image below shows the number of cabotage ships in the Brazilian summer seasons (from November to March of the follow in gyear). The 2010/2011 season had a significant number of 20 ships, but the reduction was significant in the following seasons. Also in the same graph, it is possible to verify the number of passengers on board,
2 Decree No. 7,381 of December 2, 2010, which regulates Law No. 11,771 of September 17, 2008, known as the General Tourism Law. It also regulates the maritime or river cruise tourism program, which is constituted by the "provision of services combined with transportation, lodging, food, entertainment, visitation of tourist sites and related services, carried out by tourist vessels." Also according to the Decree, sea and river cruises are classified as: cabotage, international, long-haul and mixed (Brazil, 2010). On the other hand, the reference document for tourist segmentation, developed by the Ministry of Tourism, understands that cruise tourism belongs to the segment of "Nautical Tourism", which, in turn, is characterized by the"useof nautical vessels for the purpose of tourist movement" (Brasil, 2010: 14). More recently, the Ministry of Tourism launched the Tourism Market Intelligence Network, which highlights Brazil as a privileged destination for the offer of Nautical Tourism tours, considering the 8,500 km of coastline and 35,000 km of inland waterways (Brasil, 2021a).
3 The Brazilian Association of Maritime Companies (ABREMAR) was founded in 2006 and joined the Cruise Lines International Association (Clia) in 2012, when it changed its name to Clia-Brasil.
Fig. 1 - Number of ships and passengers shipped in Brazil (Source: Clia-Brasil, 2020)
which does not reduce sharply after the 2010/2011 season, demonstrating that the vessels with higher capacity came to Brazil during this period. In the 2019/2020 season, approximately 470,000 passengers traveled on the 8 ships on the Brazilian coast (Clia-Brasil, 2020).
The continuous reduction in the number of ships and passengers operating on the Brazilian coast can be explained by: high boarding and arrival fees, and pilotage charged by the country's ports, inadequate port infrastructure (Saab & Ribeiro, 2004, Ramoa & Flores, 2015, Farias & Trigo, 2016) and increased duration of itineraries in Brazil (Fujita & Andrade Júnior, 2014). Clia-Brasil also points as limiting factors for the growth of the maritime cruise sector in the country: non-competitive port rates and costs with the international market, the need for interventions and public and private investments in Brazilian ports and the high taxation applied to the sector.
The largest number of boarding and arrivals take place in the ports of Santos (state of Sao Paulo) and Rio de Janeiro (stateof Rio de Janeiro), both in the southeastern region of Brazil. In the 2019/2020 season, 574,377 passengers passed through the port of Santos(-Terminal Giusfredo Santini), 91% in boarding/ arrivals and only 9% in transit. There were 105
attractions registered in the port of Sao Paulo (Concais, 2021). In 2019, 363,659 passengers passed through the port of Rio de Janeiro (Terminal Pier Maua), 48% in transit and 52% boarding/arrivals. There were 108 attractions recorded in the port of Rio de Janeiro (Docas do Rio, 2021).
MSC Cruises, Costa Cruises and Pull-mantur Cruises are the companies that have been in every summer season in Brazil, uninterruptedly, considering the period between 2013/2014 and 2019/2020. In this interval, 21 different ships of these companies operated in the country,being: Costa Cruises (3), Ibero Cruises (1), MSC Cruises (11), Norwegian Cruise Line (1), Pullmantur Cruises (3) and Royal Caribbean Cruise Line (2) (Clia-Brasil, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020).
3. The work on Cruises
3.1 Employability on Cruises. The appeal of the high employability of tourism reproduced in speeches and political documents also extends to the cruise market. This is because, in addition to the vessel being labor-intensive (it is estimated that for every three cruisers, a crew member is employed), it also demands other activities on land that support the operation of the ship trip. In addition to these, it is important to remember the indirect jobs induced by this
Fig. 2 - Direct jobs generated by the cruise industry (Source: Clia, 2014-2020)
market, generated by suppliers of goods and services, such as food and beverages, fuel and equipment, transportation services and travel agency.
The generation of employment and income is among the economic contributions considered by the Clia. The market was responsible for the generation of 554,215 direct jobs (crew and workers of the onshore companies) and for the payment of 21.6 billion dollars in the year 2019. However, the figures are more expressive in the previous year, in 2018, when 607,000 direct jobs were generated and over 28 billion dollars were paid to workers4.
