CC BY
20
imtIyaz SahIbI | Proprietor Burhan CAGLAR
SORUMLU Yazi I$LER| MüDÜRÜ | Managing Editor Ömer Faruk CAN
SS
-a
Osmanli aragtirmalarina münhasir, alti ayda bir (Nisan ve Ekim) negredilen, agik erigimli, gift kör hakem sistemli akademik dergi
Double-blind peer-reviewed open access academic journal published semiannually (April and October) in the fields of Ottoman Studies ^
S 8
SAYI | ISSUE 1 • NISAN | APRIL 2021 ^ ^
a
£
IrtIbat | Contact Kadim • Sakarya Üniversitesi
Esentepe Kampüsü, Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, C Blok, Ofis: 113,
Serdivan/Sakarya (Turkey) 54050
Telefon | Phone • 00 90 264 295 60 15
Internet Adresi | Webpage • dergipark.org.tr/kadim
E-posta | E-mail • kadim@sakarya.edu.tr
Tasarim | Design Hasan Hüseyin CAN
Baski | Printed by
MetinCopyPlus • Arti Dijital & Baski Merkezi
Turkocagi Cad. 3/A Cagaloglu/Fatih/lstanbul
Basim TaRiHi | Print Date • NiSAN | April 2021 ISSN 2757-9395 • e-ISSN 2757-9476 UcRETSiz | Free of Charge
Kadimdeki makaleler, Creative Commons Alinti-Gayriticari 4.0 Uluslararasi Lisansi ile lisanslanmigtir. Bilimsel aragtirmalari kamuya ücretsiz sunmanin bilginin küresel paylagimini artiracagi ilkesini benimseyen dergi, tüm igerigine aninda agik erigim saglamaktadir. Makalelerdeki fikir ve görüglerin sorumlulugu sadece yazarlarina ait olup Kadim'in görüglerini yansitmazlar.
Articles in Kadim are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Kadim provides immediate open access to its content on the principle that making research freely available to the public supports a greater global exchange of knowledge. Authors are responsible for the content of contributions; thus, opinions expressed in the articles belong to them and do not reflect the opinions or views of Kadim.
Dergi Park
Editor Editor-in-Chief
Yayin Kurulu Editorial Board
Yazim ve DIl EdItOrlerI Writing and Language Editors
TOrkçe DIl EdItOrG Turkish Language Editor
INGlLlZCE DIL EdITORG English Language Editor
Yayin SekreterI secretariat
Daniçma Kurulu Advisory Board
Arif BILGIN | Prof. Dr., Sakarya Üniversitesi
Necmettin ALKAN | Prof. Dr., Sakarya Üniversitesi Fatih BOZKURT | Doç. Dr., Sakarya Üniversitesi Ömerül Faruk BÖLÜKBA?! | Doç. Dr., Marmara Üniversitesi Kerim llker BULUNUR | Doç. Dr., Sakarya Üniversitesi Bü§ra ÇAKMAKTAÇ | Dr. Ogr. Üyesi, Sakarya Üniversitesi M. Talha ÇlÇEK | Doç. Dr., istanbul Medeniyet Üniversitesi Filiz D!G!ROGLU | Doç. Dr., Marmara Üniversitesi Miraç TOSUN | Dr. Ogr. Üyesi, Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi
Ömer Faruk CAN | Sakarya Üniversitesi Burhan ÇAGLAR | Sakarya Üniversitesi Bünyamin PUNAR | Sakarya Üniversitesi
Sedat KOCABEY | Sakarya Üniversitesi
¡rem GÜNDÜZ-POLAT | Sakarya Üniversitesi
Yusuf ¡slam YILMAZ | Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi
Houssine ALLOUL | Dr. Ogr. Uyesi, University of Amsterdam
Muhammet Zahit ATÇIL | Dr. Ogr. Uyesi, istanbul Medeniyet Universitesi
Mukerrem Bedizel AYDIN | Prof. Dr., Sakarya Universitesi
Feridun BÎLGÎN | Doç. Dr., Mardin Artuklu Universitesi
Roger DEAL | Doç. Dr., University of South Carolina Aiken
Randi DEGUILHEM | Prof. Dr., Aix-Marseille Université
Umit EKÎN | Prof. Dr., Sakarya Universitesi
Davut HUT | Prof. Dr., Marmara Universitesi
Kezban ACAR KAPLAN | Prof. Dr., Celal Bayar Universitesi
Michalis N. MICHAEL | Dr. Ogr. Uyesi, University of Cyprus
Ali Fuat ÔRENÇ | Prof. Dr., istanbul Universitesi
Erol ÔZVAR | Prof. Dr., Marmara Universitesi
Kazuaki SAWAI | Prof. Dr., Kansai University
Andelko VLASIC | Dr. Ogr. Uyesi, University of Osijek
Francesco VIOLANTE | Dr. Ogr. Uyesi, Université degli Studi di Bari Aldo Moro
Sadik YAZAR | Prof. Dr., istanbul Medeniyet Universitesi
Hale YILMAZ | Doç. Dr., Southern Illinois University
Îlhami YURDAKUL | Prof. Dr., Bilecik $eyh Edebali Universitesi
The Development of Ottoman and Post-Ottoman Boundaries in Bosnia and Herzegovina
BOSNA VE HERSEK TE OSMANLI VE OSMANLI SONRASI SINIRLARIN GELi^iMi
IVAN BALTA*
ABSTRACT OZ
Bu makale Bosna-Hers ek'in tarihsel ve günümüz sinirlarini iki farkl: döneme odakla-narak incelemektedir: (1) Osmanli Impara-torlugu'nun on be^inci ve on sekizinci yüzyil-lar arasindaki erken tarihi ve (2) modern dönemin sava§ ve ban^lan. Balkan toprak-larini yönetmeye dönük Osmanli politi-kalari, fethedilen yerlerin ihtiya^larina ve Osmanlilarin bunlari ger^ekle^tirmek üzere planladiklari siyasi ve kurumsal politikala-ri uygulama kabiliyetine göre degi^mektey-di. Osmanlilar, bölgeyi daha kontrol edile-bilir par^alara bölmek suretiyle gü^lerini pe-ki^tirmek ve kontrolü saglamak i^in sancaklar (askeri yönetim birimi) ve pa^aliklar (birka^ sancagin birle^iminden olu^an yönetim biri-mi) kurdu. Bölgedeki Osmanli istikrari, Habsburg Imparatorlugu ile yapilan £e§itli sava^lar tarafindan tehdit edilmekteydi. Buna bagli olarak on yedinci yüzyil sonlarindan iti-baren bölgedeki fiili siyasi durum, Bosna to-praklarinin sinirlarini da etkisi altina aldi. Bölge, son ^eklini almak i^in, Ikinci Dünya Savanna kadar ^ok sayida sava§ ve ate§-kes tecrübe etmek zorunda kaldi.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Sinirlar, Bosna, Hersek, Balkanlar, muharebe.
