CC BY
21
Vol. 9 No. 2, 2023 -
DOI: https://doi.org/10.30525/2256-Q742/2Q23-9-2-73-90
TENDENCIES OF ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION OF IMMIGRANTS FROM UKRAINE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE AGGRESSION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
Abstract. While the war launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine in February 2022 was predicted by many analysts, few predicted the foreseeable problems associated with the settlement of Ukrainian migrant flows fleeing the war, both within Ukraine and beyond its borders to the European Union. Both scenarios have been met with unique challenges affecting the settlement of internal and external Ukrainian refugees, as well as counterintuitive patterns of success and failure that point to strategies of long-term cohesive integration. The aim of this study is to identify new qualitative aspects and specific features of the integration processes of Ukrainian migrants, which are characteristic of the social situation in the European Union that has developed after the aggression of the Russian Federation. Particular attention is paid to the new components of social relations, the accumulation of knowledge, which will make it possible to respond to new conflict factors, to develop inclusiveness and tolerance in accordance with the qualitative specificities of refugees arriving in the EU countries as a result of the war. Methodology. The system analysis of the institutional and legal framework of the adaptation process of Ukrainian refugees in the EU is based on the generalisation of the available official documents, published analytical materials and other types of public information related to the policies of European countries in the area of migration, and the activities of certain communities (organisations) of Ukrainians in the EU. The study of behavioural patterns of Ukrainian IDPs and refugees is based on the methods of direct observation of the author and generalisation of case studies. The method of classification of groups of migrants from Ukraine was used, taking into account their actual status and the purpose of moving to the EU. Due to the author's current extensive humanitarian and journalistic activities in the EU and Ukraine, the method of anonymous structured interviews with Ukrainian refugees was widely used. Results. Describing the current state of the institutional processes of adaptation of Ukrainians in various European countries, the author concludes that in the initial stages the already existing local Ukrainian communities played a significant role in the process of resettlement and adaptation of the refugees, while much depended on the displaced persons' own social and institutional contacts. In the later stages, the central and local authorities of the host countries and international humanitarian organisations played a predominant role. Depending on their status in the host country, migrants can be divided into the following groups: migrants who are permanent residents of a particular EU community and have the possibility of returning to their home country; migrants who are permanent residents of a particular EU community and do not have the possibility of returning to their home country; migrants who have been granted collective protection status in the EU but can return or have returned to permanent residence in Ukraine. The integration of those groups of migrants from Ukraine who plan to stay permanently in European countries should take into account their language, age, educational, labour and social characteristics.
Key words: forced migrants, collective protection in the EU, adaptation of migrants, integration of migrants, Ukrainian community, migration.
JEL Classification: O15, R23
AGAINST UKRAINE
Andrii Buzarov1
1 Klaipeda University, Lithuania (corresponding author)
E-mail: buzarov.andrey@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0009-5085-8340
© ®
This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 4.0
1. Introduction
The events that began with the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine in February have forced a different perspective on migration in the EU. The scale of the flow of migrants from Ukraine to the EU is enormous.
The European Union has accepted Ukrainian refugees, allowing them to enter its 27 member states without visas and live and work there for up to three years. From 24 February 2022 to January 2023, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) registered at least 5 million refugees from Ukraine in European countries and expects another 2 million refugees by March 2023 (Reliefweb, 2023).
As of 31January 2023, UNHCR has already registered 8,046,560 refugees from Ukraine across Europe. This is about 19% of the population of Ukraine (according to Eurostat for 2021). 4,823,326 refugees registered for temporary protection in Europe (CReAM, 2022).
From a geopolitical point of view, the Russian Federation's war against Ukraine and the confrontation between the Russian Federation and the West as a whole have all the signs of a long-term international crisis. The researchers note: "The mass exodus of Ukrainian refugees is no accident - it is part of Putin's plan to destabilise Europe." (Grey, 2022) In this context, it is important to study the problems of adaptation and integration of a large number of Ukrainian citizens who have arrived in the EU and who may remain there for a long time due to the protracted war. Therefore, many answers to questions related to the process of integration of immigrants into the EU are needed now.
Researchers at the Clingendael Institute, who have been tracking conflicts and migration flows in Europe since the Russia invasion on 24 February, urge policymakers to take more action (Ho et al., 2022). They call on societies at both European and national level to better prepare for the long-term protection and social inclusion of the millions of Ukrainian refugees on the continent, rather than temporary crisis hosting. Researchers identify the following characteristics of the current situation:
"The course of the conflict. The chances of a quick ceasefire or end are slim, and a stalemate is more likely. Further migration. More refugees are likely to move from neighbouring countries such as Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania further into the EU as the conflict continues and economic prospects deteriorate in these countries of first arrival. Intention to return. One in four Ukrainians wanted to migrate before the war. Women and children are relatively less likely to return, especially as the length of stay increases. Opportunities for family reunification abroad will be crucial." (Ho et al., 2022)
Discussions on EU migration policy point out that while migrants are a net cost in the short term, they are taxpayers in the long term. Some assimilate and settle in the EU, helping to solve the problem of labour shortages and the demographic crisis (Zimmermann & Vernon, 2023).
Ukrainians arriving in the EU tend to have a high level of education and work skills. "The limited information currently available on the educational attainment of Ukrainian refugees suggests not only that they have a higher proportion of people with higher education than other refugee groups, but also that they are more educated than the population of Ukraine as a whole. In the working age population of Ukraine in 2020, 56% of women and 43% of men will have higher education... Although there is no systematic data on socio-economic characteristics, particularly from EU countries neighbouring Ukraine, there is some information on individual host countries. A structured survey of Ukrainian refugees in Germany, conducted by the Federal Ministry of the Interior and Communities in the third week of March, found that of all adults surveyed, 73% had higher education, 19% had completed secondary education and 7% had a low level of education. In Spain, 61% of all registered adult Ukrainian refugees have higher education, 11% have upper secondary education and 25% have vocational qualifications, while less than 1% have no education." (Dumont & Lauren, 2022)
However, compared to other categories of immigrants, refugees tend to face particular barriers to integration into the labour markets of host countries. Due to the forced nature of their migration and the often traumatic experiences associated with it, they often suffer from mental disorders and disabilities. Because they didn't decide to migrate before the war started, they generally didn't have the opportunity to prepare for life in a new country, especially to learn the language. They tend to arrive with little attachment or connection to the host country. If they do, this is affected by the fact that they have been trained in a different education system and have experience of different labour market conditions. In addition, many are unable to provide proper documentation of their level of education or skills.
From the practice of studying migration processes, it is known that highly educated refugees who have been educated abroad face difficulties in getting their qualifications recognised and valued in the labour markets of the host country. These markets tend to devalue foreign qualifications, which affects employment, leading to overqualification and lower wages (Bonfantii & Xenogiani, 2014) "Migrant Skills: Use, Mismatch and Labour Market Outcomes - First Study International Survey of Adult Skills (PIAAC)",
in the section "Mapping economic migration with the labour market. Needs" (Bonfantii & Xenogiani, 2014).