The high employability and the payment in foreign currency (dollar or euro) have aroused the interest of thousands of young people and adults, demonstrating that the cruise market is an interesting employment alternative for workers from different parts of the globe (Sehkaran & Sevcikova, 2011; Vereda et al., 2016; Santana & Edra, 2020), especially in peripheral countries (such as Southeast Asia and Latin America), or who
4 During COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent downtime of cruise operations (no sail) since March 2020, the economic impacts were immediately felt by the sector's working class. Between March and September 2020, it is estimated that the downtime was responsible for the loss of more than 518,000 jobs and US$ 23 billion in salaries (Clia, 2021).
are in a situation of unemployment or greater social vulnerability.
The employability of cruise ships in Brazil is measured5 annually by Clia-Brasil, through research commissioned from the Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV). The existence of itineraries on the Brazilian coast generates more than 2,000 jobs on the ships (considering crew only) during the period studied. It was generated 2,585, 2,481, 2,497, 1,935, 2,014, 2,115 and 2,118 in the following seasons: 2013/2014, 2014/2015, 2015/2016, 2016/2017, 2017/2018, 2018/2019 and 2019/2020, respectively (Clia-Brasil, 20142020).
5 Brazil has a specific rule for the protection of national work in national and/or foreign companies that exercise economic activity in its territory. Articles 352 to 358 of the national labor legislation deal with the nationalization of labor and the proportionality of Brazilian employees in companies in Brazil. The proportion required is that of 2/3 (two thirds) of Brazilian employees, and lower proportionality can be fixed in attention to the circumstances of each activity (Brasil, 1943). In the case of sea cruises, Normative Resolution of the National Immigration Council No. 5/2017 (update of RN CNIG No. 71/2006) determines that the ship in operation in Brazil for more than 30 days has a minimum of 25% of Brazilian crew members at different technical levels and working activities, aiming to ensure the nationalization of the work provided for in the CLT (Labor Law). Proportionality was reduced exceptionally in 2017, when it was authorized to reduce to 15% of Brazilian crew members until the 2020/2021 season (Brazil, 2006, 2017).
Santana and Edra (2020) analyzed the effects of the retraction of the maritime cruise market in Brazil to the employability for Brazilian crew members. 80% of the survey respondents believe that it is more difficult to win a job on board, the main reasons being the reduction in the number of ships in the summer season, as well as the reduction of the season period. The demand for a job opening is much higher than the supply of jobs by these companies.
3.2 Workforce composition. Every tourist who has been on a cruise realizes, right on boarding, that the ship's crew is extremely diverse, which may suggest the impression that the maritime labor market looks like a "mini-United Nations" (Chin, 2008a; 2008b). This phenomenon happens because, just as the cruise industry is globalized, so is its labor market6. This is a well-known characteristic of the merchant navy, including cruise ships, which can search for the cheapest available workers around the world (Meirinho, 2014).
According to Wu (2005), the scale and extent of differentiation by nationality illustrate the fact that cruises employ a "genuinely globalized" workforce (Sampson, 2018)7. 99 nationalities are represented in Wu's survey, with 10 nationalities constituting two thirds of the sample (Philippines, Italy, United Kingdom, Honduras, India, Indonesia, Germany, Ukraine, Colombia, and Greece).
The Philippines appears prominently in all surveys consulted on the composition of the merchant navy workforce disaggregated by country. According to Calmon Neto (2014: 128), the Asian country is "notoriously known for being a supplier of qualified labor and at
6 The globalization arrives, however, in a different way among nationalities, according to Carelli (2014). The author explains that globalization only includes the human dimension - full freedom of the "citizens of the world" to live, move and work for the countries of the globe - when this is shown to be advantageous to the central countries of capitalism. In other words, the protectionism in the domestic labor market is only loosened "in the interest of States that, to meet economic needs, selectively open up opportunities for workers from poorer countries, generally disqualified, to do low-cost work that their citizens do not have interest in doing it" (Carelli, 2014: 201).
7 According to Terry (2011), there are certain limits to the globalization of the workforce, due to the demand
of companies for qualified labor and with the ability to communicate in the English language.
more accessible prices than other places in the world".
In fact, the Philippines are the majority among seafarers, making up 30% of the world's maritime workforce8. It is estimated that, in 2014, 79,941 Philippines worked on passenger crafts, which represents just over 19% of the total number of seafarers in that country, behind only work on bulk carriers (cargo ship carrying bulk cargo). Still, chief cook and waiter are among the top ten occupations that most employed seafarers in the Philippines, with 15,890 and 11,538 employees, respectively, in 2014 (POEA, 2015).
The average age of workers of all nationalities is 33.8 years, but there are differences according to job category and gender. Officers are, on average, almost 5 years older than the average cruise ship worker, and senior officers are on average over 40. The average age of female sailors is 30.1 years. Men compose 81% of the crew and women 19%, but they are distributed unevenly by department and hierarchy. Most women are employed in occupations with direct contact with passengers, with more than 30% of women working in the public service (Wu, 2005).