MAKALE BiLGiSi | ARTICLE INFORMATION
Makale Turu: Ara§tirma Makalesi | Art/c/e Type: Research Article Geli§ Tarihi: 14 $ubat 2021 | Date Received: 14 $ubat 2021 Kabul Tarihi: 1 Nisan 2021 | Date Accepted: 1 April 2021
l^P' ATIF | CITATION
BALTA, Ivan. "The Development of Ottoman and Post-Ottoman Boundaries in Bosnia and Herzegovina", Kadim 1 (April 2021), 133-150.
This article surveys the historical and present-day boundaries of Bosnia and Herzegovina by focusing on two concepts: (1) The early history of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans between the fifteenth and the eighteenth centuries and (2) wars and treaties of the modern period. The Ottoman policies of administrating the Balkan lands were varied according to the necessities of the conquered lands and their ability to the pursue political and institutional policies on these regions. To divide the area into more controllable pieces, they established sancaks (military administrative units) and papliks (an administrative unit consist of several sancaks) to manage the control and to consolidate their power. The Ottoman stability in the region threatened with various wars with the Habsburg Empire. Accordingly, starting with the late seventeenth century the active political context of the region affected the limits of the Bosnian lands as well. The region had to experience a vast number of battles and ceasefires until the WWII to take its final shape.
Keywords: Borders, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Balkans, battle.
* Prof. Dr., Emeritus Professor, University of Herzegovina Mostar, ivanjbalta@gmail.com, ORCID: 0000-0003-3508-7487.
1. The Ottoman Expansion In the Balkans and Changing Borderlines of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Hungary
The Ottomans ruled over the Balkans between the fifteenth century to the second half of the ninetieth century. Their military administration in Bosnia, Herzegovina and Croatia was covered by so-called soft borderlines.1 Many political entities including the Ottoman Empire, the Habsburg Empire, Venice and other insurgent forces were in active warfare in the given geography. The Ottomans invaded Bosnia in 1463, Herzegovina in 1482. In 1493, the Battle of Krbava heralded further Ottoman conquests in Croatian lands. They accordingly established new sancaks, united under a larger military-administrative unit, the pa^alik of Bosnia. The Ottoman sancaks, normally, were governed by a beylerbeyi (governor-general of the administration unit). However, the Bosnian Pa^alik or the Eyalet (provincial administration) of Bosnia were divided into kaptanliks (captaincies). These were special border military districts governed by a kaptan (captain, commander). The Bosnian Pa^alik lasted until the late nineteenth century, the time when the Ottoman presence in the region weakened and abolished in 1878, with decision taken in the Berlin Congress.
The Bosnian serhad (borderline) took its form between 1448 and 1453, in the occupied part of Bosnia. The Ottomans did not force out domestic feudalism and they also established the timar (landowner-grooming system). It was after the Smederevo Despotate's fall in 1459 that the Ottoman government in Bosnia started to expand by moving freely from the Bosnian borderland into its heartland, towards important centers Fojnica and Kresevo.2 The last Bosnian sovereigns relied on Hungary and the Papacy to defeat the Ottomans.3 However, at that time, there were conflicts between the king Stjepan Tomas (r. 1443-61) and the duke Stjepan Vukcic-Kosace (r. 1435- 1466) culminated into a civil war in the Bosnian lands. The local conflict partly ended with the death of the former in 1461. This event also hasted the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia4 because the new king Stjepan Tomasevic (r. 1461-63) denied to pay the tribute. In 1463, the Ottomans started a military campaign and descended to the Drina River across Skopje, Kosovo and Sjenica. Soon, they arrived in the border area of the Pavlovics and Kovacevics and captured the region without any resistance. The surrender of Bobovac in the central Bosnia demoralized the garrisons of the remaining towns, especially of Travnik, Jajce and Kljuc. This is because the army commander and the grand vizier Mahmud Pa^a primarily guaranteed the king's life and freedom on the condition of surrender. The king surrendered but the sultan did not save his life. Thus the death of Stjepan Tomasevic in 1463 also sealed up the fate of the Bosnian Kingdom.5 The Ottomans established their
1 In this article the term 'soft' highlights permeable, conductive and constantly changing features of the Ottoman borderlines in the given geography.
2 Hazim Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1982), 35-37.
3 Anto Babic vd., Historija naroda Jugoslavije I (Belgrade: 1953), 606.
4 Pavo Zivkovic, Povijest Bosne i Hercegovine do konca XVIII stoljeca, i, Povijest hrvata Bosanske Posavine do pocetka XX stoljeca (Mostar: Hrvatsko kulturno drustvo Napredak, 1994), 76.
__5 Sabanovic, Bosanskipasaluk, 38-39.
government and a new border of their empire after this victory.6 In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Ottoman authorities usually put new areas under the direct management of sancak governors. Around the 1580s Bosnia became a separate border beylerbeylik as a strategy of counteract to the Habsburg Empire.7
After the fall of Bosnia, the border moved towards Croatia. In Hungary, the death of the king Matija Korvin (r. 1464- 90) in 1490 marked the end of the absolute reign because the successor Vladislav II Jegelovic (r. 1490-1516) could not stop dynastic fights. These internal conflicts paved the way for the Ottoman intervention. In Slavonia, King Vladislav's supporters were in constant fight with those of the king Maksimilijan of Habsburg (r. 1459-1519). Parallel to that disputes there was an Ottoman attack to Kranjska and Croatia in 1491. Following to this unsuccessful one, they initiated a new campaign, commanded by the Bosnia's governor Yakub Pa^a with an army of ten thousand soldiers across Croatia to Kranjska and Koruska. On 9 September 1493, there was a battle in Krbava, ended up with heavy loses on Croatian side including the execution of many nobles. The news about the Croatian defeat spread over Europe, and evoked the idea of the Crusades against the "unbeliever" Ottomans. Vladislav was not interested in that, although his lands were narrowed down since the border moved to the west due to ongoing Ottoman conquests.8 In 1499, the Ottomans advanced towards Dalmatia., but Vladislav's army suppressed the siege of Jajce after two years. He entrusted the noble families of Berislavics and Frankopans for defending his sout. From the 1520s on, the new sultan Suleyman I (r. 1520-66) undertook military attacks towards the west of Europe, starting with Hungary. Accordignly, in 1522, Bosnian governor Husrev Bey went to Dalmatia, captured Knin and Skradin easily but could not take the fortified Klis. Finally, in 1525, Suleyman decided to attack Hungary. He conquered Petrovaradin and Osijek, crossed the Drava River and so came into Hungary. A great battle took place in Mohacs, where the Hungarian army was heavily defeated. Hungarian king Ludovik II (r. 1516-26) diedin that battle and the Sultan entered Budin.
In 1576, RudolfII (r. 1576-1608) became the Austrian king. His enthronement also affected the Military Border.9 In 1583, the Ottomans managed to move their frontline from the River Una to Kupa. Accordingly, Bihac felt to the Ottoman hands in 1592, thus the Croatia's line of defense went from Ogulin -through Karlovac by the River Kupa- to Sisak. A year later, the Bosnian governor Hasan Pa^a, wanted to conquer Sisak, marched towards Zagreb but
6 Matuz, Osmansko Carstvo, 64. There were two larger administrative units in the Ottoman Empire: eyalets and sanjaks. They were militarily organized according to the principle of judicial jurisdiction. Beylerbeys and sanjakbeys almost always appeared under the scope of military career, and heads of legal districts and environments under that of theological-judical one. The largest territorial units of the Ottoman Empire were eyalets led by beylerbeys. They contiually disposed of one sanjak called pasha-sanjak, and were also charged with supervision of their own eyalet's sanjakbey, certainly without too much interfering into the competence of certain sanjakbeys.