From the perspective of employers, hiring refugees can be risky as it can be difficult to assess the skills they possess in terms of formal qualifications, previous work experience and, more generally, understanding their abilities and motivations (OECD/UNHCR UN (2018) Engaging Employers in Refugee Employment - A 10-Point Multi-Stakeholder Action Plan for Employers, Refugees, Governments and Civil Society (Deutsche Welle, 2022).
All this jeopardizes the prospects for their full socialization in new societies.
In the context of the recent official announcements that Ukraine has been granted the status of a candidate country for EU membership, as well as the possibility of a simplified procedure for Ukraine's accession to the EU, practical and research questions of the following nature naturally arise: What is the future of millions of Ukrainians who have been under temporary collective protection in the EU? Do Ukrainian citizens who have been forced to move to the EU have a status that is indeed higher than that of a refugee, but not yet similar to that of an EU citizen? And can the introduction of Directive 2001/55/EC on temporary protection in the event of a massive influx of displaced persons in relation to displaced persons from Ukraine be considered a real stage in the integration of Ukrainians into the EU in the context of Ukraine's future accession to the Union? These and other questions will be answered in the future by this study on the process of adaptation and integration of Ukrainians into the EU after the events of 24 February.
All the above questions are only a small part of the serious multifaceted problem that has arisen, which determines the emergence of many other scientific problems related to this unprecedented situation. The results of scientific research on the integration and reintegration of previous waves of migration to the EU are not fully applicable in this situation, as it concerns the specific composition of migrants (cultural affinity, high education, professional skills, etc.) and the new scale of the process itself.
2. Materials and methods
The proposed material examines and summarises the institutional aspects of the migration processes caused by the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in a special aspect - from the point of view of the adaptation experiences of Ukrainians in various communities, as well as organisations and centres created by Ukrainians and their colleagues from European countries to speed up the process of assistance and adaptation to a new social environment. Without going into a deep theoretical
analysis of the concepts of "adaptation" and "integration", for the purposes of this study "adaptation" will mean the initial stage of integration, when a foreign citizen first receives an official status and legalises his stay in a particular country. On the other hand, 'integration' implies a deeper incorporation of a given individual into the system of relations of a given society, with the acquisition of the right of temporary or permanent residence.
On the basis of an anonymous structured interview and a study of publicly available information on the activities of specific communities (organisations) of Ukrainians in the EU, as well as on the basis of various statistical data and reports, a classification of groups of migrants from Ukraine was also carried out, taking into account their actual status and the purpose of their move to the EU. The countries and Ukrainian communities analysed in this article were selected by the author on the basis of his own humanitarian activities and personal communication with representatives of most of the respective groups of migrants.
In order to solve the problems of studying the behaviour of IDPs from Ukraine in Ukrainian communities in different EU countries, this work uses, among other things, the "case study" method, which allows for empirical study of objects in a real context, with the possibility of using a variety of quantitative and qualitative data sources and methods of their analysis. R. Yin defines this method as an empirical study aimed at studying a modern phenomenon in a real context, especially when the boundaries between the phenomenon and the context are blurred, and the use of multiple sources of evidence (Yin, 1984).
This method has a heuristic potential for the study of phenomena that constitute a real scientific problem, but about which there is insufficient knowledge at the time of the study. At the same time, it makes it possible to realise the integrity of scientific research, which has a theoretical justification for posing a problem, forming a hypothesis, testing it, modifying it and generating new knowledge. The case study method is also characterised by the cognitive integrity of knowledge, which is expressed in the empirical (collection and primary analysis of data) and theoretical (in relation to the interpretation of results) nature of the study. The method is also characterised by a flexible and adaptable methodological structure, which allows the necessary adjustments to be made to the research process, as well as a holistic approach, which aims to study a holistic phenomenon inseparable from its context, allowing case studies to be used to study complex systems. The case study method is aimed at obtaining unique knowledge about a person, organisations, social and political phenomena in a situation of uncertainty, as it makes it possible to obtain detailed
information about latent processes and mechanisms of social relations. The study of contextual factors makes it possible to study the current dynamics of phenomena from the perspective of changes in the environment and the consequences of the influence of various factors. It is also important that the data obtained through the key study method can be used in subsequent studies.
3. Results
3.1. Theoretical background
3.1.1. General literature review on theoretical and methodological aspects of migration within Ukraine and the EU before the events of February 24, 2022
The study of migration processes has a solid tradition in the European scientific community. The study of migration problems in the economic and demographic sense was carried out by such Western scholars as K. Carey, W. Izard, W. Vaditsky, W. Alonso, I. Lowry, M. Greenwood, A. Rogers, R. Wickerman, L. Castro, T. Hegerstrand, J. Sjaastadom and others. The foundations of sociological approaches to the study of migration are laid in the works of M. Weber, K. Marx, G. Simmel, T. Parsons. The concepts of "attraction-pushing", the theory of the migration system of connections (networks), the theory of assimilation, as well as the theory of cultural and ethno-sociological orientations have appeared. Modern sociological thought studies the issues of complex interrelations of migration processes and adaptation of migrants to the host social environment, conditions of adaptation, factors determining its course, degree, time of adaptation in various types of situations, problems of tolerance and conflict in the context of interaction of ethnic migrants with the local population of the host social communities.
Obviously, compared to the period 2014-2022, the studied period is not so long for in-depth scientific research. And there are still not enough complex scientific works devoted to the problem of displaced persons from Ukraine to the EU, despite the significant attention paid by researchers in almost all European countries, especially taking into account the nature and scale of the emerging social, political and scientific problems. In the historical epicentre of the events, new problematisations of the events are still emerging and appropriate scientific approaches are being developed.
