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9
DOI: 10.24412/2470-1262-2021-3- 71-79
УДК (UDC) 372.881.111.1 Maral B. Amalbekova L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan Leysan Kh. Shayakhmetova Kazan Federal University Kazan, the Russian Federation Zhanargul A. Beisembayeva L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan
Амалбекова Марал Б. Евразийский национальный университет им. Л.Н. Гумилева,
Нур-Султан, Казахстан Шаяхметова Лейсан Х., Казанский государственный университет, Казань, Российская Федерация Бейсембаева Жанаргуль А., Евразийский национальный университет им. Л.Н. Гумилева,
Нур-Султан, Казахстан
For citation: Amalbekova M.B., Shayakhmetova L.Kh., Beisembayeva Zh.A., (2021).
The Role of Bilingualism in Translation (Based on the Russian and Kazakh Languages). Cross-Cultural Studies: Education and Science, Vol.6, Issue 3 (2021),pp. 71-79 (in USA)
Manuscript received: 19/08/2021 Accepted for publication: 30/09/2021 The authors have read and approved the final manuscript.
CC BY 4.0
ТЕКСТЫ ПУБЛИЦИСТОВ-БИЛИНГВОВ В ГЕОИНФОРМАЦИОННОМ
ПРОСТРАНСТВЕ КАЗАХСТАНА
TEXTS OF BILINGUAL PUBLICISTS IN THE GEOINFORMATION SPACE OF
KAZAKHSTAN
Abstract:
One of the features of the Kazakh language is the maximum differentiation of the lexical meaning, when any phenomenon is recorded, classified; a clear, precise name is given to each object, element of the system. Therefore, in the Kazakh language there are more than a dozen lexemes denoting time periods of the day, dairy products, domestic animals, a person from birth to 60 years, etc. In this paper, using the example of Russian-language journalistic texts of the Kazakh writer, publicist, translator Herold Belger, methods of semantization of the lexical meaning of Kazakh lexemes, which are actively used by the author in all of his essays, are
considered. To clarify the meaning of the Kazakh lexeme, H. Belger uses translation, insertion and explanatory constructions, stringing of synonyms, etc., which contributes, according to H. Belger, to a deeper understanding of the Kazakh culture and the characteristics of the Kazakh language.
Keywords: Russian-Kazakh bilingualism, Kazakh inclusions, semantisation (cognomination), publicistic discourse, acquired, language, culture
Аннотация:
Особенностью казахского языка является максимальная дифференцированность лексического значения, когда фиксируется, классифицируется любое явление, дается четкое, точное наименование каждому предмету, элементу системы. Поэтому в казахском языке имеется более десятка лексем, обозначающих временные отрезки суток, молочную продукцию, домашних животных, человека от рождения до 60 лет и т. д. Многим словам казахского языка не всегда возможно подобрать соответствие в других языках (в данном случае в русском). В данной статье на примере русскоязычных публицистических текстов казахстанского писателя, публициста, переводчика Герольда Бельгера рассматриваются способы семантизации лексического значения казахских лексем, которые активно используются автором во всех эссе. Для разъяснения значения казахской лексемы Г. Бельгер применяет перевод, вставные и пояснительные конструкции, нанизывание синонимов и др., что способствует, по мнению Г. Бельгера, более глубокому пониманию казахской культуры и особенностей казахского языка.
Ключевые слова: русско-казахский билингвизм, казахские вкрапления, семантизация (когноминация), публицистический дискурс, приобретенный, язык, культура
Introduction
The issues of Russian-foreign bilingualism have become the object of increased attention of researchers (and not only linguists). Bilingualism (Kazakh-Russian, Russian-Kazakh) as a vivid example of the processes of interlingual interaction, which arose during the existence of the Russian Empire, continues to develop at the present time, influencing the spheres of application of the languages, its components, their functional status, contributes to the creation of a new linguistic situation. Forming special variants of the Russian language outside the Russian society, influencing the development of the Kazakh language, this phenomenon is noticeably reflected in both language systems.
The need for a comprehensive description of the processes of interlingual interaction expands the problem field of comparative-historical and contrastive linguistics, including through the theoretical understanding of the experience of bilingualism in its existing objective manifestation - publicistic, which actualizes the study of a range of issues related to understanding the concept of a bilingual personality.