7 Halil Inalcik, Osmansko Carstvo (Zagreb: Srednja Europa, 2002), 131.
8 Zivkovic, Povijest Bosne, 96-97.
9 The Military Border was created by Charles V (r. 1516-56), the archduke of Austria, in the sixteenth century to secure the Crotian, Slovanian and Hungarian border from the incursions of the Ottoman Empire. The border mostly controlled by the Habsburg Empire's military forces.
his attempt resulted unsuccesfully.10 This campaign marked a short break for the Ottoman conquests, but the war continued more until 1606 when the peace was made in Zitva.11
When the Ottomans conquered the Balkan lands, many Orthodox Christians and the Bogomils accepted Islam, especially in Bosnia. The Ottoman population were divided t in two general classes: Muslims and unbelievers.12
2. Establishment of the Ottoman Sancaks in Bosnia
As the Ottomans conquer new lands they accordingly established military-administrative units, sancaks in these areas. They were divided into smaller units, so called nahiyes. As the number of sancaks increased, the Bosnian Pa^alik was formed as the largest military-administrative unit on the lands of the former Bosnian Kingdom. This unit consisted some parts of Slavonia, Lika, Dalmatia the Pavlovic and Kovacevic districts as well as the occupied part of the Herzegovina.13 By uniting them with the earlier districts in Raska and Bosnia, The Ottomans so founded the Bosnian Sancak with the center in Sarajevo.14
In the second half of the fifteenth century, the Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus (r.1464-90) attempted to reconstruct his former territories by establishing two banovinas (regions), Srebrenica and Jajce. Following to that development, the Bosnian Sancak became confined with the remaining Hungarian-Croatian area in the east and northeast.Following to the Ottoman attack to Herzegovina in July 1463, the Ottomans established a special sancak with its center in Foca, then in Pljevlja.15 In December 1481, they besieged the Herzeg's Novi, the last garrison of the Bosnian state. Here, the banovinas ofJajce and Srebrenica represented a powerful threat for the Ottoman troops, as well as a permanent danger for their border estates. Therefore, the Ottomans decided to connect their authorities in the central Drina River Basin, thus they established the Sancak of Zvornik, with its governors sojourning in Tuzla.16
Upon the conquest of Klis in 1537, the governor of the Bosnian Sancak, Husrev Bey, suggested the establishment of a new sancak in the region with the center in Klis. In 1538, in the conquered area of central Slavonia the Ottomans also established a new sancak, the Sancak of Pozega, named after its center. All the new Ottoman estates in the Slavonian Drava River Basin were annexed to the Sancak of Pozega, and those in the Sava River Basin were articulated to the Bosnian Sancak. The Sancak of Pozega belonged to the Beylerbeylik of Rumelia, and then to the Pa^alik of Budin, remained there untll 1580. Then it was joined to the Bosnian Pa^alik. When the Pa^alik of Kanjiza was established in 1600, the Sancak of
10 Zivkovic, Povijest Bosne, 105. The battle took place in the field between the rivers kupa and Odra on 22 June 1593. It lasted one hour, and the Ottoman army was heavily defeated with grear losses. Hasan-Pasha Predojevic was killed in that battle.
11 Ferdo Sisic, Povijest Hrvata II (Slit: Marjan tisak, 2004), 306-307. Peace Treaty of Zitva was the first one in which the Hungarian-Croatian king and sultan were equal, and it was a sign that the Ottoman dominance began to decline.
12 Sisic, Povijest Hrvata, 329.
13 Sisic, Povijest Hrvata, 326-327.
14 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 39-40.
15 Sisic, Povijest Hrvata, 327.
16 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 52-54.
Pozega was joined to it and remained its part until the end of the Ottoman reign. In the mean time, Pozega, Osijek, Virovitica, Vukovar and Dakovo were included in the Sancak ofPozega.17 In summeri552, the Ottomans conquered new lands in Slavonia, and joined the these areas to the Sanjak of Pozega. In 1557, they founded the new sancak of Zacasna. However, as Zacasna was recognized unsafe between 1560 and 1565, so the Ottomans replaced the center of this sancak to Pakrac.18 The Sancak of Krka (Lika) was founded in e 1570s, and it spread along the Velebit Mountain towards Senj, Brinje and Otocac. It included the northern part of Dalmatia, Lika and Krbava and it was a unit belonged to the Bosnian Pa^alik. It was time to time connected with the Sancak of Bihac, and that of Klis as one sancak.19 Precisely, until the end of the sixteenth century, the area of the future the Bosnian Pa^alik was divided into three regions: Rumelia, Budin and Timisoara.
There are several reasons lying behind the foundation of Bosnian Eyalet. First is the presence of Austria and Venice as two arch-enemies situated against the Ottoman aspiration for further expansion and consolidation of power. Secondly, the Ottomans knew that they had to make state reforms and administrative divisions to eliminate the administrative decline.Therefore, they established a special district, the Bosnian Pa^alik in 1580, by detaching the Bosnian and Herzegovinian sancaks, as well as the sancaks of Klis, Pakrac and Krka from thepa^aliks of Rumelia, Zvornik, Pozega and Budin. The Sancak of Srijem was the only exception, since it had been and remained as a part of the Budin Eyalet with its center in Ilok.20 The Bosnian Sancak became the central district of the Bosnian Pa^alik, also called the Pa^a-Sancak,21 and its first beylerbey was Ferhat Bey Sokolovic, who was also the previous sancakbey of the Bosnian Sancak, up to the year 1588.22
In the Ottoman administrative system the pa§aliks, generally consists of numerous sancaks Instead, following the establishment of the Bosnian Pa^alik, the Ottomans divided it into kaptanliks. The armies of kaptanliks were the main power of the Bosnian Pa^alik's defense.23 The Ottomans learned this type of military administration unit when they arrived the banks of Sava and Una rivers. They got acquainted with the Christian institution of kaptanliks that had been established by the Hungarians and Croatians to defend themselves from the Ottoman invasions. The Ottomans established these units in the occupied towns and they usually kept the existing kaptans and soldiers, together with setting up their own ones. For example, after the conquest of Nova Gradiska, they founded the kaptanlik of Gradiska in 1537. In 1565 they established the kaptanlik of Krupa, and in 1592 the kaptanlik of Bihac. The same process had continued during the conquest of the Herzegovinan lands as well. In the sixteenth century these kaptanliks were small, had limited territories only by the border. Later on, in the eighteenth century, they were also kaptanliks in the interior lands. These units were completely abolished in 1835, until that time, kaptanliks employees were paid soldiers, and
17 Sisic, Povijest Hrvata 327.
18 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 66-68.
19 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 66-68.
20 Sisic, Povijest Hrvata, 327.
21 Zeljko Holjevac - Nenad Moacanin, Hrvatsko-Slavonska Vojna Krajina i Hrvati Pod Vlascu Osmanskoga Carstva u Ranome Novom Vijeku (Zagreb: Leykam international, 2007), 115.