It is not surprising that Ukrainian scientists are very sensitive to this issue. For example, among the works that studied the problems of temporarily displaced persons in Ukraine after the first aggression of the Russian Federation in 2014, it is possible to highlight
the scientific work of O. Mikheeva - a sociological study "Modern Ukrainian internally displaced persons: main causes, strategies". The scientific value of this work lies in the fact that it was actually written immediately after the end of the "hot phase" of the first aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and after the signing of the second package of the Minsk Agreements in February 2015, when the regional situation was more or less clear from the political point of view and it was possible to study and predict the trends in the resettlement of Ukrainian citizens from the occupied regions. O. Mikheeva and V. Sereda drew attention to the current trends in the process of resettlement of Ukrainians from Ukraine to the EU: "Cultural and social adaptation (more in some regions of Ukraine, less in others)... The resettlement process is mainly carried out along an individual path of movement, not within organised groups. Accordingly, the main role in the resettlement process is played by the displaced persons' own social and institutional contacts. In the absence of such contacts, the main responsibility lies with voluntary organisations." (Mikheeva & Sereda, 2015)
Among other authoritative studies devoted to internally displaced persons in Ukraine as a result of the first aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2014, one should also highlight the works of E. Ivashchenko-Stadnik and the study " War and resettlement. The Ukrainian case", which deals with the specifics of the relationship between migrants and the local host community. "The issue of mutual respect between host and displaced groups involves not only trust and empathy, but also an equal distribution of civic rights and responsibilities. The data show that after two years of conflict, a significant part of the population of the host country still perceives IDPs as semi-citizens with limited access to life in society." (Ivashchenko-Stadnik, 2017)
Individual authors have also made scientifically based attempts to classify different groups of migrants in collective monographs. "Thanks to its multidisciplinary approach and consideration of comparative aspects - IDPs versus displaced persons in Russia; IDPs from Donbass and Crimea; and IDPs compared to the rest of the population - this special issue provides insight into the wide range of political, socio-economic, cultural and legal issues related to displacement. This issue touches on three main themes: the attitudes and identities of the displaced; the social and economic integration of the displaced; and the regional context in two parts of Donbass." (Sasse, 2020)
Migration has traditionally been an important topic for researchers in the EU. There is a large amount of academic literature on the general
problems of migration. Regular reviews of migration scenarios and projections are also carried out by leading specialised institutions, with an increase in such publications in recent decades: "The purpose of these systematic reviews is to assess the state of the literature in terms of scenarios and forecasts of migration, as well as to assess their development. Both scenarios and future-oriented publications have increased significantly since the 1990s." (Sohst et al., 2020) For this reason, only studies that deal with the process of adaptation and integration of migrants into a particular community will be considered, although the paradigms (blocks) of research can be quite broad: "The emphasis on migration trajectories encompasses several classic dichotomies in migration research: between sending and receiving countries, between temporary and permanent migration, and in the context of forced and voluntary migration." (Snel et al., 2021)
For example, the issues of migration from Eastern and Central Europe in the context of EU enlargement, as well as the adaptation and integration of migrants, have received considerable attention among EU scholars. The term "undocumented migration" was introduced. "This term means temporary migration abroad with varying degrees of legalisation, without any permanent settlement, mainly related to work in the secondary segment of the labour market in a foreign country." (Okolski et al., 2010)
In the context of the impact of the events in Ukraine and Brexit on the EU, some scholars have explored the prospects and orientations of Poles to remain in the UK, using the term "social anchor". "By analysing the orientations and strategies of Polish migrants in the face of post-Brexit uncertainty, we have identified flexible ideal types of relationships between social ties, attitudes towards mobility and risk. We draw attention to the fact that only more 'hybrid' typologies of migrant orientations allow us to capture both trends and types over time and can be applied in the long term." (Trabka & Pustulka, 2020)
"The experience of scientific research of European colleagues in the context of such a phenomenon of relations between migrants abroad and their homeland as "social transfers", as well as the study of the experience of adaptation and integration of Ukrainians in Poland before the events of 24 February 2022, may be relevant for Ukraine in the future. Establish a meaningful relationship between the concepts of social transfers and social capital. Expanding the resources available to migrants and their home communities is a promising step forward, both in terms of the critical interactions between individuals, families and communities throughout the migration process, and in terms
of the social value and impact of remittances." (Boccagni & Decimo, 2013) "While the local, circular nature of Ukrainian migration to Poland still dominates, the nature of this mobility is becoming increasingly complex. The number of settled migrants is growing relatively slowly. This change has been particularly noticeable since the beginning of the military conflict in Ukraine, but it is also the result of administrative decisions that, in particular, provide incentives for long-term stays and facilitate access to the labour market for special categories of migrants." (Brunarska et al., 2016)
Thus, as can be seen from the above review of the various literature on the subject under study, before 24 February 2022, special scientific studies were published by Ukrainian scientists on the issues of adaptation of Ukrainian citizens who left Crimea, certain regions of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts after the occupation of these regions by the Russian Federation. In these works, many issues relevant to the present time regarding the integration and adaptation of Ukrainians in a particular community (community) were studied: relations with the host country, integration into the labour market, psychological aspects of adaptation in a new place, etc. This made it possible to work with more than just some demographic data and to understand the motivation of both people who do not want to return to Ukraine and those who returned during 2022 after the events of February 24.
As far as European studies are concerned, for the purposes of this study, those scientific works and statistical reports have been taken into account that have examined the trends, background and nature of migration as a whole as a phenomenon, as well as demographic trends prior to the events of 2022. In the EU, the subject of migration is widely studied, and since the mid-1990s migration processes have been studied in a multidisciplinary and more detailed way.
Over the past 30 years, migration, especially when it occurs outside of regulated patterns and controlled pathways, has been presented and conceptualised in the research literature primarily as a "crisis", an abnormal phenomenon that disrupts the normal course of social and economic activity (Martin et al., 2014).
In Europe, the presentation of migration as a crisis has reinforced a securitized view of migration, making it a major issue on the political agenda of the European Union (EU) (with a particular focus on managing forced migration caused by conflicts in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya) and elsewhere) (Estevens, 2018). Some definitions of "shelter crisis" or "refugee crisis" semantically refer to "refugees" or "migrants" as the root cause of the "crisis" rather than exploring the true causes of the emergency (Crawley &
Skleparis, 2017). "A number of other definitions use the concept of crisis as a signifier to explain its consequences for various actors and systems, especially for 'Europe', 'the EU' or 'EU Member States', such as the 'European refugee crisis', the 'European humanitarian crisis' (Carrera et al., 2019), the European 'crisis of solidarity' (Grimmel & Giang, 2017), ' Europe in crisis', as well as an identity and 'racial crisis mainly stemming from the post-colonial condition of 'Europe' as a whole'." (De Genova, 2018)
The above are examples of studies that have analysed in depth the trends in the transit of migrants, the problems of their adaptation in a new place, the specifics of migration within the EU, the impact of the events in Ukraine after 2014 on internal migration in the EU, the concepts of "incomplete migration" and "social transfers", etc. All the results of these studies will be used in the analysis of the forced migration of Ukrainians to the EU due to the second aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2022. It should also be noted that it is not advisable to conduct such an analysis within the framework of a theory of migration or any research method, since as the problem of studying the adaptation and integration of migrants from Ukraine requires a broader interdisciplinary approach, comparative studies of the processes of adaptation and integration of migrants within Ukraine and the EU both after the first aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2014 and after February 2022, taking into account the practical aspects of the implementation of the Directive Council 2001/55/EC on temporary protection in the context of law enforcement practice in various EU countries.
3.1.2. Study of the problem of adaptation and integration of forced migrants from Ukraine to the EU
After 24 February 2022, the scale, nature and consequences of migration for Ukraine and the EU as a whole have changed significantly. The second aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine led to colossal demographic changes within Ukraine and a large wave of migrants to EU countries. In the first months of the war, it was difficult for migration researchers around the world to comprehensively track all the dynamics of people's departure from Ukraine and their subsequent activities. It should also be noted that the extent and nature of the impact on EU countries of a new wave of refugees, whose socio-cultural characteristics differ from those of African and Middle Eastern refugees, has not yet had time to fully manifest itself and become the subject of in-depth research. It is necessary to reflect on the
current results and the organisational, political and legal decisions taken by the EU countries in order to correct them promptly in order to optimise them.
