CC BY-NC-ND
72
Mikhail Zhivlov
Russian State University for the Humanities; School for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, RANEPA (Moscow); [email protected]
Studies in Uralic vocalism III *
The paper discusses three issues in the history of Uralic vocalism: the change of Proto-Uralic vowel combination *a-a to Proto-Finnic *a-e, the fate of Proto-Uralic *i before velar consonants in Finnic, Saami and Mordvin, and the possibility of reconstructing two distinct vowels in PU non-initial syllables instead of *a of the traditional reconstruction. It is argued that the development of Uralic vocalism must be described in terms of strict sound laws, and not of "sporadic developments".
Keywords: Uralic languages, Finno-Ugric languages, historical phonetics, proto-language reconstruction, Proto-Uralic vocalism.
"It was customary to vindicate this unpredictability of the PU reconstruction either by claiming that phonetic development is not governed by laws, but only follows certain trends of limited influence ... , or by stating that law-abiding development is accompanied by numerous changes of a sporadic nature. Lately, however, in Uralic studies (as well as in other branches of linguistics) the ideas of classical comparative linguistics — among them the Neo-grammarian-type notion of strict phonetic laws — have gained momentum again. This at once creates a dilemma: to find the lacking laws — or to reconsider the reconstruction itself" [Helimski 1984: 242].
0. Introduction
The present article is based on the following assumption: the historical development of the Uralic languages follows the same principles as the historical development of any other language family in the world. Therefore, we must apply in Uralic studies the same Neo-grammarian methodology that was successfully applied in the study of other language families, notably Indo-European, but also Algonquian, Austronesian, Bantu and many others. The basic tenet of this methodology is the principle of regularity of sound laws ("die Ausnahmslo-sigkeit der Lautgesetze"). Taking this principle seriously means that we cannot invoke "sporadic developments" as an explanation in historical phonology.
Unfortunately, only a few works in the field of Proto-Uralic reconstruction are written in the Neo-grammarian framework. The most important of these are the groundbreaking studies
* This paper was prepared as part of the research program "Traditional foundations of modern cultures and macroregions of the Orient" (School for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, RANEPA, Moscow). I am much obliged to Ante Aikio, Juho Pystynen and Kirill Reshetnikov for their comments that have helped to improve this paper. Any remaining mistakes are my own responsibility.
Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 12 (2014) • Pp. 113 — 148 • © Zhivlov M., 2014
by J. Janhunen [Janhunen 1981] and P. Sammallahti [Sammallahti 1988], as well as a number of articles by Ante Aikio [Aikio 2002; Aikio 2006; Aikio 2012; Aikio 2014; SUE I; SUE II; SUE III]. The opposite tradition in the Uralic studies is represented by the most authoritative etymological dictionary of the Uralic languages, Uralisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch [UEW]. This work, fundamental as it is, is written in a pre-Neo-grammarian tradition: its authors view the sound change as essentially sporadic in nature. The reconstructions in UEW are actually "pre-reconstructions" in the sense of [Peiros 1997: 275], that is, they are not based on a proper set of phonological correspondences, but rather on the intuition of the authors.
Below we will try to show that at least some of the developments in the history of Uralic vocalism usually viewed as "sporadic" can be accounted for as a result of regular sound change.
1. The change *ä-ä > *a-e in Proto-Finnic
It is a well-known fact that many etyma reconstructed for Proto-Uralic with the vowel combi-nation1 *ä-ä have Proto-Finnic reflexes with the vowel combination *a-e or *ö-e (pre-Proto-Finnic *a-e of whatever origin yields Proto-Finnic *ö-e, if the single intervocalic consonant is PU *r, *l, *m, *n, *5, *8 or *j [Aikio 2012: 232-241]). The shift *ä-ä > *a-e was long thought to be an irregular development.2 Recently, however, P. Kallio has noted that the shift in question "in fact occurred more often than not in the case of the earliest vocabulary" [Kallio 2012: 168]. Kallio goes on to remark that "diphthong *äj perhaps blocked the development" in the words päivä 'sun' and äimä 'needle' [ibid.]. We think that Kallio's conclusion can be restated in stronger terms: Proto-Uralic vowel combination *ä-ä regularly yielded *a-e in Finnic. The shift was blocked when *ä in the first syllable was followed by *j or *s (> *h in Proto-Finnic). After *j and *c3 (no cases with initial *n are known to us) *ä-ä apparently yielded *ä-e.