22 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 79-81.
23 Hamdija Kresevljakovic, Kapetanije u Bosni i Hercegovini (Sarajevo: Naucno Drustvo NR Bosne i Hercegovine, 1954), 7.
services were hereditary.24 In the 1680s the number of kaptanliks significantly increased in relation with the siege of Vienna. From 1606 to 1690, there were twenty-nine kaptanliks on the territory of the Bosnian Pa^alik. Whereas in 1829, six years before the abolishemnt, there were thirty-nine kaptanliks. After the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699, the Ottoman Empire acted with a defensive strategy. Therefore, around 1700, they started to establish the borders. In the eighteenth century, twenty-eight new captaincies were founded in addition to twelve others that remained after the Karlowitz. With the addition of new units, the borders of the Bosnian Pa^alik were connected through military defense locations.25
The size of the Bosnian Pa^alik had never coincided with that of the former Bosnian Kingdom. Its geographical scope also did not correspond with Bosnia after the Treaty of Karlowitz. After the occupation of 1878 its borders had also changed. Its dimensions had constantly changed in the sixteenth and the seventeeth centuries because of the addition or removal of new sancaks to its borders. For example, a new sancak Bihac was founded in the sixteenth century and it was joined to the Bosnian Pa^alik together with eight other sancaks. As an another instance, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Sancak of Pozega was separated from the Bosnian Pa^alik and attached to the newly founded Eyalet of Kanjiza, where it remained till the end of the Ottoman reign.26
The seventeenth century was a time for two important wars: the War of Kandija (16461669) and the Battle of Vienna (1683-1699). In these battles Venice conquered a part of the Sancak of Krka and of the Sancak of Klis. This means that the border Dalmatian kaptanliks of Islam, Nadin, Zemunik, Klis, Kamen and Soline fell under Venetian hands.27 The battle for Vienna lasted sixteen years and it changed border completely. With an alliance, Budin was liberated in 1686. In the first four years, Budin, the largest parts of Hungary, Slavonia and Croatia were taken from the Ottomans so the border moved to the River Sava. The Austrian army occupied Pozega, Osijek, Udbina and Knin and then came to Belgrade and Kosovo, but soon they withdrew. The Ottomans experienced another defeat in 1671 near Slankamen, and in 1697 near Senta, resulted with the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699. The Ottomans signed the peace aggreement with Austria and Venice, thus lost the whole Hungarian lands (except Banat), Slavonia (except southeastern Srijem) Croatia (to the River Una and southern Velebit), as well as all Knin, Sinj, Vrgorac.28 Precisely, the Bosnian Pa^alik lost the whole Slavonia and the Sancak of Likatogether with some parts of the Sancak of Klis and of Herzegovina. It then had five remaining sancaks: the Bosnian Sancak, Herzegovinian Sancak,and the sancaks of Zvornik, Klis and Bihac. In the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Sancak of Bihac was articulated to the Bosnian Sancak, so the Bosnian Pa^alik consisted only of the four remaining sancaks.29
24 Every captaincy had at least one town and one tower, and sometimes a fortified watch-tower. The main task of a kaptanlik garrison was to keep the border from the enemies day and night, as well as the roads from highwaymen and robbers.
25 Kresevljakovic, Kapetanije u Bosni, 19-20.
26 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 80. During the 17th century, the Bosnian Pashalik consisted of seven sanjaks: the Bosnian Sanjak, Herzegovinian Sanjak, Sanjak of Zvornik, Sanjak of Pakrac and Cernik, Sanjak of Krka and Lika and the Sanjak of Bihac. The last two sanjaks were sometimes connected into one sanjak, but the Sanjak of Bihac was dissolved for some time in the mid-17th century.
27 Kresevljakovic, Kapetanije u Bosni, 18.
28 Sisic, Povijest Hrvata, 331-333.
29 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 92.
At the end of the Battle of Vienna a great part of the Austrian lands was liberated from the Ottomans with the Treaty of Karlowitz. The eighteenth century started with a new War of Pozarevac which also ended with a peace agreement. As a result of this treaty, the Ottomans again lost significant parts of the Bosnian Pa^alik, that is to say the areas of the Bosnian Sancak and that of Zvornik. In the following war that was sealed by the Treaty of Belgrade in 1739, they reconquered a larger part of Serbian and Bosnian regions. By the end of the eighteenth century, with the peace Treaty of Sistova, the Ottomans lost Lapac, Srb and Cetin.30 These were the last parts of the Croatian lands. From then on up to the end of the nineteenth century the border between Austria and the Ottomans stood still.
3. Disputes on the New Bosnian-Herzegovinian Border of the Nineteenth Century
Local problems had often taken place in the border sancaks. In the Sancak of Livno, for instance, the Austrian subjects were forced to obey the standards of the Ottoman law. By this they they had to pay the taxes only if they had land estates, but did not have to pay any if they became craftsmen or settled in the Bosnia Pa^alik permanently.31 In addition to that, there was a tight control over the visas of the Austrian subjects and the Ottoman authorities strictly charged for eight silver coins for a passport or one gold coin if they were travelling inside the pa^alik. This situation led to population change and the number of the Austrian subjects from Dalmatia, accordingly increased. So, in 1866, there were 200 to 300 of them in Livno. They came in order to earn money with the help of the Bosnian landowners. In the same year, thousands of people went from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Dalmatia. Under normal cirucumstances, the Austrian authorities did not ask for visas at the border for those who were travel for commercial purposes. Until 1866, they recognized all the inhabitants of Ottoman towns Uniste, Mracaj, Stoziste and Tiskovac as Austrian subjects and did not collect taxes from them either. However after this year, as a response to growing Ottoman control in the region, they started to ask them to fulfill all the tax obligations.32 In realation to these developments in the Treaty in Villafranca between France and Austria in 1859 it is stated that "there appeared numerous papers written by greatest authorities (e. g. E. H. Maq and B. M. Hauslab), partly authentic and partly inspired, which said that Austria could not have any advances, neither national nor economic or military ones, from the Dalmatian coast while its hinterland, i. e. Herzegovina and Bosnia were possessed by the Ottomans."33
In 1859 the Serbian Parliament proclaimed the plan of Milos Obrenovic proposes an attack to Bosnia near Zvornik by the Serbaian forces. This plan was supported by Russia, and France and it pointed to and attempt of realizing a much wider plan of invading of Bosnia, Slavonia, Herzegovina and Bulgaria would start to conquer Slavonia.34 In relation to that, an Austrian consular agent in Brcko reported the Consulate General that the people in the
30 Sabanovic, Bosanski Pasaluk, 93-94.
31 Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo, fond: Austro-Ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, 228/1867, K 126, Dembicki Generalnom konzulatu, Livno, 16 January 1867.
32 Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo, fond: Austro-Ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, 228/1867, K 102, Dembicki Generalnom konzulatu, Livno, 28 March 1867.
33 Kriegs Archiv Wien, Memoire XXVIII-1071, Geschichte der oesterreichisch-ungarischen Politik in der Occupationsfrage Bosniens und der Herzegowina.