On this occasion, the researchers note: "It is very difficult to follow the movement of our migrants after crossing the border, as the countries bordering Ukraine are often transit countries for the movement of migrants to other EU countries. All countries use different methods of studying and registering migrants, use different data on migration, which prevents the development of aggregate migration indicators for our migrants and their stay in the country, etc." (Protsyk & Mykhalyk, 2018)
As migration researcher I. Malik rightly notes, "International organisations and various public organisations and structures involved in the analysis of migration processes in the world as a whole did not predict the 'Ukrainian migration crisis' in 2022 and did not properly assess the hypothetical risks associated with it." (Buchin et al., 2022)
Following the start of the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine, the problem of forced migration from Ukraine is being widely discussed in Ukraine at various levels. In particular, the issues of adaptation and integration of Ukrainians abroad and maintaining ties with them in the face of a possible protracted war are being addressed. For example, research by the Ukrainian National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISI) notes that: "The protracted nature of the war, the destruction of Ukraine's economic structure and the difficult period of socioeconomic recovery of the state increase the risk that a significant proportion of migrants will not return to their homes. At the same time, the youth population is declining, which threatens to undermine the quality of the country's demographic potential in the medium and long term. The ongoing war will encourage Ukrainians to continue to travel abroad. The intensity and vector of this process will depend on many factors: expansion or narrowing of the scope of hostilities; progress in the de-occupation of the occupied territories; sustainability of local critical infrastructure; direct shelling of settlements by Russian troops; emergence of crisis phenomena of a man-made or natural character; level of socio-economic restoration of the liberated territories; changes in the labour market and economic structure of various regions of Ukraine, etc." (Potapenko et al., 2022)
As a number of Ukrainian researchers rightly point out, "The situation with immigration in Ukraine is complex and it is difficult to make a definitive assessment. There is no doubt that so many displaced persons or international migrants will lead to a real collapse now and after the war." (Ostapets & Palinchak, 2022) It is obvious that a certain part (perhaps most) of the Ukrainian migrants who
have gone to the EU may stay there for a long time. This is also recognised by European researchers, who have begun to rethink migration processes in the EU, taking into account the new realities. Moreover, there is great interest in this issue among European researchers. After all, it was not only the number of people trying to leave Ukraine in the first weeks of the war that was unique and unprecedented, but also the scale of the challenge the EU faced.
As a result, debates and discussions on modernising the existing asylum system for migrants have begun with renewed vigour in the EU: "The EU's response to the war in Ukraine and the refugees fleeing the country points to the need to rethink the concept of EU 'solidarity' in order to combat the racism and discrimination that invariably characterises any EU debate on migration policy and asylum issues." (Carrera et al, 2022)
A. Wolfhardt stated in his report that: "The activation of the Temporary Protection Directive set in motion the process between EU Member States and the integration of people who left Ukraine. This process is still ongoing, dynamic and constantly implemented by governments in areas of national policy such as education, housing, employment, social security and health... Member State governments should therefore see the current crisis as an opportunity to create more comprehensive refugee integration systems, based on taking into account all aspects of integration and providing vital support to all groups with the necessary infrastructure." (Wolffhardt, 2022)
For example, some researchers, comparing this with the situation at the EU border in relation to the arrival of refugees from the Middle East, noted that "The EU was much more hospitable to Ukrainians than to asylum seekers from the Middle East, Africa and Afghanistan, who were vehemently refused entry to Poland, Italy or Greece and beyond. Often such 'meetings' were held with the participation of the EU border agency Frontex... The warm welcome given to Ukrainian refugees is impressive, but does not imply a similar attitude towards refugees from other countries. EU members, including Poland, Hungary and other countries that have welcomed Ukrainians, continue to push away other asylum seekers." (Karasapan, 2022)
As noted in the final report of the European Union Asylum Agency (EUAA), "Europe's rapid response to the crisis in Ukraine and the adoption of protection decisions was made possible because the legal text, in the form of the Temporary Protection Directive (EUR-Lex 2001), was already ready and available, even though it had never been used before." (EUAA, 2022) This made it possible to respond quickly to the wave of migrants from Ukraine, as more than 5.1 million people had left Ukraine by
23 April, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Most people left Ukraine between 27 February and 9 March. During this period, 1,649,088 people crossed the border into Ukraine, with more than 150,000 leaving the country every day. On 6 March, 210,526 people crossed the border, the highest number in one day. From 17 March onwards, the number of people leaving gradually decreased, indicating a decline in the first wave (Filipchuk et al., 2022).
Although the European Commission has decided to extend the temporary protection directive for Ukrainians forced to leave for the EU because of the war until at least March 2024 (Lutsenko, 2022), many problems with migrants remain unresolved.
On the one hand, as Swedish analysts have rightly pointed out, the current situation shows that questions of refugee reception are largely political. That is, if there is a clear political will to accept refugees, even very large numbers of people can be accepted and accommodated without undue frustration and political unrest. And accepting refugees is seen as a positive thing rather than a threat (Parusel & Varfolomieieva, 2022).
As the Spanish experts note: "In the short term, the reception of refugees creates a problem of coordination between public and private initiatives, while in the medium and long term problems arise in various areas. In the first case, this is due to the integration of newcomers (proper restructuring of the education system, access to housing and employment), in the second to the availability of organisational, administrative and financial resources allocated to these and other refugees. This crisis must not be allowed to monopolise the already meagre capacities to meet the needs of those fleeing conflicts in other parts of the world." (González Enríquez, 2022)
As the European experts also note, conflicts are possible at the intersection of the application of national legislation: 'A fundamental issue affecting all the countries analysed, albeit to varying degrees, is the direct scope of the national temporary protection regime. Finally, all the countries analysed offer temporary protection to both nationals and third country nationals, as well as to stateless persons enjoying international protection or its equivalent." (Dobiás & Homem, 2022)
In the context of assisting displaced persons fleeing war, the EU is examining how different applied theories of integration and adaptation of displaced persons are being studied. For example, survival and resilience strategies for this category of refugees (Oviedo et al., 2022). As well as the specific forms of operational assistance provided to settlers in Poland in the early days of the war (Ociepa-Kicinska, 2022).
Thus, analyzing the reaction of various researchers in Ukraine and the EU to the wave of migrants from
Ukraine caused by the second aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the following conclusions can be drawn.
As part of Ukraine, after the events of February 2022, the scientific community is more focused on studying the consequences of the migration of Ukrainians abroad and the demographic problems that Ukraine may face in the coming years due to the war. Within Ukraine, the study of the problems of adaptation and integration of Ukrainians abroad is now difficult due to the dynamics of the migration process and the lack of accurate statistical and empirical material.
At the same time, European researchers, who have more access to migrants from Ukraine to the EU, look at the problem much more broadly, both in the context of pan-European problems of international migration and at the level of law enforcement practice within the framework of specific national legislation of an EU member state.