3.3 Main occupations. It is rare to hear from a tourist who will be transported on a cruise ship, from one point to another in Europe, for example, just for the purpose of mobility. The main characteristic of cruises is exactly "to make their guests enjoy the great infrastructure that ships offer" (Palhares, 2002: 234) and that is why the main occupations of cruises have a greater relationship with a megaresort than with a means of waterborne transport itself. This distinction is so important that shipowners have preferred to call their guests from guests (hotel customer) to passengers (customers of a transport) (Zhao, 2002) - although evidently ships classify themselves as passengers, along with ferries (ferries) and other similar vessels (Campos, 2017).
8 To learn more about the lives of the Philippines seafarers on ships with a multinational crew, see Sampson (2003); on working conditions of Philippines seafarers on cruise ships, see Llangco (2017); and on future perspectives for Philippines work on cruise ships, see Milde (2009).
It is not the objective to present here the diversity of attractions present in "floating resorts" (Najafipour, Marzi & Mohammad, 2014; Scazufca, 2016), but remembering them is important to contextualize the nature of the work that is developed. Scazufca (2016) explains that the relationship between cruises and tourism is so symbolic that the attractiveness of destinations seems to be in second place, when the cruise itself acts as the main attraction. As the vessel offers lodging, leisure activities and different cuisine, the cruise becomes the very reason for the trip, and hence the comparison with resort category hotels.
The main occupations are directly related to the hotel, restaurant and entertainment operations and compose 85% of the maritime workforce (Wu, 2005). They are divided into the following departments: Hotel operations (Housekeeping); Restaurant operations (Food & Beverage, Galley); and Entertainment operations (Cruise Staff, Entertainment, Shops, Casino, Photo, Shore excursion and Spa.
4. Applicable Labor Law
The ship's own deterritoriality suggests the promotion of the transnationalization of these "itinerant companies", including the administration and registration of ships in states that are foreign to each other. Although it is a well-known practice in the world of navigation, the transnationalization of the merchant navy was intensified by the neoliberalization of the economy and, with it, the strengthening of foreign trade and the unrestricted mobility of capital, goods, services and workforce that began in the 1980s on a global scale.
It is common to hear from the crew the phrase: "ship is lawless territory". This understanding is emblematic to characterize the sui generis nature of vessels. They are characterized as transnational companies and have the same "strategy based on the objective of maximum benefit" (Teitelbaum, 2012: 113), through the search for more favorable countries for production and the consumer market. At the same time, they differ from any transnational on land because they are not fixed in a given territory, suggesting the impression that there would be no legislation to respect and norms to comply with.
On the contrary, from a legal point of view, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), approved in 1982 in Montego Bay (Jamaica), determines that the rules that will affect the ship will be those of the country in which it was registered. The article 94 of the Convention states that "every State shall effectively exercise its jurisdiction and control in administrative, technical and social matters over ships flying its flag" (UN, 1982: 58).
Among the obligations of the country of the flag is the execution of measures to guarantee working conditions and training of the crew, making it clear that "labor relations on board merchant ships are governed by the legislation of the State of the flag that flies" (Meirinho, 2014: 181). In addition, Campos (2017: 139-140) presents the main duties of the State of registry, according to what is established in the Convention, namely:
• Exercise the jurisdiction and complete control;
• Maintain a register of ships;
• Take the necessary measures to ensure safety at sea;
• Determine the opening of an investigation in relation to any maritime accident or navigation incident on the high sea;
• Cooperate in conducting any investigation involving a maritime accident;
• Promote the establishment, operation and maintenance of an adequate and effective search and rescue service;
• Provide and ensure the effectiveness of the duty of assistance.
In the context of the American continent, the Convention on Private International Law, also known as the Bustamante Code, approved in 1928 in Havana (Cuba), already established that the working relationships of the crew of vessels and aircrafts must be governed by the laws of the location of the registration (Pavilion or Flag Law). The article 274 of the Convention provides that "The nationality of ships is proved by the navigation patent and the registration certificate, and the flag is an apparent distinctive sign"; and the article 281 states that: "The obligations of officers and seafarers and the internal order of the ship are subordinated to the law of the flag" (OAS, 1928: 33-34).
4.1 Flags of Convenience. The
compliance with the flag legislation opens the gap for ships to be registered in countries with more interesting regulations or, as it was agreed to be attributed, "more convenient". Flag of Convenience (FoC) are defined as "the flag of convenience ship is one that flies the flag of a country other than the country of ownership" (ITF, 2021) or "the flag or the flag of States that grant nationality to ships without requiring a substantial bond" (Zanella, 2021: 13).