34 Sljivo, Bosna, 471.
Sancak of Zvornik were afraid of the Serbian attacks. Bosnian and Herzegovinian authorities started to replace new military powers into the Bosnian towers and towns.35 Strong military forces deployed in Herzegovina, in the border area towards the Principality of Serbia, but the border with the Austrian Monarchy was left without any Ottoman soldiers.36 On August 19, the Bosnian vali (governor) §erif Osman Pa^a went to Sarajevo to visit the border. Meanwhile, there were some rumors in Sarajevo.
"According to the rumours circulating in Sarajevo, the Serbian Party of Action allegedly dealt with a plan to intrude into Bosnia. The leaders of that Party were surely not enough acquainted with the circumstances in that vilayet if they, believing to the news published in some newspapers, could count on near uprising in Bosnia and rebellion of the Bosnian "raja" (people)."37
As the Austrian consul general reported, the vali travelled towards the Montenegro border to supervise. Besides, he needed to recruit three thousand ba^ibozuks (irregular forces of the Ottoman army) from Taslidza, Prijepolje and Nova Varos and to deploy them on the border.38 The consul general had learned that if the Ottomans moved to Serbia, they would have been determined to fight to the last man, to not to be defeated and live under the rule of Serbia. Consequently, in 1867, the Austro-Hungarian military circles paid more attention to Bosnia and Herzegovina.39 At the same time, the Serbs were convinced that Austria intended to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Serbian leader Ilija Garasanin (d.1867) openly declared to the French consul that if the Austro-Hungarian army entered Bosnia, Serbia would ally with the Ottomans and expel them from Bosnia. The Serbian prince travelled to Vienna and to Paris to figure out the intentions of Austria-Hungary for Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Paris, he was advised that Serbia had to restrain from any interfering into the affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina, since the fate of those provinces represented "the vital issue of the Dual monarchy".40 During the September 1867, a committee united in Zagreb to arrange a collaborationfor the conquest of Bosnia. So a strategy was settled with the help of Prussia and coordinated according with its intentions.41 In relation to that Garasanin wrote to the prince Nikola: "Situation in Turkey has become very critical as it has never been - do not lose the sight of it .This must be used: now or never".42 The diplomatic negotiations on the European provinces of the Ottoman Empire lasted until the time of the prince Mihail Obrenovic (r. 1860-68). On 28 July 1868 Serbian diplomat Antonije Oreskovic submitted his memoirs to the Serbian governorship showing that he negotiated with the Hungarian prime minister Guyla Andrassy in Pesta. Andrassy was determined to separate Serbia from Russia. A discussion between the leaders in the Zagreb Committee shos the diverse intention of the European powers:
35 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A., XXXVIII;GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 20 March 1867, 28 March 1867.
36 Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin, HA III, 2.4.1. I, Nr 8.597, Otto Blau Visokom kraljevskom Ministarstvu inozemnih poslova, Sarajevo, 2 September 1867.
37 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A., XXXVIII; GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 30 August 1867.
38 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A., XXXVIII; GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 30 August 1867.
39 Alen Dz. P. Tejlor, Borba Za Prevlast u Evropi 1848-1918 (Sarajevo: 1968), 229.
40 Grgur Jaksic - Vojislav Vuckovic, Spoljna Politika Srbije za Vlade Kneza Mihaila-prvi Balkanski Savez (Belgrade: Historical Institute in Belgrade, 1963), 425; Alen Dz. P. Tejlor, Habzburska Monarhija 1809-1918 Historija Austrijske Carevine i Austrougarske (Belgrade: 2001), 214-216.
41 Jaksic - Vuckovic, Spoljna Politika, 426-429.
__42 "Cma Gora i Srbija od 1862." Garasanin Knjazu Nikoli, 28.II 1867.
Antonije Oreskovic:
"Like it or not, we cannot allow that Turkey crashes before we get secure from Russia whatever it may cost We would easily arrange with the Croats, if it does not mean the whole Turkish Empire, let them have Turkish Croatia."
Guyla Andrassy replied the Serbs:
"Good, take Bosnia and Herzegovina, but don't go any further, don't touch Bulgaria, because you could spoil everything in that way, you would upset all European Turkey and put into question its existence, and this cannot be allowed yet; Europe would take matters into its own hands, and who knows what you would go through."
Antonije Oreskovic to the German politician Josip Juraj Strossmayer:
"Give Turkish Croatia to Croatia and the rest of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Serbia."
Strossmayer answered:
"By no means! It would be separation of Serbs and Croats, and because of our future it is necessary that there are Croatian elements in the Serbian state; in that way we shall stay in better connection and aspire to unite."43
In 1866 the new consul general Ferdinand Haas came to Sarajevo. The newspaper Narodne novine in Zagreb accordingly announced "Whether his name is Meho or Mujo - they are all the Turks! We do not want Vienna's policy to be different. Formerly, there was a lot of sympathy for Vienna in Bosnia; but the Austrian consuls put it off."44
At the beginning of 1867, the events at the Croatian-Bosnian border calmed down. An imperial border guard from Otocac pleasingly reported to report that the Ottoman border authorities "were doing everything they could to improve mutual understanding in the best possible way." Those reports about political events "contain, in addition to interesting notes and distorted truths, even completely insulted news of events of the utmost importance, so I consider my duty to report this to your excellence."45
There were more disputes at the Austrian-Ottoman border on the River Sava, especially in Brcko.46 A consular agent from Brcko reported that the Muslims afraid of intrusion of Serbs, and the Bosnian authorities started to deploy new military forces in Bijeljina. The Bosnian authorities were informed that Serbia was arming itself for a war against the Ottomans and that the Russian agents were coming to the Bosnian Eyalet for the same purpose. They were visiting the Greco-Eastern monasteries and giving great amount of cash and ecclesiastic
43 Vojislav J. Vuckovic, PolitickaAkcija Srbije u JuznoslovenskikmPokrajinamaHabsburskeMonarhije 1859-1874 (Belgrade: 1965), 356-381.
44 Narodne novine, Zagreb, 31 December 1866.
45 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 182, Zaks Beustu, Sarajevo, 13 March 1869.
46 Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo, fond: Austro-ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, K 121, Omcikus Generalnom konzulatu, Brcko, 12 October 1863. Numan Aga, inhabitant of Brcko, bought by mid-September 1866, 1.200 cargoes of wheat for Elias Mandusic. Mandusic asked the mudir Salih bey in the presence of the kadija Mustafa-efendija and the president of the medzlis (assembly) - Meho Pasalic approval, but the mundir told him that he needed no approval and that he could buy the same quantity of wheat once again. Then Mandusic bought one more quantity of the same wheat, but in the meantime the mundir forbade the export of cereals from Bosnia. The faithful to the Austrian consular agent in Brcko, some black marketeers and a military soldier in the crew of the cordon near Brcko informed Omcikus in confidence that in the cordon near Brcko the caus (?) Mehmed Aga buggled on the River Sava banks and provided security for black marketeers charging for his services. The consular agent told that the mudir Salih-bey, but the mudir did not believe him.
books. This is to gather priests' appeal and Orthodox population in favor of Russia. The authorities thought that in the case of the Serbian attack to Bosnia some corrupted priests would revolt in the arms and contribute to the realization of a common aim. That propaganda had already included some Russian photographers who came to Bosnia previously, and "in order to avoid any doubt of their intentions, they photographed the Turks cost-free to convince them that they travelled through Bosnia to make sketches from it for the Russian empress".47 The Muslim population were appealed to because of the apparent hostile intentions of Serbia.