Analysing specific European researchers from the point of view of their areas of study of the problem, in general, three areas of study of the migration crisis can be distinguished: political perception of the phenomenon of the migration wave from Ukraine at the EU level, comparison of this wave with previous migration waves, as well as problems of the integration process of immigrants from Ukraine in the EU. The existence of political will among all EU countries has shown that, if desired, the institutions of the Union can find quick solutions for accelerated formats for the reception of refugees.
Effective action by European governments and societies to help Ukrainian war refugees also has other aspects to be sensitive to. For example, in an interview with Italian public television RA.I, Pope Francis said that in Europe, refugees from Ukraine fleeing war are better received than people from other parts of the world. In response to a journalist's question, he said that refugees were divided into "first and second classes" "according to the colour of their skin" and the country from which they came. "We are racists, that is bad," he said (Panarmenian, 2022). Judges of the Court of Appeal in The Hague said that the Dutch state is violating international standards in organizing the accommodation of asylum seekers. The Court of Appeal also found that the Dutch state had made an unlawful distinction between refugees from Ukraine and people seeking shelter from other countries. "Both groups are fleeing war and violence and there should be no difference in the reception of these groups," the court said. Therefore, the state should treat these groups equally." (Dutchnews, 2022)
In the policy brief "Ukraine: A paradigm shift for the EU's asylum policy?" (Rasche, 2022). Lukas Rashche writes that the current reception of
Ukrainian refugees is less a paradigm shift in EU asylum and migration policy than an example of the increasing politicisation of access to protection. The researcher concludes that in recent years the EU's common asylum and migration policy has been merged with the aim of deterring arrivals, leading to the systematic use of pushback at the external border. However, the use of force has not stopped with the arrival of Ukrainian refugees. Ukrainian refugees are being welcomed in Poland, while asylum seekers attempting to enter the country from Belarus continue to be denied access to protection. Given the threat of war on their own borders and close cultural ties, it is understandable that Ukrainian refugees are welcomed in neighbouring Member States. But the two different border policies also illustrate how the EU treats asylum seekers differently depending on the political context in which they arrive.
In light of such issues, Jean-Christophe Dumont and Ave Loren write in their article "The potential contribution of Ukrainian refugees to the workforce in European host countries" that Ukrainian refugees "do not fit the stereotypical image of refugees: some of their characteristics are likely to improve their integration prospects, while others, on the contrary, may hinder them" (Dumont & Lauren, 2022).
The authors of the article emphasise that a relatively high proportion of Ukrainian refugees have higher education, which in itself gives them good job prospects. They are also better prepared to learn the languages of recipient countries than other illiterate refugees. In addition, Ukrainian refugees have experience of working in Eastern European countries (mainly Poland), which also increases their chances of employment. According to the authors of the article, it should also be taken into account that by the end of 2020, 1.35 million Ukrainian citizens will have valid residence permits in the EU. The Ukrainian diaspora is the third largest group of third-country nationals in the EU, which can also be seen as a source of employment for a new wave of refugees. Finally, EU countries have taken unprecedented measures to facilitate the entry and stay of Ukrainian refugees. In most EU Member States, persons granted temporary protection are entitled to work without any restrictions or delays once they have obtained a residence permit or, in some countries, a temporary certificate.
The balanced integration and adaptation of Ukrainian migrants from Ukraine should take place without discrimination against other groups of refugees in the EU and taking into account the specificities, trends and realities of the overall economic, regional and geopolitical situation.
3.2. Practical results
3.2.1. Some features of the general portrait of Ukrainian IDPs
According to a structured survey of sentiments (among Ukrainian citizens who travelled to Europe) conducted by the Ukrainian Razumkov Centre at the Transcarpathian border points (March 20-22), the vast majority of refugees (83%) were women, and 67.4% of respondents travelled abroad with children or grandchildren. The largest numbers are from the south-east of Ukraine (51.5%) and the north-east, particularly the Kharkiv Oblast (19%). Residents of the city of Kyiv and the Kyiv Oblast accounted for 31%, while residents of the western regions accounted for only 4%. In addition, this express structured interview also showed that 79.2% of refugees wanted to return to Ukraine after the war, but about 10% had no such intentions and 11% did not answer the question. At that time, in April 2022, specialists from the National Institute of Strategic Studies of Ukraine pointed out that: "The risk of losing part of the population as a result of migration is increasing. And these losses will be mainly at the expense of economically active, educated, young citizens. Too many countries to which migrants have gone are interested in replenishing their human resources and are already creating conditions for the consolidation of certain categories of migrants on their territory." (NISS, 2022)
Analysing the situation after 10 months of war, according to new data from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, as of 8 November 2022, 7,824,440 Ukrainian refugees were recorded, registered for temporary protection or similar national protection schemes in Europe as of 8 November -4,699,333. The number of Ukrainian refugees registered for temporary protection in countries outside the EU was as follows Turkey -145,000 persons (as of 19 May 2022), United Kingdom - 143,100 persons (as of 8 November 2022), Switzerland - 68,620 persons (as of 08 November 2022), Norway - 31,798 persons (as of 08 November 2022). According to media reports, there are more than 100,000 Ukrainian refugees in the United States (as of July 2022) and 32,000 in Canada (as of June 2022) (UNHCR, 2023).
From the above data it can be seen that the majority of migrants are women, mostly from the south-east of Ukraine. The data also show that the EU countries are the main region where migrants have gone to settle permanently. The mood of the IDPs regarding a possible return to Ukraine is also dynamic - due to the unstable situation, many of them were in a state of "limbo" and did not finally decide what to do next.
The report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (summer 2022), which dealt with the
study of the average migrant from Ukraine on the basis of several focus groups in Europe, noted the following: "The majority of respondents have a high level of education (77% have completed technical, vocational or university education), indicating a potential economic contribution to host countries, but lack of knowledge of local languages and childcare needs may limit such opportunities." (UNHCR, 2022)
Thus, the labour skills of Ukrainians may be in great demand in the European market, especially due to their high level of education. In this context, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, analysing the labour potential of migrants from Ukraine, noted that: "Ultimately, the total impact on the labour force in Europe is about twice the size of the influx of refugees into the European Union in 2014-2017. Most of this impact will be seen in a few countries (in relative terms, the Czech Republic, Poland and Estonia) and, given the differences in the profile of migrants in 2014-2017 compared to today (with more women and highly educated migrants), the most affected segments of the labour market will differ from each other - probably less unskilled manual labour and more professions in the service sector." (OECD, 2022)
For some EU countries, Ukrainian immigrants represent a skilled labour force for certain sectors of the economy, especially the service sector. This is particularly confirmed by studies conducted by the Norwegian Refugee Council in Poland (NRC, 2022).
The next important feature of the general flow of migrants from Ukraine to the EU is that many of them are minors. According to the European Commission's Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs, 737,118 Ukrainian children will be integrated into the school systems of the European Union by the beginning of 2023. It should be noted that these statistics do not include data on the number of Ukrainian students in the UK, USA, Canada and other countries (Migration and Home Affairs, 2022).