Campos (2017) clarifies that the use of the flag of convenience does not comply with the United Nations Convention in its article 91, which establishes the need for "a genuine link between the State and the ship" (UN, 1982: 58). The author considers, therefore, that the States must establish minimum requirements for the authorization of registration of vessels in their territory.
Several authors, scholars of maritime transport, have highlighted and criticized the influence of the FoC in defining the rules to be followed in these spaces, following the example of Sampson (2018) and other researchers at the Seafarers International Research Center at Cardiff University. In fact, what was seen, especially after the world trade crisis of the 1970s, was an unbridled rush by companies to register their vessels in countries with "virtually nonexistent" legislation (Wood, 2000), in search of competitive advantages.
Raymundo and Romay (2014) highlight that the indiscriminate use of FoC causes various types of labor problems, from job instability to non-payment for vacations and holidays. In short, labor costs can be cut in half (Zanella, 2021), due to lower payments or nonpayment of regular expenses, such as taxes and social charges. Besides, the use of convenience flags contributes to avoid the action of unions (Klein, 2001; Chin, 2008b), making their transnational organization even more difficult (Koch-Baumgarten, 1998).
Most of the vessels that use FoC are registered in Panama, whose law on registration of vessels does not present restrictions for the granting of the Panamanian flag and allows national and foreign vessels to be registered regardless of the owner's
nationality or residence of the vessel (Campos, 2017). In 2020, Panama counted 6,528 vessels (merchant navy) registered with its flag (18% of the world fleet), followed by China with 4,603 ships (13% of the total), Liberia with 3,686 vessels (10% of the total) and the Marshall Islands with 3,592 vessels (10% of the total). Together, the four countries cited represented just over half of the international fleet (UNCTAD, 2021).
Among passenger ships, this reality is no different, being a practice widely used by several shipowners (Wood, 2006; Chin, 2008a; 2008b; Boy, 2011; Terry, 2017). In the table below, I present as an example the flags used by some companies such as: Carnival Cruise Line, Royal Caribbean Cruise Line, Princess Cruises, Norwegian Cruise Line and MSC Cruises - see the complete list in Terry (2017: 75).
Table 1 - Country of ownership and registration of major cruise lines (Source: Cruise Mapper, 2021)
Shipowner Country of
Property de Register
Carnival Cruise Line USA Panama
Royal Caribbean Cruise Line USA Bahamas
Princess Cruises USA Bermuda
Norwegian Cruise Line USA Bahamas
MSC Cruises Switzerland Panama / Malta
It can be seen that, although the shipowners are commanded from central countries of capitalism (ship owners' countries), such as the United States of America and Switzerland, their ships are registered in peripheral countries, such as Panama, Bahamas, Bermuda and Malta -with the exception of the last, all are located in the Caribbean region9. The choice of these countries for the registration of their ships has, of course, economic reasons, since "they present significantly lower operating costs than those flying flags of traditionally maritime states" (Meirinho, 2014: 183).
The World Tourism Organization believes that the dissociation between the country of
9 There is an interesting debate about the homeland to which the tourist multinationals belong in Artigues & Blazquez-Salom (2019).
effective ownership and the flag country of the cruise ships "is even greater than the average of the world merchant fleet, mainly due to the high personnel costs, which are considerably reduced with the non-application of labor laws in OCDE countries" (UNWTO, 2008: 236).
The figure below shows the main registration flags for ferries and passenger ships, by registered fleet value, in millions of dollars, according to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
S35.000,00 S30.000,00 $25.000,00 520.000,00
515.000,00
■ 2018 ■ 2019 "2020
Fig. 3 - Main registration flags for ferries and passenger ships, by registered fleet value (Source: UNCTAD, 2018-2020)
(UNCTAD). Although Panama has a prominent position, it is not the main country where passenger vessels are registered in recent years. The Bahamas led the ranking of registration flags in the years 2018, 2019 and 2020. In 2008, differently, UNWTO (2008) indicated that Panama, Liberia and the Bahamas led the records of cruise ships, with a capacity to host 38,527 (34 ships), 37,520 (33 ships) and 36,231 (38 ships) passengers, respectively.
As there are significant gains for the country of registration, the intention of the "FoC countries" is to remain always attractive to multinational companies. Brida and Zapata (2010: 223, highlighted in the original) report, for example, that in 2000 Panama signed an agreement with the Florida Caribbean Cruise Association (FCCA), in which "the government engage to pay cruise lines for each passenger landed to encourage the flagging of vessels in the Panamanian flag". At the same time, the main criterion in choosing the country to register the cruise ship flag remains the lowest costs linked to the country of registration (Boy, 2011).