The Austria-Hungarian State diligently collected the data about the Bosnian population's attitude on their political strategies. To do this, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs asked generals and consular agents to submit regular reports about the ideas of the Muslims regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina's annexation to the Empire. That disturbed the Muslims.48 One of the reports says "I have noticed, the consul general Teodorovic informed Andrassy among the Muslims on i0 November i876 that they felt the Slaves and expressed that feeling more and more, while up to then they proudly called themselves the Turks. Moreover, the Bosinan youths learned to read and write in Bosnian".49 The Serb politician Vaso Cubrilovic pointed out:
"Love towards Bosnia and its tradition is developed in the Bosnian Muslims more than in the Catholics, not to mention the Eastern Orthodox Christians, in whom the Nemanjic tradition, spread by church and folk songs, has almost completely pushed out the memories of the former Bosnian state. Consequently, a Bosnian Muslim remained the only real Bosnian."50
Russia should have known Austria's ambitions on the Balkanic region when the two allied and they needed to be ready for the upcoming events. Austria had especially eye on the elongated Dalmatian coast, that was considered safe only if the coastal defense could lean on its hinterland. That is why Bosnia and Herzegovina, for example, were the strategic bases that which Austria had to get. Austria's zeal to possess Bosnia and Herzegovina could be realized by the force of political circumstances. Therefore, the Registry Bureau of the Russian state recommended that it was no more expected from the Austrian consuls to make military analyses, but they had to collect reliable statistic data and reports about the changes, true description of the strategies and information about the army. The Russians also took some measurements to set up consulate managers in the Serbian-Bosnian regions, who are able to establish contacts with the local people. On the contrary, §erif Osman Pasha, at the Bosnian Pa§alik's governor had contributed to the development of the province more than the previous beylerbeys.51 The Austrian consul general informed his government regarding the attitude of the Muslim population in Bosnia, and pointed out that the dissatisfaction of the Muslims prevailed in Sarajevo because of the evaluation of houses and the immovables
47 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A. XXXVIII/ GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 30 January 1867.
48 Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo, fond: Austro-Ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, vicekonsulat Brcko, Res. Br. 6/1873, Teodorovic Omcikusu, Sarajevo, 7 February 1873.
49 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A. XXXVIII/ Konsulate, K 207, Teodorovic Andrasiju, Sarajevo, 11 November 1875.
50 Vaso Cubrilovic, Bosanski Ustanak 1875-1878 (Belgrade: 1930), 321-322.
51 Narodne novine, Zagreb, 13 February 1867. A correspondent of "Napredak" from Sarajevo confirms that there is peace in Bosnia: "The voice that some of the proclamations in Bosnia appeared, and that the rebellion had nearly erupted, made The Muslims be ready. Bosnia is peaceful and there is no rebellion, neither can it happen. What you have heard a protrusion bout some
_ proclamation is completely false"
to determine specific taxes. Therefore, sometimes the Muslims refused to open the doors of their houses and harems to census-takers, and most of the craftsmen in Sarajevo shut down their shops for protesting the situation. Since the Tanzimat Edict in 1839, the practice of the Ottoman state was to decrease the Bosnians' influence on the government and but assigning the Ottomans to higher civil and military positions. This practice provoked the Bosnians' disrespect towards the Ottoman government and its dignitaries, and also evoked resistance to the measures they had implemented in Bosnia.52
The Ottomans spent the year 1867 by estimating whether the eyalet Bosnia was sufficient compensation to Austria for the loss of Venice, or whether it is time for Serbia and Montenegro to expand as a new Ottoman province. However, they paid little attention was paid to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina to see whether they wanted to leave their fate to hands of another state. Representatives of European countries analyzed the diverse echelons of the Bosnian society meticiously to understand which authority they were eager to accept. The Austrian reporters, especially followed the attitude of the Muslim population. In 1867, Ferdinand Haas Beusta reported:
"There is apathetic peace in Bosnia...I had neither accidents nor adventures in the regions I passed through, although this area was notorious for that. And this is the proof that even such authorities as Ami Boue in Vienna and Safarik in Belgrade were not right when they had deprived me in the previous year from travelling because of personal security and miserable condition of the state."53
So, if someone decides to step into Bosnia, it is no longer associated with danger or with great difficulty.
Bosnia was one of the most important provinces for the Ottoman Empire because of its geographic position in the middle of the Slavic countries. The attacks of the surrounding especially made the place important. The pan-Slavist movement had been shook the existing situation in Bosnia by detaching the Christian population from being loyal to the Bosnian authorities. The movement even spread groundless claims among the Slavic-Muslim population. "Serbian-Russian agents are moving around here, smuggling under the mask of photographers, teachers, merchants and do not miss to present their bosses in Sarajevo, Belgrade and Petrograd pompous reports of their missions' success, just to justify their high fees".54 The Slavic press misled the public opinion in Europe telling that the Orthodox people in Bosnia were expected to rebel in order to escape from the Turkish authority to their Serbian ally. The reporter found it interesting that the Ottoman state and the population of Bosnia were perfectly calm.55
The bishop of Dakovo, Josip Juraj Strossmayer also worked on that plan: According to a confidential report - the bishop Strossmayer is supposed to work on the union of the Catholic and Graeco-Eastern population in Bosnia. As people say, he suggested the use of the Cyrillic characters instead of the Latin ones in all Slavic alphabets. He acts in the direction
52 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A. XXXVIII/GKS, K 176, Haus Beustu, Sarajevo, 18 September 1867.
53 Galib Sljivo, Bosna i Hercegovina 1861-1869 (Orasje: 2005), 264-279.
54 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 27 September 1867.
55 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 27 September 1867.
of giving advantage to the Cyrillic characters over the Latin ones while printing the Catholic prayer-books, as well as in schools.56
This should have contributed to the elimination of religious prejudices that existed between the Catholics and Orthodox Slavs, so helped the unity of the Slavic nationality. Svetozar Markovic wrote that a radical change in the Serbian policy towards the foreign one is necessary: "Because official Serbia behaves as a conqueror towards Bosnia and Herzegovina and other unfree provinces."57 Slobodan Jovanovic described the circumstances on the eve of the war in 1876, He stated that Serbia had 1.5 million inhabitants, whereas the Ottoman Empire had more than 40 million. That is to say, "the thought that Serbia is at war with Turkey was madness."58 It is the people who decided Serbia's destiny:
"[Serbia's destiny] were loaded with nationalism. Family, school, papers, literature and the whole public life with the policy of prince Milan and juvenile movement, awakened and inflamed their national awareness. Everywhere one and the same thing was listened to, that is we were Serbs and as Serbs we had a votive idea to rob Kosovo. The Serb national feeling, the Serbianism became the only belief to live and die for, and that belief had its own bible -folk songs, which were not being read to point out the cleanness and beauty of the language, but because of inspiration for great patriot deeds."59
During the uprising in Bosnia 1875-1878, the Orthodox inhabitants were not unique in the idea to fight for Bosnia to annexed to Serbia:
"Our uprising is not the operation of Slavism! (pan-Slavism) as various newspapers present. That intention is unknown to us. Our task is: to shake off the Turkish yoke and reach freedom and equality; to define our future at last through the union with a civilized country. According to some special news it is expected that Serbia, in the case of war success, annexes Bosnia, and we are not ready for such solution."60
4. Borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Congress of Berlin
The medieval Bosnian state and the Bosnian Pa^alik extended on the areas of the whole modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. Additionally, they had some areas in Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro.61 So, they entered the Adriatic coast about 700 kilometres by including the islands of Brae, Hvar, Koreula, Solta, Ciovo and other smaller ones.