The following examples support our conclusions.
1) *ä-ä > *a-e (> *ö-e):
PU *kälä- 'to wade' > Est koole (gen. koolme) 'ford' [Aikio 2012: 238];
PU *käsä 'dew, hoarfrost' > Fi kasi (: kase-) 'cold mist, steam; smoke, coal gas' [Aikio 2012: 238];
PU *lämä 'rash, scab' > Fi luomi (: luome-) 'birthmark; eyelid' [Aikio 2012: 238];
PU *pälä 'side, half' > Fi puoli (: puole-) [Aikio 2012: 238];
PU *pärtä 'board' > Fi parsi (: parte-) 'beam; stall' [Sammallahti 1988: 548];
1 By "vowel combination" we mean the vowels of the first and second syllables viewed together. This term is useful when we speak of Uralic languages, where second syllable vowels frequently affect the development of vowels in the first syllable.
2 The only exception is [OCH3 I: IX-X], where a separate Proto-Uralic vowel combination *a-a (distinct from *a-a) is set up in order to account for this correspondence.
3 Following [Sammallahti 1988], we reconstruct only one Proto-Uralic phoneme in the place of traditional *s and *c. However, unlike Sammallahti, we prefer to interpret this phoneme as an affricate *c for the following reasons. 1) The phoneme in question behaves like *c and unlike *s and *s: it forms clusters with a preceding ho-morganic nasal (clusters *ns and *ns either did not exist in Proto-Uralic, or were extremely rare, while cluster *nc was rather frequent) and geminates (geminate *ss and *ss were definitely absent in Proto-Uralic). 2) The supposed unconditioned shift *s > *c in Proto-Saami looks typologically quite strange. Unconditioned developments of the type "affricate > fricative" are much more common than the reverse. One may object that the parallel independent development *c > *s (except in clusters) in all branches save Saami also strains credibility, but here we have a perfect analogy in the history of Iranian languages, where Proto-Iranian *c yielded s in all daughter languages except for South-Western Iranian where it yielded 9 (see [Mayrhofer 1989: 4, 6]).
PU *sàksà 'dirt' > Kar soaksi (: soakse-)4 'dirt (e.g. in hair or wool), dandruff' [Ante Aikio, p.c.];
PU *sàppà 'bile' > Fi sappi (: sappe-) [UEW: 435];
PU *sàrà 'vein' > Liv suor ~ zuor 'sinew, vein' [Nikulin n.d.: 1];
PU *sàrnà 'willow' > Fi saarni (: saarne-) 'ash' [UEW: 752; Aikio 2014: 137];
PU *tàlwà 'winter' > Fi talvi (: talve-) [UEW: 516];
PU *wàckà 'metal' > Fi vaski (: vaske-) 'copper' [UEW: 560].
2) *à-à > *à-e after palatal/palatalized consonants:
PU *jàwrà 'lake' > Fi jàrvi (: jàrve-) [UEW: 633]; PU *cànà 'shelf fungus' > Fi sieni (: siene-)5 [UEW: 494].
3) *à-à preserved before *j and *s:
PU *àjjà 'old man' > Fi àijà [UEW: 609]; PU *àjmà 'needle' > Fi àimà [UEW: 22]; PU *pàjwà 'heat; sun' > Fi pàivà 'day' [UEW: 360];
PU *pàksnà 'lime tree' > Est pàhn (gen. pàhnà) 'old lime tree; elm' [UEW: 726]; PU *càsnà 'woodpecker' > Fi hàhnà [UEW: 772]; PU *tàstà 'star' > Fi tàhti (: tàhte-)6 [UEW: 793]; PU *wàsà 'small' > Fi vàhà [UEW: 818].
PU *ràppànà 'smoke hole' > Fi ràppànà [UEW: 743] can be viewed as a conditioned exception if we assume that the shift in question did not operate in stems with more than two syllables.