4.2 MLC 2006: Maritime Labour Convention. Although the use of convenience flags is a recurring practice of cruise ships, it is certain that, in the labor context, the scenario has changed significantly in 2013, when the international norms of the International Labor Organization (ILO) began to become
effective reference for maritime work. The Maritime Labor Convention 2006 (MLC) was adopted in 2006, during the 94th session of the International Labor Conference, by governments, workers 'and shipowners' representatives, but only entered into force in 2013, with the Philippines ratifying the Convention, 30th country to ratify the Convention.
Work in the maritime environment was already supported by specific international labor conventions, but MLC is considered the most important (in addition to the most recent), for having reviewed and consolidated several conventions and recommendations that had existed until then. ILO has about 70 internationals normative for the maritime sector, with a view to establishing minimum conditions for decent work in this sector. Of these, MLC 2006 is considered the 4th most important international maritime law standard along with: SOLAS - Safety
of Life at Sea Convention; MARPOL -Maritime Pollution Convention; and STCW - International Convention on Standards of Training, Certification and Watchkeeping for Seafarers (Calmon Neto, 2014).
Calmon Neto (2014: 128) states that: "MLC added basic principles and rights to all 'sea workers', in order to guarantee minimum working conditions and quality of life on board vessels flying the flag of a
country that has ratified the Convention." In addition, Raymundo and Romay (2014) point out that the working conditions stipulated in the Convention are better compared to international maritime labor contracts regulated by International Collective Labor Agreements.
The ratification of the Convention benefits both the maritime worker, through minimum working conditions, and the maritime
Fig. 4 - Ratifications of MLC 2006 (Source: ILO, 2021)
employer (shipowners), due to legal security in labor relations. 9810 countries had ratified the MLC (ILO, 2021), showing the widespread "acceptance by the well-known 'countries of shipowners' and 'countries providing maritime labor'" (Calmon Neto, 2014: 131).
MLC is praised by experts for seeking to guarantee social labor rights for seafarers working on vessels from signatory countries. The Convention has rules regarding: minimum conditions to be observed for the work of seafarers on board a ship; right to vacation, repatriation, indemnity in case of loss of the ship or shipwreck; decent accommodation and leisure facilities on board, good quality food and drinking water; medical care on board ships and ashore, health and safety protection and accident prevention, access to onshore and social security.
10 In Brazil, ratification took place on May 7, 2020 (entering into force on May 7, 2021). Decree No. 10,671 of April 9, 2021, promulgated the text of the Convention on Maritime Labor - MTC 2006 (Brasil, 2021b).
Despite the important advances and guarantees of MLC 2006, becoming an important instrument to ensure social responsibility in the cruise industry (Milde, 2011) and a set of minimum rights to seafarers from all over the world (Terry, 2017), it is necessary to highlight that the international normative "provides only a modest benefit to seafarers" (Bauer, 2008: 644)11, in addition to being excessively "tolerant" with regard to the flexibility of the crew's working hours, through the permission of maximum work limits (14 hours/day or 72 hours/week).
5. Intensity of working days Dal Rosso (2008: 23) calls work intensification "the processes of any natures that result in a greater expenditure of the worker's physical, cognitive and emotional capacities in order to increase quantitatively or qualitatively improve the results". Dal Rosso and Cardoso (2015: 636) consider that
11 See the severe criticism of the Maritime Labor Convention in Bauer (2008).
"intensity is the effort made by workers to meet the constraints of work organization over a unit of time".
The intensification of work appeared in the economic history of humanity, especially at times of capital expansion or at times when legislation imposed limits on working hours. If there is time constraint and it is necessary to achieve the same or better results of production, the capitalist uses greater degrees of labor intensity. The intensity varies, according to Dal Rosso (2008: 23) according to criteria such as "the degree of the worker's involvement, his commitment, his personal energy consumption, his effort developed to account for the extra tasks".
The author recalls that Marx does not use the term increase in labor intensity, but "reduction of porosities at work". "Porosities" are moments of non-work in the workday, moments when the worker does not produce value. By intensifying the workday, applying more workload, the existing "pores" are reduced proportionately, or wasted time for production (Dal Rosso, 2008).
The labor intensity from the worker's point of view is also explained by Marx as: "increased labor expenditure in the same time interval", "high tension of the workforce", "filling the intervals of the working days", "condensation" and "labor density" (Dal Rosso & Cardoso, 2015: 633). The quali-quantitative expansion of workers' work results is the objective to be achieved by increasing labor intensity, the degree of which represents an important accumulation mechanism.
The evolution of production techniques, together with the development of automation of work activities, directly impacts the degree of work intensity. After all, if there are limits to the length of the working hours, the technology will be the instrument used to guarantee the increase in productivity, making it work more intensely in shorter intervals of time. About this, Pinto (2013: 21) states that:
If certain activities such as loading excessive weights or handling toxic products were performed by electromechanical machines, the control of the execution work by the administrators was expanded, since automation, in addition to gradually
incorporating the workers' technical knowledge, directly intervened in the pace and in the intensity of the activities performed by them.