The territory of the former Bosnian state was significantly larger than the modern territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the reign of the King Tvrtko (r. 1377-91) it was about 72 thousand square kilometres, and the present area of Bosnia and Herzegovina comes around 51 thousand square kilometres. So the former included all Bosnian countries, that of Usora, Soli, Donji Kraji, Zapadne strane (Western districts) Tropolje or Zavrsje, Primorje
56 Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien, P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 12 August 1867; Jako Baltic, Godisnjak od Dogadaja Crkvenih, Svjetskih i Promine Vrimena u Bosni (Sarajevo: 1991), 252; Tejlor, Habzburska Monarhija, 214-216.
57 Milorad Emecic, Ustanak u Bosni 1875-1878 (Sarajevo: 1973), 70.
58 Slobodan Jovanovic, VladaMilana Obrenovica (Belgrade: Knjiga prva, 1934), 516-519.
59 Jovanovic, Vlada Milana, 516-519.
60 Narodna bibilioteka Srbije, Zaostavstina Grgura Jaksica, P 558/XII/1-11, Njihovo Cesarsko Kraljevsko apostolsko Velicanstvo.
__61 Marko Vego, Historijska Karta Srednjovjekovne Bosanske Drzave (Sarajevo, 1978).
(Littoral), Zahumlje - Hum, Travunija, a part of Zeta, Polimlje (The Lim basin), Podrinje (The Drava basin). The center from which Bosnia had developed remained the same in the area of the River Bosnia with its center in Vrhbosna. The place later, during the Ottoman Empire and itspa^alik, was estabolished as the residence Saray Ovasi (Sarajevo). The Bosnian Pa§alik was arounf 80 thousand square kilometres, and was significantly larger territory from Tvrtko's Bosnia, it also covered larger parts of Slavonia, Banija, Kordun, Lika, the River Krbava, Kninska krajina (Knin border), the drainage basins of Cetina, Krka and Zrmanja, a great part of the Adriatic Littoral (Dalmatia and Boka), as well as the coastern line from Omis to Risan. It also strechted to Kosovska Mitrovica in the east, to more than half of modern-day Montenegro.
Map 1: Johannes Sambucus, Illyricum (Antwerpen, 1573). (16th century) Territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slavonia and Hungary as part of the Ottoman Empire.
Map 2: Southeast Europe and Bosnia and Herzegovina as part of the Ottoman Empire Augsburg, cca. 1730. (18th century) Matthaeus Seutter, Nova et Accurata Hungariae (Augsburg: 1727).
The present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina is significantly smaller than Tvrtko's Bosnia and it is even more smaller than the Ottoman eyalet. Its borders were defined based on four peace treaties: The Karlovac Treaty in 1699, The Pozarevac in 1718, The Belgrade in 1739, and the Sistova in 1791. The Croatian border at the southwest towards central Croatia was established by the peace treaties in Karlovac and Pozarevac. However, the line towards the Dubrovnik Republic remained same until the end of the fifteenth century. The Ottomans did not touch the border of the Dubrovnik Republic, and it widened its boundaries by making purchases. For instance, in 1333, they bought Peljesac and Ston from Serbian King Dusan and, in 1357, a piece of land in Zrnovnica from King Uros. In 1399 the King Ostoja of Bosnia (1398-1418) separated the Littoral of Slano (Bosnian Littoral) from Bosnia. In 1419 and 1426, Bosnian dukes Radoslav Pavlovic and Sandalj Hranic sold Konavle to the Dubrovnik Republic.
With the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, the River Drina became the boundary between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia. According to this agreement the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be occupied by Austria-Hungary. As the government of Austria-Hungary
did not want to take over the management in the Sancak of Novi Pazar, the Ottoman management remained there. However, Austria-Hungary had still the right to held garrisons and dispose of military and trade roads there. The border towards Serbia was determined with the River Drina. The borders towards the Sancak of Novi Pazar which had been detached from the Bosnian Pa^alik are still boundaries of on the ridge of Visegrad.62
The maritime border of Bosnia and Herzegovina represents an essence of the former Bosnian Littoral of the medieval times, as well as in that of the Bosnian Pa^alik during its heyday. The channels between Neum and Klek, as well as those in Sutorina were remained parts of the Bosnian Pa^alik with the Treaty of Karlovac and were affirmed by the Treaty of Pozarevac. With the decree of delimitation issued in 1945 issued in Sutorina and Krusevac were given to Montenegro. There were no cadastral municipalities of Krusevac and Sutorina and they had no territorial demarcations and administrative political divisions of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The traces and information about their limits could be found in the Treaty of Berlin and were confirmed by the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) and by the Aniti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ZAVNOBIH). In this Prilozi za biografiju Josipa Broza Tita /Novi Prilozi , Yugoslav politician Vladimir Dedijer quotes on that matter:
"Borders between individual republics were solved in direct agreements between secretaries of particular Party's leaderships. Thus, according to its historical borders, Bosnia stretched all the way to Herceg Novi, that is behind Debeli Brijeg, down Sutorina, towards the sea. Montenegrin Party's official Blazo Jovanovic, during one conversation persuaded Bosnian-Herzegovian official Duro Pucar Stari, and Sutorina fell to Montenegro, consequently the new border towards Croatia, which had the Dubrovnik Riviera, was established on Debeli Brijeg. That procedure violated the Peace Treaty of Berlin, and later the decision of the AVNOJ Presidency, so Bosnia and Hercegovina got only the enclave - channel Neum-Klek."
5. Correction of Bosnia and Herzegovina's Borders After the World War II
After the World War II, the republic offormer Yugoslavia, made demarcations on its federal units and corrected them until 1946. Here each political power of the geography expressed their demands on border correction. Accordingly, the Bosnian-Herzegovinian government asked the correction and establishment of some borders with Croatia near Bihac, and the municipality of Petrovo Selo, Meljnovac, the territory of the Drvar municipality, Begluci (a village remained in the Republic of Croatia). The government also claimed that Croatia had to live the villages of Kaldrma, Duga Poljana, as well as Podjinska Torina. There were also requests for the hamlets of Dranovac, Sevina Poljana and Gornji Tiskovac. All of them were rejected by the committee. The villages and hamlets, together with a Bosnian village named Begluci remained in Croatia. As a result, the Bosnian-Herzegovinian government offered
62 The line that starts from the Ilija hill north of Klobuk descends to the River Trebisnjica near Grancarevo, which remains in Herzegovina, and then it follows the flow of the river to the point one km down the mouth of the River Cepelica, and from there by the shortest way to the hills along the river Trebisnjica. After that it continues towards Pilatovci leaving that village to Montenegro, then goes along the hills in the north direction, and keeps six km from the road Bilece-Korita-Gacko to the gorge between the mountain Somina and the hill Kurila, from where it goes to the east across Vratkovic eeaving that village to Herzegovina, to the hill Orline. Going from that point and leaving Ravne to Montenegro, the border goes forward in the northeastern direction traversing the summits of the Lebrsnik and Volujak, then it descends by the shortest way on the River Piva, traverses it and joins the River Tara in the passage between Crkvica and Nedvina. From that place it climbs along the Tara to Mojkovac.