The following three roots are preserved in Finnic only in derivatives. Apparently un-derived stems were absent in Finnic already at the time of the shift in question:
PU *sàlà- 'to load' > Fi sàlyttàà 'to load, burden' [Sammallahti 1988: 548];
PU *càlà- 'to cut' > Fi sàle 'lath' [UEW: 470];
PU *tàktà 'remnant' > Fi tàhde 'remnant, leftover' [UEW: 515].
The absence of vowel lengthening in PU *càlà- > Fi sàle is due to the fact that -e- here belongs to the suffix. As far as we know, lengthening operates only if -e- of the second syllable belongs to the root.
One more apparent exception was already explained as a loanword: Fi jànkà ~ jànkkà 'bog' is a substrate borrowing from PSaa *jear/kë 'bog' < PU *jàr/kà [Aikio 2009: 23].
We may conclude that the shift *à-à > *a-e can be accounted for in the framework of the standard comparative method, without recourse to the notion of 'sporadic change'.
2. PU *i before velar consonants in Finnic, Saami and Mordvin
In a recent work, Ante Aikio has conclusively shown that the mysterious correspondence "Finnic *a-e / *o-e — Saami *oa-ë — Mordvin *u" goes back to the Proto-Uralic vowel combination *a-i, and that *i-i developed differently from *a-i in Saami and Mordvin [Aikio 2013]. Aikio's conclusion can be supported by an additional case where the difference between
4 The lengthening of *a to *a (> Kar oa) before sk, ks, and rn is common, if not completely regular, in Finnic.
5 With the regular lengthening *ä-e > *e-e [Aikio 2012: 232-241].
6 This word, exceptionally, has an e-stem. Ante Aikio (p.c.) notes that the ä-stem is preserved in the obscure derivative tähdätä (: tähtää-) 'to aim'.
*a and *i is relevant for the historical phonology of Western branches of Uralic.7 Consider the following examples:
PU *jiyi- 'to drink' > PFi *jô-, PSaa *juke-, PMari8 *jua-, PPerm9 *jo-, Hung i-, iv-, isz-, PSam *e-r-, *e-kdl-;
PU *jiki 'river'10 > PFi *joke-, PSaa *joke, PMd *jov 'Moksha river', PPerm *jo, PMs j, PKh
PU *tikti 'diver' > PSaa *toktek, PMari *toktd-, PPerm *to/okti, PMs *tïkt, PKh *taktdj.
Here Proto-Uralic *i can be reconstructed on Ugric and Samoyed evidence. In Finnic the vowel of the first syllable coincided with PU *o, in Saami and Mordvin — with PU *u.
In all three examples Proto-Uralic *i in the i-stem is followed by a velar obstruent. If we assume that the development of *i in this particular position was regular, we can add the following example: PU *ikti 'bear' > PFi *okte-, PMd *ovtd. We cannot reconstruct PU *o in this word, because *o in i-stems regularly yields *u in Mordvin except before [SUE II: 9-10]. One more etymology probably also belongs here, as it shows the same vowel reflexes as PU *jiki: PU *siki- 'to say' > PFi *hoke- 'to repeat', PPerm *so-.
Two further examples show that the development in question did not occur before the cluster *-kc-:
PU *likci- 'to adze' > PSaa *luokce-, PMd *laksd-, PMari *loksdnca-;
PU *nikcimi 'gills' > PSaa *nuokcem, PMari *nâsmd, PPerm *nô/okcim, PMs *nïkcâm, PKh *mkcam.
What was the relative chronology of this change with respect to other changes affecting Proto-Uralic vowels? The following developments occurred in the prehistory of both Proto-Saami and Proto-Mordvin:
A. i > u /_k/y(C)i (where C * c)
This is the change described above.
B. V > V /_ y
This change is ascribed in [Sammallahti 1988: 523] to Proto-Finno-Volgaic, but the real evidence for it comes only from Saami and Mordvin: before *y PU *a > PSaa *a, PMd *a, PU *e > PSaa *ie, PMd *i, PU *u > PSaa *u, PMd ?, PU *i > PSaa *i, PMd *i.
C. a > i /_j
This change was postulated in [Aikio 2013: 6] in order to explain the non-application of the following change to the PU stems *kaji, *waji and *wajji.