The peculiarities of the bilingual personality of writers and poets, expressing images of a different culture through the Russian language, have become the object of special attention of linguists (and not only literary scholars and critics) since the 50-60s of the XX century.
The change of cultural and civilizational paradigms at the turn of the last two centuries and the structuring of a new geopolitical and cultural-spiritual space have led to a new stream of research that contributes to the disclosure of the phenomenon of creative (productive) bilingualism (U.M. Bakhtikireyeva), speech tolerance of literary texts of bilingual authors (R.O. Tuksaitova), the linguistic picture of the world of the bilingual author (A.B. Tumanova), etc.
The purpose of the research.
The analysis of the peculiarities of the functioning of the Russian and Kazakh languages in the mass media of Kazakhstan makes it possible to illustrate the tendencies that are characteristic of the both languages at the turn of two centuries and millennia in general. The potential opportunities of the Russian and Kazakh languages have been realized in the last decade especially intensively due to the active period of the formation of the Kazakhstani society.
The study of publicistic discourse from the standpoint of the characteristics of a bilingual personality is an important aspect of modern linguistics.
Discussion
U.M. Bakhtikireyeva in her doctoral dissertation "Literary Bilingualism" and the monograph "Creative Bilingual Personality: National Russian-Speaking Writer and Features of Their Russian Literary Text" developed theoretical and methodological principles of text research, in which the image of the primary (native) culture is transmitted through the Russian (acquired) language [1, p. 26].
According to U.M. Bakhtikireyeva, the process of generating a text by a bilingual person is a special speech-thinking process that determines the technology, goals and means of this activity in the acquired language [7, p.22]. The principle of the structure of the speech-thinking activity of creative bilingual consciousness is isomorphic to the category of M.M. Bakhtin's "two-voiced word", understood as a single syntactic construction, formally belonging to one speaker, but actually containing two voices in dialogical relations [7, p. 24].
In the consciousness of a bilingual personality, each language is a specialized and socialized mental mechanism with its own differences in the conditions of communication and extra-linguistic consciousness, which determine the non-identity and variability of the communicative function in the two languages. For example, in the Russian text, the nominative concept of the word mankurt is expressed through a chain of hints, speech signs are selected for its expression in order to form a new image. The final nominative meaning of the word, thanks to the system of allusions through the associations of linguistic and non-linguistic units of the psyche, undertaken by the author, in the process of transferring the text directs the listener's activity towards an adequate perception of the properties of the "alien" national image. This determines the property of a bilingual personality - to reflect reality in its nationally-specific version, invariant and in its global manifestation [7, p.25].
Contrasting the speech-making activity of a monolingual and a bilingual, U.M. Bakhtikireyeva, based on the achievements of the Moscow-Tartu culturological school (Yu.M. Lotman), notes that when creating a different ("alien") image, a monolingual describes it from the point of view of the surrounding reality, while a bilingual in the same language (acquired for him-her) in the process of creating a text is able to integrate two different language systems into a single whole and describes an object from the point of view of two subjects. The latter also gives rise to the thoughts of native speakers of a particular language that "a native speaker does not write like that." So, she notes, the native speaker of the Russian language G. Serebryakov, who studied with O. Suleimenov at the Literary Institute, writes about his poetic texts: "A Russian does not write like that. It may be better or worse, but never like that."; S. Zalygin about Aitmatov: "A Russian would write differently." In other words, a Russian speaker notices "irregularities" in the Russian bilingual text. Whereas they are mostly used by the bilingual to adequately create a specific image of the native culture in the acquired language and constitute the essence of the new message.
Taking into account the above features of the generation of texts by bilinguals, we will consider the journalistic texts of a Kazakh bilingual author - writer, translator, publicist Herold Karlovich Belger - Russian German by origin, who lived in Kazakhstan for a full 73 years (from September 1941 to February 2015), fluent in Kazakh and Russian languages, creating in two
languages. Interest in his work arose due to the fact that both languages (Kazakh and Russian) were acquired for him, therefore it is necessary to trace how the images of one acquired (Kazakh) culture are created by the linguistic means of the second acquired (Russian) culture. To do this, we should consider the use of Kazakh inclusions in his Russian-language publicist texts.