According to the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, as of 12 September 2022, there were 488,045 school-age children abroad. At the same time, the First Deputy Minister of Education and Science of Ukraine, Andriy Vitrenko, at a briefing on 14 October 2022, announced the presence of about 505,000 Ukrainian school-age children abroad (Educational Ombudsman of Ukraine, 2022). Apparently, more than 500,000 Ukrainian children are already part of the EU education system.
Another important aspect in studying the general profile of a forced migrant from Ukraine abroad is their lack of knowledge of the local language. In many EU countries, experts pay attention to creating the necessary additional conditions for Ukrainian citizens to learn the language of the host
country. For example, Dutch experts point out: "As the situation may remain uncertain for a longer period of time, structural government support for language learning becomes an increasingly urgent need for better integration of refugees into the host society in terms of communication, education and work." (Tasbas, 2022)
The adaptation of the settlers lasted for the first months of their arrival in the host country, and a generalised portrait of Ukrainian refugees in the EU during this period included the following characteristics: a middle-aged woman with higher education (professional, technical or university), knowledge of English (but lack of knowledge of the local language), average income; the presence of their own children, usually two, in rare cases one or three; they are in contact with members of their family (father or mother); about 50% of them look for opportunities to receive mostly free services and free food, and also regularly seek psychological help.
3.2.2. Ukrainian communities in the EU as a key indicator of current trends among Ukrainian IDPs
This section of the study analyses the data provided by representatives of various Ukrainian communities (communities, organisations, groups, etc.) in the EU, both in writing as part of an anonymous structured interview, and collected by the author from various public sources (social networks, official websites, etc.). Also of great use were the numerous interviews the author conducted with various activists and volunteers in different EU countries as part of his humanitarian work. The list of communities (organisations) and countries was selected on the basis of the author's personal contacts with most of the organisations studied. It is this data that forms the basis for the application of the "case study" method in this study. The purpose of this method for the study in this section is to clarify the relevance of the characteristics of the image of immigrants from Ukraine identified above on the basis of statistical data, as well as to identify additional processes of adaptation and integration within a particular community of an EU country. It will also make it possible to classify groups of migrants on the basis of their actual status and future place of residence.
The analysis and generalisations in this section are based on the cases available to the author as a result of his humanitarian and journalistic work. Some countries, such as Poland and Romania, which have received large numbers of migrants and provide a good environment for relevant academic research, are not included in this analysis because the author has not yet had the opportunity to carry out humanitarian work there. In the future, however, these and other
countries will be given special attention in the study of the processes of adaptation and integration of Ukrainian migrants there.
Federal Republic of Germany
Almost one million Ukrainian refugees have arrived in Germany since the beginning of the Russian armed invasion of Ukraine, the Federal Statistical Office reported on 10 October 2022. The statistics cover the period from the end of February to August (Romashenko, 2022). In this context, Germany is of particular interest for research. For the purposes of this study, Ukrainian organisations (communities) of the cities of Berlin and Augsburg (Bavaria) will be used as examples.
In an anonymous interview with the author of this article, a representative of one of the Ukrainian communities in Berlin, based on her observations of the process of adaptation and integration of immigrants, noted the following trends "Today, the permanent members of the community are 70-80 family members, including 55 children. At the beginning of the community's existence there were more participants, but some of them were given accommodation in other parts of Berlin. Only 4 families have returned to Ukraine. Most do not have official jobs, so many are registered at the employment centre and attend language courses. Children go to kindergartens and schools. They can only get an official job after passing the German language exam. The total training period is about 6 months (A1, A2) and 9 months (B1)." A representative of Berlin's Ukrainian community also highlighted additional factors in the activities of local migrants: "1) Activity of the leader and members of the community in social networks (Facebook, Instagram, YouTube).
2) Self-organisation of local Ukrainians to realise the creative abilities of community members, especially children.
3) Active participation in propaganda activities in favour of Ukraine, joint celebration of various anniversaries, collection and sending of humanitarian aid, various information campaigns, etc."
In turn, the co-founder and first deputy chairman of one of the Ukrainian communities (Union) ofAugsburg noted: "After 24 February 2022, a coordinating headquarters was created on the basis of the community, which formed special committees from among the members of the Union (about 40) and volunteers (about 200 at various times) on the effective work of the following areas:
1) Humanitarian warehouse for the collection and distribution of aid to Ukraine and assistance in the adaptation of newly arrived refugees from Ukraine to Germany, as well as the provision of psychological and rehabilitation assistance to war victims.
2) Active measures to popularise Ukrainian culture (concerts, performances, participation in local fairs, cultural events), as well as a Saturday school for refugee children from Ukraine (more than 300 children).
3) Active information and political campaigning, organising meetings, attracting representatives of local parties in support of Ukraine is one of the main activities of the community. Thanks to the media, sponsors, donors and media partners are mobilised."
Republic of Austria
Since Russia's full-scale invasion began, Austria has taken in more than 150,000 Ukrainian migrants. Many humanitarian centres have been set up to help the Ukrainians. Many migrants in Austria have been granted temporary protection - a blue card. It gives the right to stay legally in the country for one year, to receive medical care and education (TV channel "Dom", 2022). Traditionally, one of the most attractive cities in Austria for permanent residents is Vienna. In addition to the general trends (mentioned above) for immigrants from Ukraine, which are typical for the whole EU, in Austria there are some additional mechanisms for the adaptation of certain groups of immigrants - for example, assistance in adapting to the scientific environment. According to the questionnaire of Doctor of Economics, Professor, representative of the Ukrainian community in Vienna: "Scientific and academic institutions in Austria have actively and effectively organised competitions for grants and scholarships in all fields of science in March 2022." She, as one of the scholarship holders, is conducting research on "Temporarily displaced persons from Ukraine in the European Union: social adaptation and integration in the labour market". The professor concluded in her study that: "In Vienna, the Austrian side is impressed by the level of education of the Ukrainians. Of the registered temporarily displaced persons, 80% have a higher level of education (bachelor, master and above). This has an impact on business activity, which is increasing every month. Linguistic skills are also a distinctive feature, with more than 60 per cent speaking three or four languages, which naturally contributes to social adaptation and entry into the local and international labour market. Many Ukrainians who took part in the study said they would consider starting their own small or medium-sized business rather than working as contract labour. Perhaps this is because they describe their pre-war income levels as average or above average, and they have savings that they can now use."
Also interesting is the opinion of another respondent to this study, also a representative of the Ukrainian community in Vienna, the founder of the school, which is based in Vienna and operates in accordance with the requirements of the Ministry
of Education of Ukraine. The interviewee notes the following: "In general, in Austria, children who came from Ukraine faced the main problem - this is the language, without language it is difficult to understand subjects in schools, and it is also difficult to establish communication. In Austrian schools, Russian children are often helped by Ukrainian children and thus they are "reconciled" - this sometimes provokes unnecessary conflicts and also forces children to communicate in Russian where they should have learned German." For this reason, the interviewee set up a school where 58 children now study. The project helps the children to integrate into the new environment of a foreign country and to continue their education according to local standards.