D. a-i > o-a
This change accounts for the correspondence "Finnic *a-e / *o-e — Saami *oa-ë — Mordvin *u" [Aikio 2013].
7 In the light of both Aikio's results and our own recent research (summarized in Appendices 2 and 3 to this paper) we regard the main thesis of [Reshetnikov & Zhivlov 2011] — the supposed complementary distribution between PU *a and *i — as erroneous. However, the distribution of Permic reflexes of PU *a and *i in a-stems that was established in that paper remains valid.
8 We use Ante Aikio's reconstruction of Proto-Mari vocalism [Aikio 2014].
9 Our reconstruction of Proto-Permic vocalism is outlined in Appendix 1 to this paper.
10 This etymology must be distinguished from PU *juka 'small river' > PFi *juka, PKh *joyan, PSam *jaka. At least Finnic and Khanty have reflexes of both roots.
E. e-i > i-i
Later *i-i > PSaa *e-e, PMd *e.
F. i > a
The result of this change is realized as PMd *a and PSaa *uo. The evidence of early Germanic loanwords in Saami shows that PSaa *uo goes back to earlier *a.
The relative chronology of A and B is unclear: either A preceded B (*iyi > *uyi > *uyi > PSaa *uke), or the other way round (*iyi > *iyi > *uyi > PSaa *uke). C obviously preceded D. B also preceded D, which is clear from the fact that the vowel lengthening blocked the application of D to PU *sayi- 'to arrive, to get' > PSaa *sake-, PMd *say-. B preceded E: PU *eyi yielded PSaa *ieke. A obviously preceded F. D also preceded F: otherwise Proto-Uralic vowel combinations *a-i and *i-i would yield identical results in Saami and Mordvin.
The resulting relative chronology is: B, C > D > F; B > E; A > F.
The highly idiosyncratic nature of these sound laws, especially of the development *a-i > *o-a, makes it unlikely that the set of changes listed above occurred independently in two different languages. There are two possibilities: 1) this set was transferred through language contact from one closely related dialect to another, 2) the changes in question occurred in the common Saami-Mordvin proto-language or, rather, proto-dialect in the Finno-Volgaic dialect continuum. Note that although the change *i > a also occurred in Finnic, in Saami and Mordvin it was preceded by four other changes not shared with Finnic.
3. Proto-Uralic *a-stems
The Khanty reflexes of PU *a and *i in a-stems show an apparently unconditioned split: *a-a yields either PKh *a or *i / *u (*u word-initially and after labials, *i otherwise); *i-a also yields either PKh *a or *i / *u (this time *u after labials, *i otherwise, including word-initial position). Now one might think that the split in question is due to the Khanty ablaut. Proto-Khanty had a productive morphophonological alternation between low, mid and high vowels, whereby some inflectional and derivational suffixes condition the shift "low vowel > mid vowel" or "low vowel > high vowel" in the root [Helimski 2001]. It may be supposed that unexpected high vowels either (1) result from generalization of high ablaut grade in inflection or (2) are triggered by lost derivational suffixes. Regarding (1), while verbs show in their paradigm both mid and high ablaut grade, high grade is absent in the inflection of nouns (except for a limited number of terms of relationship). As for (2), Khanty derivation does indeed include zero suffixes that trigger high grade of ablaut. The most common of these is the zero suffix of deverbal nouns. Cf. the following examples:
PKh *koyal- 'to run' - PKh (attested only in KhTrj) *kuydl 'run' [DEWOS: 457];
PKh *kantdm- 'to carry on the back' — PKh *kynt 'basket for carrying on the back' [DEWOS: 516-517];
PKh *katdl- 'to dawn' — PKh *kitdl 'day, sun' [DEWOS: 571-574];
PKh *laldm- 'to breathe in, to sigh', PKh *lalt- 'to breathe' — PKh *lil 'breath, soul' [DEWOS: 749-751].
More rare is the zero suffix of denominal nouns, also triggering high ablaut grade:
PKh *ja^k 'ice' [DEWOS: 391-392] — PKh *jiyk 'water' [DEWOS: 387-390];
PKh *Loj 'finger' — PKh *Luj 'thimble; finger-ring' [DEWOS: 719-720].