When analyzing lexical inclusions in H.K. Belger's journalistic texts, of great interest is not the fact lexemes of which semantic groups are used, but methods and reasons for their use in the text, the functions performed, the semantisation of their meanings. Therefore, we will focus on these aspects.
The reason for the abundant use of Kazakh lexical inclusions in the Russian-language journalistic texts of H. Belger is, as the author notes in the essay "The Kazakh Word", talking about the wealth and enormous potential of the Kazakh language, about the unusualness of the Kazakh language, that Kazakhs have one interesting feature, which is reflected in language - any phenomenon to fix, classify and give a clear, precise name to each object, element of the system, apparently so that the interlocutors immediately delve into the essence of the matter, understand what is at stake and do not ask unnecessary questions to clarify. For example, if in the Russian language only 7-8 words are used to designate the time periods of the day (morning, lunch, evening, noon, night, day, daytime, twilight and their combinations with adjectives late, early), then in the Kazakh language there are about thirty words like that: more than five tokens are used to indicate morning; to indicate the evening there are about eight tokens; to indicate night - about six, etc. To indicate the age of a person, there are more than 14 names up to 60 years old. If in the Russian language one can get by with the words camel, she-camel, young of camel, then in the Kazakh language, taking into account the many features for describing this animal, there are about 20 lexemes. There are 9 nominations for the description of the common golden eagle, and for the description of the horse - countless variants.
Many of these words contain interesting ethnocultural information. This can be demonstrated by the example of a lexeme, which was used three times in different essays by the author. This is the word "zhaulyk" used in the following contexts: "Women, huddled in the hallway, wiped their eyes with the tips of their zhaulyk" [1, p.92]; "And some apas and azhes in scarves, zhaulyks, long dresses and unchanging kebis, are shouting joyfully" [2, p.230]; "He noticed several old women in white zhaulyks" [3, p.92].
The word "zhaulyk" is translated into Russian as "scarf". In the second of the above sentences, the translation and the Kazakh word are used simultaneously. But in the Kazakh language, zhaulyk does not completely coincide in meaning with the Russian headscarf. If for Russians a headscarf is a piece of clothing of any color, tied on the head in various situations, then for Kazakhs a zhaulyk is a symbol of a married woman. Zhaulyk is always only of a white color. Zhaulyk is sacred, solemn, demanding and provoking only respectful attitude. Zhaulyk is a symbol of a faithful wife, the keeper of the family hearth. And in situations when during work, in the sun, in the cold, a scarf is tied on the head, this is called in Kazakh "bailam", the semantics of which does not include signs of color, marital status, and fidelity.
If the author uses the words "headscarf' and "zhaulyk" in parallel in one sentence, it is likely that there is an indication of the difference in their meanings: there were women just in headscarves (bailams) and zhaulyks.
The semantics of the lexeme "aksakal", which is repeatedly encountered in H. Belger's journalistic texts, is also interesting. M. Rylsky, M. Auezov, P. Antokolsky note that the aksakal for Kazakhs is not only an old man, but also an elder, a leader. Let us consider the contexts in H. Belger's essay: "... I met the aksakal of Turkmen literature, laureate of the Makhtumkuli Prize" [3, p.69]; "I ... began recalling the aul elders with a similar name [3, p.93]; "... we, a group of young writers, went to the venerable aksakal (Gabiden Mustafin) in Kargalinka" [4, p. 203]. In all the above contexts, the semantics of the word "aksakal" contains the component "respected", and it
does not even matter how old he is. This component is also confirmed by the lexical environment -laureate, venerable. An indication of age is contained in the last example, expressed by the opposition "young writers - aksakal". In the second example, from the description of the situation (the school teacher says that Mukha (M. Auezov) died. H. Belger, not immediately understanding who he was talking about, began to remember all the aul elders with a similar name), it is also possible to derive the named component - death usually associated with advanced age of a person. In addition, the appeal "Mukha" also indicates age and respect.
There is another interesting context in which the lexeme "aksakal" is used. In direct translation, this word means "white-bearded", and here is the context: "He noticed several old women in white zhaulyks, <...> white-bearded old men in takiyah and air-kalpaks, loudly poking karasakals (literally: "black-bearded") of clearly aul appearance" [3, p.92].