If technology has historically been the main ally in increasing the intensity of work, the truth is that it does not operate alone. On the contrary, it advances, pari passu to the rationalization of work, which is explained by the growing control, improvement and specialization of functions, in order to make the production process more and more efficient and cheap (Pinto, 2013).
For this, aiming at cost reduction, strategies for organizing work were developed throughout the history of capitalism, and in a more structured way in the 20th century. Knowledge about the organization of work and, more precisely, about the increase in productivity has become a priority subject of capitalists in order to guarantee maximum profit (Pinto, 2013).
Among the objectives of the organization of work are the increase of the scale of production, the standardization of quality and the reduction of costs. For Pinto (2013: 19), the different production organization strategies reached "the cruelest stage of control over human labor employed in production". In this context, mechanization/ automation acts both in the incorporation of the worker's technical knowledge, as well as in the direct intervention in the cadence and intensity of the work.
Three systems of work organization in the automobile industries have become better known and widely reproduced on a global scale. They are: Taylorism, Fordism and Toyotism. Each method can be considered an "evolution" of the previous one, although each historical period has engendered the determinations that made the development of the system possible.
The Taylorist systemis considered to be a pioneer in the rational forms of work organization. Developed by Frederick Taylor (1856-1915), at the end of the 19th century, its main objective was to increase productivity (and with it business profits), through the detailed quality control and the time used for the development of each work task. The hyper-specialization of all functions and activities was the fundamental purpose of
Taylor, who believed that speed and precision in the fulfillment of tasks were mandatory to increase productivity (Pinto, 2013).
The Fordist system takes its name from its creator Henry Ford (1862-1947), globally known for the creation of the automobile brand of the same name. The objective continued to be to increase productivity, but in this model the idea is to produce on a large scale, that is, to produce as much as possible to lower the unit costs of the product. The novelty introduced by Ford in the factory plant is the series production line, whose objective is to raise "the control of the work rhythm to a unique and previously determined cadence for thousands of hands" (Pinto, 2013: 40). The idea of mechanical automation is precisely to reduce the "porosity of work".
It should be remembered that the Taylorist-Fordist models were conceived within a growing international economy and had a promising consumer market, both domestic and foreign. But, from the second half of the 20th century, especially in the 1970s, global economic instability slowed investments in industry and mass and large-scale production became a "straitjacket" (Pinto, 2013) for the economic growth, which makes the systems run out of breath and other alternative forms of production.
In this context, a new model emerges, known as the Toyotist System, developed at the Toyota Motor Company, in Japan, and led by Taiichi Ohno. In this system, unlike the previous ones, the objective is to produce several product models on a small scale. The order-production-delivery regime, with the formation of small inventories in companies, was called just-in-time, that is, production on demand by the client and for the moment when it is demanded (Pinto, 2013).
The industrial plants were reorganized, aiming at the production of the main product and, for that, by reducing workplaces, increasing the "multifunctionality" of the jobs that remain and subcontracting companies that supply products and activities. The control and intensification of work, in this system, are guaranteed by the "unspecialization" of workers, demanding polyvalence and undermining any negotiation initiatives by the most qualified (Pinto, 2013).
Harvey (1993) calls the new regime of capitalist accumulation on a global scale "flexible accumulation". The flexibilization is, in fact, the emphasis of the Toyotist system: flexibilizing production, flexibilizing labor laws, labor markets and working hours, flexibilizing commercial barriers and State interventions. Next, the author presents the most structural differences between Fordist and Toyotist production on labor relations.
The intensification of work in the Japanese system is promoted by, among other things, the greater involvement of the worker with work, inside and outside the productive spheres, which results in a "capture of the subjectivity of work" (Alves, 2011), which it is essential for accumulation. Unlike previous regimes, the Toyotism seeks to integrate the worker in an "organic" way into work, and this involves not only his physical and mechanical abilities, but also psychological, affective, communicational and intellectual ones.
6. Intensity of working hours on Cruises
The reference of intensity patterns, although it is extremely important for the definition of the maximum intensity limit used in each activity by the worker, it is usually rare and more difficult to measure when compared to the patterns of working hours, for example. Like the working days, the degrees of intensity are the object of eternal dispute between capitalists and workers and are, in most cases (at least in heteronomous work), defined by the capitalist unilaterally (Dal Rosso, 2008).