Neither of these suffixes, however, can explain cases of inherited nouns that preserved their Proto-Uralic meaning, such as PU *kala 'fish' > PKh *kul 'fish', PU *pata 'pot' > PKh *put 'pot', PU *miksa 'liver' > PKh *muydl 'liver', PU *siksa 'Siberian pine' > PKh *Lïydl 'Siberian pine'. Moreover, we do not know of any ablaut-triggering zero verbal suffixes.
More important, however, is the fact that both hypotheses have a common weak point: if analogical redistribution of ablaut grades and/or addition of semantically opaque ablaut-triggering zero suffixes operated in Khanty on such a scale that half of reflexes of *a-a and *i-a were affected by it, this process must have left traces in the reflexes of other Proto-Uralic vowel combinations as well. Apart from *a-a and *i-a, there are two other Proto-Uralic vowel combinations that can have Proto-Khanty as their reflex: PU *i-i and *o-a.
A quick look at the Khanty reflexes of *i in i-stems shows that ablaut played no role here:
PU *cimi 'fish scales' > PKh *sam;
PU *cici 'duck' > PKh *cac;
PU *8imi 'bird cherry' > PKh *jom;
PU *iSi 'year' > PKh *al;
PU *ini 'tame' > PKh *ânï;
PU *ippi 'father-in-law' > PKh *5p;
PU *ipti 'hair of the head' > PKh *opdt;
PU *jiki 'river' > PKh *jay;
PU *licki- 'to let go' > PKh *las-;
PU *nikcimi 'gills' > PKh *Mkcam;
PU *nili 'arrow' > PKh *Ml;
PU *niri 'tender; cartilage' > PKh *nûrdy;
PU *pici 'mittens' > PKh *pas;
PU *sini 'sinew, vein' > PKh *Lûn;
PU *tikti 'diver' > PKh *tûktdj.
It is striking that not a single case of PKh *j or is attested in this row of correspondences. The Khanty reflexes of PU *o-a are less numerous, but the picture is essentially the same: five non-suffixal items show PKh *a, while only one word (with a suffix *-T) has *o or *u:
PU *coSka 'a kind of duck' > PKh *saj;
PU *kocka 'a kind of duck' > PKh *kas;
PU *kojra 'male animal' > PKh *kar;
PU *kota 'house' > PKh *kat;
PU *orpas 'orphan' > PKh *ô/urpï;
PU *woca 'fence' > PKh *wac.
If the duality of the Khanty reflexes of PU *a-a and *i-a is not due to analogy or zero ablaut-triggering suffixes, and no complementary distribution between the two types of reflexes can be established within Khanty, we may look for external correspondences for this phenomenon. The following cases of seemingly unconditioned splits in other branches of Uralic are worth considering:
1) Mari reflects Proto-Uralic nouns of the shape *CVCa (where intervocalic -C- is a single consonant) either as CVCd, or as CVC.11 The distribution between the two types of reflexes is unknown;
11 Mordvin also reflects PU *CVCa nouns as either CVCd or CVC. But here most cases of CVC nouns result from the specifically Mordvin process Cald > Cal [noHapagoB 2013: 115], cf. such cases as PU *kala 'fish' > MdM kal, MdE kal, PU *pala 'bit' > MdM pal 'meat', MdE pal 'bit', PU *wala 'word, song' > MdM val 'word', MdE val 'word',
2) Hungarian has both a and a as reflexes of Proto-Uralic *a and *i in a-stems. Again, conditions for the split are not known;
3) Proto-Samoyed reflects Proto-Uralic second syllable *a as either *a or *d with no apparent distribution.