In this situation, the semantic element "age" is emphasized, firstly, by the lexemes "old men", "old women", and secondly, by the mention of the names of their clothes - "zhaulyk and takiyah, air-kalpak" with bare head), and the element "respected, venerable" is given in the opposition to "white-bearded - karasakals", as well as an indication of their different behavior: nothing is said about the behavior of aksakals, from which it can be concluded that they behaved sedately, restrained, as befits an elder, and the karasakals pranked loudly (pantyhose - fuss, bother, trying to achieve something), which absolutely does not correspond to the status of a respected person.
As we indicated above, many concepts, objects of Kazakh everyday life, which do not have equivalents in other languages, cannot be explained, conveyed using only one word of the Russian language. H. Belger himself writes the following about this: "Truly, the word of one language does not cover the words of another" [2, p.155]; "Neither in Russian nor in German can you find an equivalent for all these names. We have to resort to a descriptive, explanatory translation. And this discovery is amazing" [2, p.138].
Let's consider examples of the explanation of Kazakh lexemes.
In each analyzed essay, any lexeme of the Kazakh language that is interesting from the point of view of the author is explained. For example, the names of the dwelling: "Otau" ("yurt for young people", i.e. for newlyweds)"; "... Corrected the slanting shoshala, a cone-shaped summer dwelling" [5, p.89]; "We sat in a kakra (flat-roofed hut)." The explanatory part is sometimes given in the form of a plug-in construction - in brackets.
Any lexeme of the Kazakh language contains a lot of cultural information. For example, when describing the dishes from which Kazakhs drink kumys, the deep life philosophy of Kazakhs is conveyed. Talking about this, H. Belger notes that this is a whole ritual - from what dish to drink kumis: "... different people are served kumis in different dishes. Gluttons and hucksters are poured into a large wooden bowl - tostaks. After all, the main thing for them is to fill in a fat belly. But dear friends are served in painted, medium-sized bowls - grains. Lovers are offered kumis in a graceful goat - a small narrow-necked vessel with golden edges. Akyns - singers, thin-faced dandies - seri drank from the silver-trimmed goat" [2, p.159]. This text gives not only a description of the object (large, medium-sized, wooden, trimmed with silver, with gold borders, small, narrow-necked), indicates the purpose of each of them (for friends, lovers, gluttons), but also contains an indication of a certain attitude to the person who uses this object (gluttons and traders (and not traders, containing a more positive assessment), friends, dandies, lovers), refined feelings (lovers) and forms (thin-faced dandies, in contrast to far from subtle forms of gluttons with a thick belly). Compare: "Batyrs and wrestlers-paluans were usually offered kumis in tall jugs" - with their external forms, the use of small narrow-necked dishes is, as it were, unacceptable.
We have already noted the peculiarity of the Kazakhs to fix any phenomenon in the language, to give their exact definition and nomination, and gave examples with the designation of the time of day, dairy products. A similar "fragmentation" is observed in the system of kinship
relations: older and younger sisters / brothers in men and women have a separate designation; separate name for paternal and maternal nephews and cousins / siblings, grandchildren from a daughter and grandchildren from sons, etc. To explain them, it is impossible to do with a one-word nomination, therefore, cognomination is always used - a verbose explanation. For example, in the essay "The Kazakh Word" the following examples are given: nemere - a grandson from a son; jiyen - a grandson from a daughter, a nephew from a sister. This clear separation of children from sons and daughters is important for Kazakhs, because it is the children of sons who are the successors of this clan, and children from daughters, sisters are the successors of another clan (the clan of their father). H. Belger notes that the use of one lexeme to designate a grandson from a daughter and a nephew from a sister (s) indicates their approximately equal social status, different from the status of male relatives, paternal, who are relatives, because they are representatives of the same clan.
In connection with the designation of kinship relations among Kazakhs, one more fact seems to be important: Kazakhs are obliged to know their ancestors up to the seventh generation. Before explaining such a requirement, let us first present the family ties of generations: bala - a child; nemere - a grandson from a son; shobere - a great-grandson of the son; shopshek - a great-great-grandson of the son; nemene - great-great-grandson from a son; tuazhat - great-great-great-grandson from a son (the sixth generation); jurejat - the seventh generation. Family relations end in this generation. Next comes zhuragat - from this generation you can enter into marriage; before this generation, marriage is strictly forbidden, for it leads to incest. The Kazakhs, unlike many peoples, both European and Asian, have a strict genetic law, a moral basis for the development and reproduction of a people. Scientifically, this is called EXOGAMIA - the prohibition of marriage between members of a clan association until the seventh generation. Further - zhekzhat - close relationship of matchmakers. Then - zhamagat (laymen, common people) [2, p.148-149]. Here is how much necessary information is contained in each word denoting the kinship of Kazakhs. And only in this way one can explain and convey the meaning of one word.