Studies on labor intensity have historically focused on material work, especially in the industrial and metallurgical sectors. The idea is to measure how much workers produce, maintaining the conditions of production and working hours. It is known, of course, that the intensity of work crosses the frontier of the materiality of the merchandise and the productive sector, being used as a mechanism of recurring precariousness in various activities, as it is the case of work in tourism. The increase in the proletariat of services in the 21st century shows the urgency of studies that can measure the intensity of work in this sector. This is because the intensification of work in the service sector implies physical and psychological wears of different natures to those of the industrial sector (Dal Rosso, 2008).
Although Marx defends the thesis that "the intensification is subject to empirical demonstration" (Dal Rosso, 2008: 54), in practice, measuring the degree of work intensity of the ship's crew is an arduous task. First because the type of activity, and consequently the degree of intensity, varies considerably in each sector of the tourism area (hotels, restaurants and entertainment). Even in each sector, there is a wide variety of activities carried out. In the hospitality industry, the chamberlain's work intensity is different from that of the receptionist, for example. In the restaurant, the kitchen assistant's work intensity is different from that of the waiter. We would have to make more specific cuts to measure the degree of intensity of each activity performed on the ship.
Secondly, in the case of activities linked to the tertiary sector of the economy, measuring production is very complex. How to measure, for example, the work intensity of a ship receptionist? What is achieving more or better results for this function? There is, therefore, a typical problem in the production of the service sector. Because, if the degree of intensity of a job is measured fundamentally through the reason of commodity produced by working time, the formula becomes impractical for the situations of immaterial production, which occur to a large extent in this sector.
As an example, the following spreadrheet shows how some occupations characteyistiy of cruise ships could have their degree af intensity measured in relation tbtbe rime available for carrying out the activity.
However, I tried to problematize, in general, the intensity of work of the ships' crew. The intention is to understand how work intensification on ships is expressed from an estimate that measures the degree of the crew's involvement with the work. Thus, if the core of the crews' work of the tourism sector is the service to the passenger/traveler - be it in the hotel industry, hosting him; at the restaurant, feeding him; or in entertainment, entertaining him -, the objective is to estimate the degree of the crew's ability to serve passengers on board and to analyze the implications of this estimate.
For this, I reproduce the formula that measures the passenger/crew's relationship12. In the following formula, the numerator is the number of passengers (pax) of the ship using its total capacity; the denominator is the number of the ship's crew members. Thus, the smaller the number of crew members, the greater the "i" value (Pax/T). The "i" value estimates the degree of work intensity. If this value on a particular ship is high, it means that the same crew member must serve a greater number of passengers and, therefore, py rfocm s greatef am ountnlFwo tk.
Pax (No. of Passtngtrs)
i (Rtlationship passtngtr/crtw)=-----
T (No. of Crtws)
chisfor mu la teprepentr an estimttean d hac some NobOrtionp. Firft tc hll,becautp the number op crrwmembu ss ovailrble par stit ecoompastes the ectire crew, including engineering acd safety fanetiont, w.ith are not title olrject of phis teseatch. Secoab. becaere tome Currtions studies rlo not intenolfy aecorbitg tothe ship's ereuptney tate, syt^1i it, tihenumber of pasrec^ts1
1 cirried out txptorator1 ueteatch on the sumber of gassengero and Che nuthCpp ot cmem member, of She thi pow eeo CbsCa Cretesm (3), Ibeto Csoksbs (If MSC Cretset (ylb Netwsgioo Ccut'sb ¿/tie (1), Ps11/^srtttks o^/soc (3t e sco'coi Cay/mean Cruitp Une (2)r
12 This ^cfrtht laisalt co^v'us|it ts mas^e tie ^^xurt of the shis, ^i^cau^^ tSt lunger S^is pssseneer/flcw ralaensshia, ttemars nsclusipt ant pecsonalizcd she customea ^e r\^ice isr tie nassengerac r^s^relatior^^^^if) onlutdrcsCits iz l.i; on c^^w^ir^m ohips iz l.i5 to
2.tion rarttrtnoi^i^i^a sP iis SL.t on CP6; andon tafget ships, is more than 2.6. To better understand the relationship of "CoefSERV" with the category of the ship, scr UNWTO (t0kCi ^k^^t^)0 ^yc00^
Table 2 - Examples of measuring the degree of intensity of selected Jobs
Housekeeping Cabin and Assistant Housekeeping Cabin Number of clean and tidy housing units (UH) in relation to workio( time
Dining Room Waiter) and Assistant Waiter) Number of gue stsattended nnt served by station eO pariteots tables in the resStucnt (the number can be PeSnenittt)d-ing to the evalurCon opete previous cruise) ^nsslytiot te the working time
Bar Waiter Number of beverage packages sold (sales targets are set for each cruise) in relation to working time
Cook Number of meals prepared in relation to working time
who were in Brazil between the 2013/2014 and the 2019/2020 season. The numbers of passengers and crew members were obtained from the Cruise Mapper website (2021). The data were tabulated and applied to the developed formula. Next, I analyze the data according to the following variables: (i) evolution over time and (ii) size of the ship. There have been substantial differences between the companies as well, but the goal here is to understand the trends in the cruise market.