We suppose that all these phenomena are connected. The following correspondences can be established:
1) PU *a-ai, *i-ai > Mari CVCd nouns — Proto-Khanty low vowels12 — Hungarian a — Proto-Samoyed second syllable *a (except *allda > *aja)
2) PU *a-a2, *i-a2 > Mari CVC nouns — Proto-Khanty high vowels — Hungarian a — Proto-Samoyed second syllable *d (except *all5'a > *aja)
Consider the following examples:13
PU *a-ai:
PU *a5mai 'sleep, dream' > PMari *omd, PPerm *onm-, PMs *uldm, PKh *alam, *dlam, Hung alom;
PU *carai- 'dry' > PPerm *sorm-, PMs *sura, PKh *sar-, Hung szaraz;
PU *caqai- 'to hit' > PMd *cav-, PMari *caqe-, PMs *siqoko-, PKh *coqk-, PSam *caqa-;
PU *kalai- 'to fish' > PFi *kalime-, PPerm *kolam, PMs *kulap, PKh *kalap, Hung halo;
PU *kalai- 'to spend a night' > PPerm *kwel-, PMs *kul-, PKh *kal-, Hung hal-;
PU *kanai- 'to dig' > PPerm *kon-, PMs *kun-, PKh *kan- ~ *km-, Hung hany-;
PU *kantai- 'to carry' > PFi *kanta-, PSaa *kuonte-, PMd *kand-, PMari *kande-, PMs *kunt-,
PKh *kantdm-r PSam *kanta-; PU *laptai 'flat, thin' > PFi *latt-eta, PMd *lavtdv, PMari *laptdra, PKh *laptdk, PSam *japta; PU *salai- 'to steal' > PFi *salata-, PSaa *suole-, PMd *sala-, PMari *sold, PMs *tulmant-, PKh
*Labm-r PSam *tala-; PU *slsarai 'flood' > PMs *tur, PKh *Lar, Hung ar.
PU *i-ai:
PU *cilkai 'lath' > PFi *salko, PSaa *cuolkoj, PMd *salgd, PPerm *sol, PMs *siyla, PKh *saydl, Hung szalfa;
PU *citai 'hundred' > Fi sata, PSaa *cuote, PMd *sadd, PMari *su5d, PPerm *so, PMs *sit, PKh *sat, Hung szaz;
PU *pi}]kai 'mushroom' > PMd *par/gd, PMari *por/gd, PMs *pi}]k, PKh *pai]k, PSam *pei]ka-; PU *wilkai- 'to go down' > Fi valkama 'haven', PMd *valg-, PMari *wale-, PMs *wlyl-, PKh *waydl- ~ *wiyal-, Hung val-.
PU *a-ai:
PU *ara2- 'to open' > PFi *avata-, PMd *avi-, PMs *\roko-, PKh *\rk-, PSam *(n)ard-; PU *ka8a2- 'to leave' > PFi *katota-, PSaa *kuo5e-, PMd *kad-, PMari *ko8e-, PPerm *kdl'-, PMs
*kul'-, PKh *kij-, Hung hagy-, PSam *kaja-; PU *kala2 'fish' > PFi *kala, PSaa *kuole, PMd *kal, PMari *kol, PMs *kul, PKh *kul, Hung hal, PSam *kala;
PU *ila 'under, below' > MdM al, MdE al-. This process was rather late, as in Nicolaes Witsen's Moksha wordlist, collected in 17th century, the following forms are attested: kala 'Visch', aksikala 'Groote witte Visch', kalavaj 'Vet van Visch' [Witsen 1705: 626], cf. also sala 'Een schelm' [Witsen 1705: 625] (this word, related to MdM sala- 'to steal', is not attested in modern Moksha, presumably because after the sound change in question it coincided phonetically with MdM sal 'salt', attested in Witsen's wordlist as sal 'Zout' [Witsen 1705: 626]). I am grateful to Juho Pystynen for directing my attention to Witsen's wordlist.
12 In the rare instances where both low and high vowels are attested, we take the form with the low vowel as basic and consider the form with the high vowel to be derived from it by ablaut.
13 Only forms attested in more than one diagnostic language are given here. See the full material in Appendix 3.
PU *kamai 'rind, crust' > PFi *kamara, PMari *kom, PSam *kamd 'scale';
PU *palai 'bit', *pala- 'to gobble' > PFi *pala, PMd *pal, PMs *pul, *pul-, PKh *pul, Hung falat, fal-, PSam *pala-;
PU *palkai 'village' > PMs *plwdl, PKh *puydl, Hungfalu;
PU *patai 'pot' > PFi *pata, PMari *pat, PMs *put, PKh *put, Hung fazek, PSam *patd-;
PU *warai 'edge' > PMs *ur, PKh *ur, PSam *ward
PU *i-ai:
PU *ilai 'under, below' > PFi *ala-, PSaa *vuole, PMd *al, PMari *ul-, PPerm *ol, PMs *jal, PKh % Hung al-, PSam *ild-;
PU *miksa2 'liver' > PFi *maksa, PSaa *muokse, PMd *maksd, PMari *moks, PPerm *mos, PMs *mltr *majt-, PKh *muydl, Hung maj,14 PSam *mitd.