The above descriptions of Kazakh concepts, images (before the lexeme zhuragat) were more similar to dictionary definitions (compare to shildekhana - a holiday on the occasion of the birth of a child), and the description of the word zhuragat is a whole picture, this is a huge cultural canvas representing the system of relationships of the Kazakh people clearly hierarchical and strictly enforced.
The creation of such vivid pictures when explaining Kazakh lexemes is another of the common techniques used by H. Belger. This is also a cognomination, but more imaginative, more visible. Here are some examples.
In the essay "Giants of the Spirit: Goethe - Pushkin - Abai", discussing the genes inherent in these three geniuses by their ancestors, H. Belger introduces the lexeme "tek" and gives it the following explanation: "The Kazakh Word "tek" is one of a number of lofty concepts ... It means "origin", "gentility", "ancestral roots", "moral origins", "nobility". "Teksiz Adam" - "a man without tek", "without worthy roots" has a contemptuous, derogatory connotation in the Kazakh language - it's the same as "Ivan, not remembering kinship" [3, p.141]. And then on two pages there is a "presentation" of the word "tek", emphasizing the importance of this concept for each person (this is exactly the same knowledge of relatives up to the seventh generation) on the example of the ancestors of the three genius poets. To describe this concept, the author uses the following expressions: Did not want to be rootless; Your roots; He was proud of his origin; Geniuses are not born on barren takyr; Ancestor in the tenth generation; And in some kind of knee ...; These are the genes on which Goethe was raised!; I knew about the origin; Son of an Abyssinian prince; Descendant of the leaders of the people, batyrs and influential biys; Ancient Russian roots; Maternal great-grandfather; Son of a prince; A bizarre tangle of genes; An explosion of generic or multi-gendered energy. The lexemes were used: Son (4 times); Daughter (1
time); Grandson (2 times); Great-grandson (1 time); Great-grandmother (2 times); Greatgrandfather (1 time); Ancestor (2 times). The lexeme "tek" itself is used in the following forms (tek - 2 times; without tek; teksiz). With the latter, chord use, the author additionally uses graphic (font - "TEK" - writig in capital letters) highlighting the lexeme, thus further emphasizing the importance of this concept for Kazakhs and any self-respecting person.
No less interesting in the essay "Oh-hoy, Breath - Mortal World!" is presented the lexeme "yerulik", denoting a situation that is not available in the picture of the world of the Russian people and is characteristic only of the Kazakh culture. Yerulik is an invitation to a neighbor who has just moved (a kind of housewarming) by those who have come to this place earlier or have lived for a long time (unlike the culture of Russians, when someone who has just arrived himself/herself invites to a housewarming party). Kazakhs, inviting to yerulik, as if introduce a new person into their circle, get to know him/her. An old acquaintance is also invited to the yerulik if he/she arrived at this place later.
In the text of the essay (in a conversation with the monument to Zhambyl), this lexeme is used in the following context: "You know, I wanted to invite you to yerulik, according to the good Kazakh custom. You have become my neighbor, as if you have migrated to my zhailau" [3, p.14]. From this proposal it becomes clear that the author's zhailau settled here earlier, so he should invite the newcomer. Further in the context there is a dialogue, from which it becomes clear that the inviter wants to treat the guest to kazy, karta, kuyryk-bauyr, zhal-zhaya, shubat, sorpa, to slaughter a one-year-old lamb. It is interesting and important here to use all the listed names of national delicacies, the mention of which testifies to the respectful attitude of the speaker to the interlocutor, since it is these parts of the horse meat that are served to the guests. And although H. Belger in the text of the essay does not explain the meaning of all the listed Kazakhisms, the fact that these are gastronomic names is understandable, because they were used as an answer to Zhambyl's question: "What would you treat? I do not like any cabbage, any lettuce, especially pork ...". The use of all these lexemes in general explains the meaning of the word "yerulik".