Republic of Lithuania
According to the updated Forbes "Friends of Ukraine" rating, Lithuania is one of the top five countries supporting Ukraine at various levels (Landa, 2022). Lithuanians, like representatives of other Baltic countries, are genuinely concerned about what is happening in Ukraine and are trying to help Ukraine in various ways, including assistance to temporarily displaced persons. The Lithuanian scientific and journalistic community is very interested in this issue. Let's study the data of anonymous structured interviews provided by local activists of Ukrainian communities from the cities of Klaipeda and Kaunas.
In the context of adaptation and integration of immigrants from Ukraine, the representative of the Klaipeda community of Ukrainians noted the following trends. "All the IDPs are in close contact with friends and relatives in Ukraine and abroad. Many have been granted temporary residence permits, continue to receive financial support from the state, have successfully found jobs and are studying Lithuanian at language courses run by various communities (Red Cross, cultural centres, etc.). As for the children, most of them attend kindergartens and schools (some schools even offer Ukrainian classes).
For example, a Ukrainian Sunday school is run at the local Ukrainian centre, with 128 children currently studying there. In addition, a volunteer information centre was established on the basis of the centre, together with Ukrainian students from a Christian university. The work was mainly aimed at collecting humanitarian aid and the resettlement of refugees, their adaptation and the provision of psychological assistance."
As part of an anonymous interview, another representative of the Ukrainian community in Lithuania from Kaunas, who was forced to leave Donetsk in 2014 for Chernihiv, later for Kyiv (becoming an internal migrant), and after 24 February 2022, as a father of many children, went to Lithuania, where he received temporary protection (temporary
residence permit in the Republic of Lithuania for temporary protection), noted the high activity of local civil society in Lithuania. "Local representatives of Lithuanian civil society began to actively support the process of adaptation and socialisation of many Ukrainians living in Lithuania, especially in Kaunas. The self-help group started with 40 people and now includes about 155 families. With the direct support of local Lithuanian organisations and their partners, and with the help of the active group, the participants, mainly children, systematically receive food and goods several times a month for more than six months. The business community of Kaunas helps the group members to find employment in their companies with living wages and minimal language barriers."
Slovak Republic
According to the International Organisation for Migration, from 24 February 2022 to 13 April 2022, the Slovak authorities reported 326,997 arrivals from Ukraine, of which 301,772 were Ukrainian refugees (IOM 2022). The Ukrainian community in Slovakia is quite large and is represented by various Slovak or Slovak-Ukrainian public organisations. In particular, in the structured interview for this article, the director of a Slovak public organisation from Bratislava, which through its charitable activities has created a large communication field around itself of Ukrainians and Slovaks who are mobilised to help Ukrainians and Ukraine, noted the following patterns. "Despite great efforts to help the Ukrainian community, more attention needs to be paid to the following issues:
1. There needs to be a significant improvement in medical care. Due to lack of access, many people prefer to travel to Ukraine for treatment, which is more expensive.
2. Creation of great opportunities to work in their specialty. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to improve the process of nostrification of documents.
3. Improvement of work with disabled people (of various categories) as one of the most pressing problems. For example, the treatment of post-traumatic syndrome.
4. More attention must be paid to mothers and children between the ages of two and four. This category already has a need to communicate with peers, but in a foreign country this is difficult."
On the basis of the above-mentioned characteristics of the image of migrants from Ukraine, as well as the data obtained from an anonymous structured interview with various representatives of Ukrainian communities in the EU countries where the author carried out humanitarian activities, it is possible to derive a certain classification of groups of migrants on the basis of their purpose for staying in a particular
place (the principle of the settled way of life). It is important to note that attempts to classify immigrants and create their portraits on the basis of various characteristics are regularly made by various researchers, including the author of the article (Kozub, 2022).
Taking into account the actual status of temporarily displaced persons from Ukraine to the EU, taking into account legal, social and other aspects, it is obvious that all these people are heterogeneous. Some have really left the zones of active hostilities, but some have not. Some really need social benefits and protection, but for others it's just extra money on top of their main income. Understanding the real status of this or that migrant allows the competent authorities to determine the priority of this or that group and to choose the appropriate means of support. After almost a year of war, an analysis of the migration situation reveals the following conditional groups of migrants, depending on their status and the purpose of their stay in a particular country:
1) Internally displaced persons (IDPs) who reside permanently in a specific community (settlement) of the EU and have the possibility to return home. This includes those temporarily displaced citizens of Ukraine who left the country after 24 February 2022, but whose houses were not occupied or were not occupied by the armed forces of Ukraine. At the same time, today it is practically difficult to obtain reliable information on how many migrants are registered and how many actually live in a given settlement in the EU. The main reason for this complexity is the permanent migration of part of this group of migrants.
2) Internally displaced persons (IDPs) who live permanently in a particular community (settlement) of the EU and have no possibility to return to their homes. After the liberation of the territories of Kyiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, part of Kharkov and Kherson regions from the troops of the Russian Federation, some of the migrants from Europe preferred to return to their places of permanent residence. However, there remains a significant number of migrants from the eastern and southern regions (Donetsk, Lugansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson) who cannot yet return to their homes because they are occupied by the Russian Federation (Buzarov, 2022).
3) IDPs who have been granted collective protection status in the EU, but who can return or have returned to permanent residence in Ukraine. As early as May 2022, Ukrainian officials announced that 4.7 million Ukrainians had returned to their homeland (TSN, 2022). The Norwegian Refugee Council, in its report on the experiences of IDPs returning to Ukraine from Poland, concluded that the majority of IDPs surveyed (60%) intended to stay in Ukraine for at
least two to three months, but many indicated that this decision could change depending on the security situation; 30% said they had not yet made a decision about their plans (Dudinska et al., 2022). Within this group, it is possible to identify a separate subgroup of migrants who essentially live in two houses. There is a large group of migrants who were granted temporary protection status in the EU in the first months of the war, but who have chosen to return to Ukraine for family or work reasons, but who regularly leave for safety reasons.
4) Two-time migrants. Citizens of Ukraine (from Donetsk, Luhansk oblasts and Crimea) who, as a result of hostilities, first became internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Ukraine with the corresponding legal status and, after 24 February 2022, received the status of collective protection in the corresponding EU country. These citizens, who lost their homes in 2014-2015, were able to start a new life in other regions of Ukraine after the first Russian aggression. After 24 February 2022, some of them left for the EU, where they received the corresponding protection status, while others remained in Ukraine.
It should be noted that Ukraine has already developed a plan at the state level for the "Return of Citizens Who Temporarily Resettled, in Particular Abroad, and Their Integration into the Social and Economic Life of the State" (CMU, 2022). In July 2022, during a high-level international conference in Lugano (Switzerland) (URC, 2022) on Planning for the Recovery of Ukraine, the Ukrainian authorities presented a draft National Recovery Plan. One of the priorities is to address the needs of the returning diaspora and IDPs, including through appropriate
social protection measures. The Government of Ukraine has also recently launched a review of the National Strategy for the Integration of Internally Displaced Persons. The aim is to adapt the national policy to the current conditions and scale of displacement, and to expand it to include a provision for the return of border refugees.