These variables were chosen due to the reflection proposed by Mather (2002) on the passenger/crew member relationship. In his opinion, larger ships - megaships have a capacity for more than 2,000 passengers, according to Najafipour, Marzi & Mohammad (2014) - have proportionately less crew members aiming at reducing the costs of the operation, as well as making travel cheaper for the consumer market, through the massification of production, as in the Fordist regime. Chin (2008b) noted that older ships are refurbished or redesigned to compete with more modern ones, confirming that the size of cruise ships directly impacts on revenue growth: while cargo capacity expands, operating costs remain relatively stable - crew's costs increase only marginally, according to Zhao (2002).
The size of the largest companies is growing, and so are the number and size of the ships. [...] The larger and newer ships offer lower running costs per passenger, with a passenger: crew ratio of 3:1 compared to the traditional 2:1. [...] The number and size of new ships on order suggest a continuing problem of overcapacity and price wars to attract clientele. The scene is set, then, for an even greater squeeze on cruise ship seafarers (Mather, 2002:08-09).
Zhao (2002) had also observed that the passenger/crew relationship increases as the size of the ship increases. Traditionally, the typical relationship was 2:1 to 2.5:1, depending on the quality of the ship; in the early 2000s, the proportion of 3:1 or even 4:1 was verified in most ships. "What does this mean to seafarers? It means that the seafarer has to clean more cabins, remember more names and smile to more passengers" (Zhao, 2002: 23).
Following the same line of reasoning, I found that there is actually a time trend to in-
crease the amount of work done by the crew. The "i" value ranged from 3.09 (2013/2014) to 3.34 (2019/2020) seasons in Brazil - and, therefore, above what Mather (2002) and Zhao (2002) predicted at the beginning of the millennium -, despite the clear year-on-year fluctuations, as shown in the graph below.
Fig. 5 - "i" relationship by year of ship launch
Analyzing according to the size of the ship, the correlations seem even more evident. Larger ships, with a greater number of passengers, have the highest i value. Averages ranged from 2.94 for ships with a capacity of between 1,001 and 2,000 passengers to 3.77 for ships with a capacity between 5,001 and 6,000 passengers. These data demonstrate that the capacity of ships, which has increased significantly over time (UNWTO, 2008), directly impacts the intensity of the crew's work.
Fig. 6 - "i" relationship by ship size
The previous and following data confirm the hypothesis that the increase in the capacity of the ships over the years has not been accompanied by the respective increase in the crew. From 1992, the year the oldest ship to be in Brazil was launched in the period studied, to 2018,
the year in which the newest ship to be in Brazil was launched in the period studied, the number of passengers per ship grew, on average, 9%, with an accumulated percentage change of 122%. In the same period, the number of crew members per ship grew, on average, 8%, with an accumulated percentage change of 100%.
51X10 / 4000 ............ /
3000
0
1992 1997 2001 2002 2003 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2018 Average (pax) Average (crew) ......... Linear (Average (pax)) ......... Linear (Average (crew))
Fig. 7 - Evolution of the number of passengers and crew per year of launch of the ship
7. Conclusion
The construction and operation of increasingly large vessels is a trend in the cruise market. Large capacity ships are a market necessity for reducing unit costs (the daily rate for a cabin) and increasing the profitability of cruise lines. Larger ships are also more attractive to the public, as they may
have a much more diversified entertainment facility (UNWTO, 2008).
The operation of mega-cruises intensifies the negative impacts generated by this industry, which are already well known worldwide: emission of pollutants into the atmosphere and sewage discharge into the oceans (Klein, 2010; García, 2016), irregular disposal of solid waste (Butt, 2007; Brida & Zapata, 2010), accelerated transmission of infectious diseases between passengers and crew members (Teberga & Herédia, 2020), mass tourism in port cities (González, 2018), traffic jam on the roads and increase in small crimes in port cities (Brida et al., 2012), acceleration of gentrification in the historic center of port cities (González-Pérez, 2019), among other effects.
In addition, the research developed points out that the increase in the capacity of ship impacts on the increase in the intensity of crew work. The results showed that the passenger/ crew ratio ranged from 3.09 to 3.34, considering all ships that were in Brazil between the 2013/2014 and 2019/2020 seasons. And while the number of passengers per ship grew by an average of 9%, the number of crew members per ship grew by an average of 8%.
Thus, it is concluded that the operation of megacruises tends to increase, even if slowly, the intensification of the crew's work.
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