Croatia the villages Vinica and Prisika in the municipality of Duvac, but nothing changed. Croatia claimed the folloing villages: Kestenovac, Bosanski Strbac, Soce, Osredaeki Drenovac, Lieki Tiskovac and Busevic. Those villages became parts of the Croatian government during 1953 and 1956 with an agreement signed with the consent of the federal authorities. Serbia requested seventeen villages from Visegrad to Rudo, the request was declined, and Bosnia and Herzegovina claimed two villages of Gacko: Krivi Do and Hadzica Poljana, but was not successful. Villages of Krusevo and Vueevo in the municipality of Foea were given back to Bosnia and Herzegovina, since, they were mistakenly given to Montenegro After the World War II.
Although the Peace Treaty of Berlin specified that the River Drina was the ultimate border, the question on this the frontier line was particularly raised in this meeting. This discussion was crucial because the stream was moving over time and the border had to follow it. So it had to be corrected to reflects the deviations.63
The "soft" borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro are the result of numerous wars, migrations, and of peace treaties, such as Karlovac, Pozarevac, Belgrade, Svistov, Vienna, Berlin, and that of AVNOJ until the end of the World War II.
63 The request clearly shows that there were some deviations from the Berlin Peace Treaty and AVNOJ. The requests on changing the borders are placed in the Archive of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the "Fond of the Government of NRBiH", box no 9, no 5092/46, there are also the sketches of the required territories.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Archivals Sources and Journals
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo. Fond: Austro-Ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, 228/1867, K 126, Dembicki Generalnom konzulatu, Livno, 16 January 1867.
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo. Fond: Austro-Ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, K 124, Omcikus Generalnom konzulatu, Livno, 28 February 1867.
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo. Fond: Austro-Ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, vicekonsulat Brcko, Res. Br. 6/1873, TeodoroviC Omcikusu, Sarajevo, 7 February 1873.
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Sarajevo. Fond: Austro-ugarski Generalni konzulat Sarajevo, K 121, Omcikus Generalnom konzulatu, Brcko, 12 October 1863.
Crna Gora i Srbija od 1862. "Garasanin Knjazu Nikoli, 28.II 1867.
Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin. HA III, 2.4.1. I, Nr 8.597, Otto Blau Visokom kraljevskom Ministarstvu inozemnih poslova, Sarajevo, 2 September 1867.
Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien. P. A. XXXVIII/ GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 30 January 1867.
Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien. P. A. XXXVIII/ Konsulate, K 207, Teodorovic Andrasiju, Sarajevo, 11 November 1875.
Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien. P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 12 August 1867.
Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien. P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 176, Haus Beustu, Sarajevo, 18 September 1867.
Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien. P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 182, Zaks Beustu, Sarajevo, 13 March 1869.
Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien. P. A., XXXVIII;GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 20 March 1867, 28 March 1867.
Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv Wien. P. A., XXXVIII/GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 27 September 1867.
HHStA W. P. A. XXXVIII/GK S, K 176, Haas Beustu, Sarajevo, 20 March 1867.
Kriegs Archiv Wien. Memoire XXVIII-1071, Geschichte der oesterreichisch-ungarischen Politik in der Occupationsfrage Bosniens und der Herzegowina.
Narodna bibilioteka Srbije. Zaostavstina Grgura Jaksica, P 558/XII/1-11, Njihovo Cesarsko Kraljevsko apostolsko Velicanstvo.
Narodne novine. Zagreb, 13 February 1867.
Narodne novine. Zagreb, 31 December 1866.
2. Published Sources
Babic, Anto vd. Historija Naroda Jugoslavije I. Belgrade: 1953.
Baltic, Jako. Godisnjak od Dogadaja Crkvenih, Svjetskih i Promine Vrimena u Bosni. Sarajevo: 1991.
Busatlija, Ibrahim. Granice Bosne i Hercegovine nakon Berlinskogkongresa. Sarajevo. Cubrilovic, Vaso. Bosanski Ustanak 1875-1878. Belgrade: 1930. Emecic, Milorad. Ustanak u Bosni 1875-1878. Sarajevo: 1973.
Holjevac, Zeljko - Moacanin, Nenad. Hrvatsko-Slavonska VojnaKrajina iHrvatiPod Vlascu Osmanskoga Carstva u Ranome Novom Vijeku. Zagreb: Leykam international, 2007.
Inalcik, Halil. Osmansko Carstvo. Zagreb: Srednja Europa, 2002.
Jaksic, Grgur - Vuckovic, Vojislav. Spoljna Politika Srbije za Vlade Kneza Mihaila-prvi Balkanski Savez. Belgrade: Historical Institute in Belgrade, 1963.
Jovanovic, Slobodan. VladaMilana Obrenovica. Belgrade: Knjiga prva, 1934.
Kresevljakovic, Hamdija. Kapetanije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Sarajevo: Naucno Drustvo NR Bosne i Hercegovine, 1954.
Matuz, Josef. Osmansko carstvo. Zagreb: Skolska knjiga, 1992.
Sabanovic Hazim. BosanskiPasaluk. Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1982.
Sisic, Ferdo. PovijestHrvata II. Slit: Marjan tisak, 2004.
Sljivo, Galib. Bosna iHercegovina 1854-1860. Landshut: 1996.
Sljivo, Galib. Bosna iHercegovina 1861-1869. Orasje: 2005.
Tejlor, Alen Dz. P. Borba Za Prevlast u Evropi 1848-1918. Sarajevo: 1968.
Tejlor, Alen Dz. P. Habzburska Monarhija 1809-1918 Historija Austrijske Carevine i Austrougarske. Belgrade: 2001.
Vego, Marko. Historijska Karta Srednjovjekovne Bosanske Drzave. Sarajevo, 2nd Edition, 1978.
Vojislav J. Vuckovic. Politicka akcija Srbije u juznoslovenskikm pokrajinama Habsburske Monarhije 1859-1874. Belgrade, 1965, pp. 356-381.
Vojvodic, Vaso. Rad Srbije Na Pomaganju Prosvete u Bosni i Hercegovini 1868-1876. Kikinda:
I989.
Zivkovic, Pavo. Povijest Bosne i Hercegovine do konca XVIII stoljeca, i, Povijest Hrvata Bosanske Posavine dopoc"etkaXX stoljeca. Mostar: Hrvatsko Kulturno Drustvo Napredak, 1994.