Most of all, the analyzed works use lexical inclusions that are used simultaneously with Russian equivalents: sacks - korjuns; usta - blacksmith; aunties - apashkas; sharua - collective farmers; camel - bora; dodgers - pysykays; poor fellows - bisharahs; maubasses - idiots; sheshen - zlatoust; sheshen - orator, bospebay - verbiage, Well, yes, arine, arine; in a pointed helmet -dulyge; Any news? What khabars are there in the world? (news - khabars).
Sometimes synonymous expressions are used in the same row: "native land", "favorite side", "tugan zher", "atameken"; "The intelligentsia is still not a "kolbala" of the authorities, not an errand boy, not a baryp kel, a shauyp kel, not a mongrel" [2, p.77].
In some cases, apparently, the author wants to more accurately convey the content of the Kazakh expression, image and therefore uses not one equivalent word to explain it, but builds a whole graded series. This is due, in our opinion, to the fact that, as we noted above, it is not always possible to find an exact correspondence to the Kazakh word in the Russian language. "... He is aksuyek, "white bone", chingizid (about Ch. Valikhanov)" [3, p.21]; "You, Jake, akyn are an improviser, composer, singer, storyteller" [3, p. 11]; "To make interlinear translations of Musrepov for such a meager amount?! It is obal, obal! And Musrepov understood whar obal meant ("ashamed", "blasphemous", "unfair")" [4, p. 196].
In the given examples, the synonymous row used to represent the meaning of the lexeme "akyn" does not fully disclose its meaning. It should also be added here that akyn is both a musician (accompanies his singing with a dombra), a poet, and an orator, and only the totality of the cited Russian equivalent will help to explicate the semantics of such a deeply national phenomenon as "akyn". The semantics of the lexeme "obal" is also very difficult to convey by means of the Russian language. The dictionary gives only one translation option - "offensive". In principle, all these words to some extent reveal the meaning of the Kazakh word, because the
situation itself suggests these meanings: to translate the works of such a master of the word as G. Musrepov for a meager fee is actually both insulting and ashamed, and we would add more NOT WORTHY. In addition, this essay provides a dialogue between the writer and H. Belger, who was preparing for the translation of the novel "Oyangan Olke" - "The Awakened Land", where the translator "complains" to the author: "After all, translating you is hellishly difficult, Gabe. Moreover, your novel contains many simply untranslatable passages" [4, p. 196].
When describing his native land, the Motherland, H. Belger often uses the figurative Kazakh fixed expression "kindik kany tamgan zher", which is given both without translation and with translation. When translating this expression, calking is used: "The Kazakh metaphor: "kindik kany tamgan zher" - "the place where blood dripped from your umbilical cord" is a sacred concept" and, it seems, it is this method of conveying the meaning of the Kazakh expression that is more appropriate than the semantic translation "native land", since it is caking that allows one to convey the ethnocultural color, imaginative thinking, and the outlook of the Kazakhs.
But not always literal translation and calking give the desired result. More often, when using calking, the figurative meaning is destroyed, which sometimes leads to misunderstanding. In this case, it is appropriate to recall the general provision that the meaning of a word / concept in a particular language does not cover all the meanings inherent in it in another language. "Qualities-stimulants" are not transmitted properly, do not become a complete equivalent. For example, the expression "kok zhotel", denoting a strong cough, is presented in H. Belger's essay in Russian as "blue cough" ("kok" in Kazakh means "blue" or "green"). At the same time, the Kazakh turnover is given in quotation marks - "kok zhotel", and the Russian exact translation with a destroyed figurative meaning (the Kazakh expression does not imply color) - withoutt quotation marks, although it would be more correct to give the Russian translation in quotation marks. Confirmation that we are talking only about a strong, lingering cough, and not a blue cough, is the context: "A blue cough - "kok zhotel"- beat him for hours, turned him inside out, shuddered his frail, emaciated little body ... In a sunken chest whistled, squelched, bubbled. Back in the spring, my father said mournfully: bilateral pneumonia. And now I decided: whooping cough" [6, p.38]; "There, he hopes it will be easy for him. The chest pain will recede. Strength will return and the damned blue cough will stop pestering him" [6, p.43].