4. Discussion
The above analysis of various Ukrainian communities, including migrants, that have formed in all EU countries as a result of the second aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine could be continued. However, a non-abstract analysis of the activity of all Ukrainian communities is the subject of this study. Thanks to the data regularly processed by the communities, it is possible to identify the real problems of adaptation and integration of immigrants from Ukraine that still exist. In addition, a retrospective analysis and comparison of the conditions and environments of various European countries (not only the EU),
where the migrants have arrived and are undergoing the initial process of adaptation, is also important. Undoubtedly, Poland, Romania, Moldova and other countries have accumulated scientifically invaluable empirical experience in the practical solution of many problems that have arisen in these countries as a result of the unprecedented humanitarian crisis caused by the Russian aggression against Ukraine. This experience requires a deeper and immediate study in order to develop appropriate recommendations for the authorities and representatives of civil society in the future, because the legal status of immigrants from Ukraine requires the necessary adjustments.
As for the results of the analysis of the migrants' questionnaires using the case study method, the data confirm that the main parameters of the image of a forced migrant from Ukraine, formed in the first months of the war on the basis of the observations of volunteers and international organisations, are still preserved. These include such facts as the fact that most of the migrants are women with minor children. Most of them have higher education, etc. However, some important features characterising certain aspects (stages) of adaptation and integration of forced migrants from Ukraine in the EU countries have not been taken into account. Such features include, for example, the activity and importance of Ukrainian communities in the EU as a kind of initial centres for the adaptation and integration of a certain part of IDPs.
Due to many factors, many months after the beginning of the war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, some of these communities became active subjects of public and international relations in various countries, which gave them the opportunity to accumulate invaluable experience of information and communication in emergency situations. Accordingly, the observations and information they have accumulated are exclusive data that can be used as the necessary material for a deeper analysis of the problems of integration and adaptation of immigrants from Ukraine to the European environment. In fact, in many cases it was the Ukrainian communities abroad, together with local volunteers, who, due to the circumstances, assumed the functions of initial adaptation and further integration of internally displaced persons from Ukraine into a specific environment.
5. Conclusions
Unlike the consequences of the first aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2014-2015, when most of the internally displaced personsfrom the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine and Crimea moved to permanent
settlements inside Ukraine, the second Russian aggression against the Ukrainian state in February 2022 led to the forced migration of Ukrainians outside Ukraine. As a result, EU countries are facing an unprecedented migration challenge, surpassing the scale of a similar crisis caused by the war in Syria in 2015-2017.
The study shows that in the European community, the migration crisis caused by the large influx of migrants from Ukraine has provoked a long overdue discussion in the information, expert and political spheres on the unification and modernisation of the national migration systems of different EU member states. At the same time, the number of registered refugees and people under temporary protection continues to grow, indicating a possible final increase in the number of people who have left Ukraine because of the war. In many ways, it is political will that plays the most important role in such unprecedented situations, providing the basis for further steps to be taken.
The analysis showed that after the events of 24 February, a specific legal framework was established in the EU, which for many months provided the legal basis for the stay of temporarily displaced persons from Ukraine in the EU, as well as an adequate basis for adaptation and integration. The uniqueness of the situation of migrants from Ukraine lies in the fact that many Ukrainian citizens were de jure integrated in many European countries in the first weeks and months of the war, and the de facto adaptation of these people took place after they received the right of temporary stay.
It was found that most of the data on the problems of temporarily displaced persons from Ukraine were published in various international reports, sociological studies and journalistic materials. In this regard, various statistical reports and empirical data of authoritative international organisations were studied and analysed in detail, which helped to highlight some characteristic features of the image of a migrant from Ukraine. However, special emphasis is put on the study (cases) of the experience of adaptation of internally displaced persons from Ukraine by various communities, organisations and centres created by Ukrainians and their colleagues from European countries in order to accelerate the process of helping Ukrainians who have migrated. It should be noted that a full sociological analysis of the migrants' environment is now difficult. The study revealed the qualitative characteristics (image) of displaced persons in compact settlements as a new group that interacts with various local authorities and civil society in EU countries to establish communication for successful integration.
There is evidence that the war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine mobilised a large
number of Ukrainians living outside their country to support Ukraine. They were gradually joined by some migrants who integrated into the respective Ukrainian communities in different EU countries. Many of these communities have created their own public organisations, foundations, unions, associations for mutual assistance and support of Ukraine and Ukrainians.
Based on empirical and practical observations, the signs of the first (the largest) wave of resettlement of people from the war zones to the safe territories of Ukraine and abroad were:
- Chaotic nature of resettlement. In the first days of the war, people from the combat zones left randomly and tried to stop in any place in Western Ukraine or in the territories bordering Ukraine, where there was at least some kind of shelter (volunteers helped a lot), or stayed with acquaintances, friends, relatives, etc.;
- Active participation in the resettlement of migrants by the authorities of local territorial communities and representatives of local authorities abroad. Local communities, represented by locally elected authorities, played a key role not only in the initial resettlement and assistance to migrants, but also in their subsequent ongoing support and partial socialisation. At the same time, the activities of local government representatives were coordinated with various local activists and public figures who became volunteers. This also applies to foreign communities;
- Active involvement of international humanitarian organisations in assisting displaced persons A major role, especially in the assistance and resettlement of migrants in the areas bordering other European countries, was played by various international organisations, which, with similar experience in other conflicts, were able to establish the appropriate infrastructure in the western regions of Ukraine;
- A special role in the process of integration and adaptation of immigrants from Ukraine is played by Ukrainian communities abroad. Ukrainian communities in various EU countries have often been the main communicators between the arriving migrants and the local authorities. In addition, the high level of public, informational, humanitarian and social activity of the Ukrainian diaspora abroad has provided a strong mobilisation base to support Ukrainians and Ukraine. In the course of their activities, these communities have accumulated a great deal of empirical experience.
It was also found that the main role in the resettlement process was played by the IDPs' own social and institutional contacts. In the absence of such contacts, the main responsibility lies with voluntary organisations. In other words, after the beginning of the second aggression of the Russian
Federation against Ukraine, when a part of the Ukrainians who travelled to the EU went either to their acquaintances (friends, relatives) who were already living in European countries at that time, or to local voluntary organisations, which helped in the initial assistance and subsequent placement of migrants.
In practice, depending on their status in the host country, migrants can be divided into the following groups: migrants permanently residing in a particular community (settlement) of the EU and having the possibility of returning to their home country; migrants permanently residing in a particular community (settlement) of the EU and having no possibility of returning to their home country; migrants who have been granted collective protection status in the EU but who can return
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Received on: 05th of March, 2023 Accepted on: 27th of April, 2023 Published on: 23th of May, 2023