Another interesting expression of the Kazakhs is "yeki ayagyn bir yetikke tygady", which is given in the text only as a calking translation without a variant of the original. This expression is used in an essay about G. Musrepov when describing a situation when a correspondent of the allunion newspaper "Izvestia" demanded that Belger reduce Musrepov's essay from 15 pages to 6. The indignant Belger ("How is it possible?! Whole essay. What will be left of him?") went to see Musrepov again and tells him the correspondent's request, as in the essay: I expected a violent reaction from him, vividly imagining what Nurpeisov would have done in his place. He would rip and tear, he would not have spared either Chukovsky or Baruzdin. I would remove the shavings from them. I would stuff both legs into one boot. I would prove my case. I would insist on it. I thought: now the classic of Kazakh literature will be outraged by the impudence of some correspondent, rush to the phone, give out to the fullest first to Eduard, then call Moscow, bring down all his immense anger on the local authorities, show everyone where the crayfish winter and how much a pound of dashing, after which will publish with an apology to the aksakal his entire essay without a single bill" [4, p.184].
In the above passage, to reveal the meaning of the Kazakh expression, many Russian stable combinations are used: a violent reaction (indignation is assumed), rip and tear, not to spare anyone, remove shavings, insist on one's own, indignant arrogance, give it out to the fullest, bring down anger, show where crayfish hibernate and how much is a pound dashing. All these phrases are known to the Russian reader and therefore understandable, but if the recipient does not have the
appropriate background knowledge, the expression "push both feet into one boot" is not entirely clear, since in the Russian language indignation and anger are not expressed in this way.
Conclusion
Such a detailed analysis of word combinations was given here in order to demonstrate what meaning, what sense is embedded in these Kazakh national expressions, but they were not explained by the author of the essay and therefore may cause bewilderment to readers.
Almost all of the turns from the Kazakh language cited as examples become evidence of the special speech-making activity of a bilingual author, such as H.K. Belger. Their use is justified due to the different structures of the languages, each of which is adapted to express the images of the corresponding culture. The national-cultural specificity, which reflects the cognitive aspects of speech patterns and stereotypes inherent in a certain culture, is clearly felt in the journalistic texts of Kazakhstani bilingual we are studying.
References:
1. Belger H. Avtobiograficheskiye eskizy. - Almaty: «Zhibek zholy», 2004. - 118 s.
2. Belger H. Garmoniya dukha. - Moskva: Russkoye slovo, 2003. - 288 s.
3. Belger H Tikhiye besedy na shumnykh perekrestkakh. - Almaty: Arys, 2001. -150 s.
4. Belger H. Zemlya moyey chesti. - Almaty: Dayk-Press, 2004. - 342 s.
5. Belger H. Avtobiograficheskiye eskizy. - Almaty: «Zhibek zholy», 2004. - 118 s.
6. Belger H. El'. - Almaty: Galym, 2005. - 108 s.
7. Bakhtikireyeva U.M. Tvorcheskaya bilingval'naya lichnost': Natsional'nyy russkoyazychnyy pisatel' i osobennosti yego russkogo khudozhestvennogo teksta. - M.: Triada, 2005. - 190 s.
Information about the authors:
Maral B. Amalbekova (Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan) - Doctor of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor of the Translation Theory and Practice Department, the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University (Nur-Sultan, Satpayev Street, 2, maraluspen@mail.ru, 145 published articles, areas: bilingualism, literary translation and analysis, comparative liguistics).
Leysan Kh. Shayakhmetova (Kazan, the Russian Federation) - Candidate of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor of the Institute of Philology and Intercultural Communication, Kazan Federal University (Kazan, Kremlevskaya Str., 18, habirshah@mail.ru, 60 published articles, areas: cultural linguistics, comparative linguistics innovative methods in foreign language teaching)
Zhanargul A. Beisembayeva (Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan) - Candidate of Philological Sciences, Head of the Foreign Languages Theory and Practice Department, the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University (Nur-Sultan, Satpayev Street, 2, zhannabei@mail.ru, 60published articles, areas: innovative methods in foreign language teaching, intercultural communication, translation).
Acknowledgement:
The authors of the article express their gratitude to Raisa Z. Khismatullina, H. Belger's wife, for the materials provided.
Contribution of the authors. The authors contributed equally to the present research.