Exceptions:
PU *ikta- 'to hang up' > PFi *akta-, PSaa *vuoktene, PMd *avt-, PMari *a/oktds, PPerm *okt-, PKh *vydt-, PSam *ita-;
PU *ka8ma 'ashes' > PMs *kul'dm, PKh *kajdm, Hung hamu;
PU *pa/ikka- 'to burst' > PFi *pakku-, PKh *pay-r Hung fakad-.
According to Ante Aikio (p.c.), *ka8ma 'ashes' is derived from the verb *ka8a- 'to leave' (*ka8a2- in our reconstruction). The semantic development was 'leftovers' > 'ashes (= that which is left over when the fire has burned)'. Thus, *ka8ma contains the same suffix of deverbal nouns *-ma (*-ma\ in our reconstruction) as PU *a5ma 'sleep, dream', derived from PU *aSi 'to sleep'. Aikio argues that since Hungarian reflexes of these words have different initial syllable vowels (PU *ka8ma > Hung hamu, PU *a5ma > Hung alom), this can be taken as an indication that the distribution of Hungarian a vs. a in the initial syllable could not be conditioned by an opposition *ai : *a2 in the non-initial syllable. We think that instead of invalidating our hypothesis, Ai-kio's etymology of the word for 'ashes' actually strengthens it, since the irregular (in our formulation of sound correspondences) short a in Hung hamu can now be explained as a result of leveling of this deverbal noun's vocalism on the model of the deriving verb (PU *ka8a2- > Hung hagy-). The fact that no such leveling occurred in the case of PU *a8i 'to sleep' > Hung al- vs. PU *a5ma 'sleep, dream' > Hung alom does not contradict our explanation, since analogical processes are by definition "irregular" (i.e. applied to individual lexical items).
One more potential exception would arise if we compare MsSo ur 'mountain, mountain ridge' (PMs *ur), KhV ur 'sharp edge', KhKaz wur 'sharp edge; mountain ridge covered with forest' (PKh *ur) with PSam *wara 'mountain'. However, since the Ob-Ugric words in question also have the meaning 'edge', it is possible to compare them with PSam *ward 'edge' instead. Actually we think that three phonetically similar and semantically overlapping etymologies must be distinguished:
1) PU *warai ~ *wara 'mountain' > Fi vuori (: vuore-) 'mountain', SaaN varri 'mountain' (PSaa *vare), PSam *wara 'mountain' (Finnic and Saami words reflect the variant *wara);
2) PU *wara2 'edge' > MsSo ur 'mountain, mountain ridge' (PMs *ur), KhV ur 'sharp edge', KhKaz wur 'sharp edge; mountain ridge covered with forest' (PKh *ur), PSam *ward 'edge';
3) PU *wori 'forest' > Komi ver 'forest, wood', KomiJ vrnr 'forest', Udm vir 'hummock, hill' (PKomi *ver, PUdm *vir < PPerm *vur), MsSo war 'forest' (PMs *war), KhV wor 'ridge near a river bank' (PKh *war).
14 The long vowel in Hung maj is apparently the result of contraction after the regular shift PU *-ks- > Hungarian zero. Hungarian j probably appeared after this contraction as a hiatus-filler before vocalic affixes.
The Proto-Uralic words for 'mountain' and 'edge' may be eventually related, but the derivational pattern is unclear, and it would be more safe on the present level of our knowledge to treat them as two distinct roots.
We have no explanation for the two remaining counterexamples (PU *ikta- > PKh *iyat-, PSam *ita-; PU *palikka- > PKh *pay-r Hung fakad-), but the very fact that there are only two of them compared to 24 regular cases (only words attested in more than one diagnostic language were counted) suggests that the correspondences formulated above reflect some real feature of Proto-Uralic, and are not just an artifact of our approach to reconstruction.
In the above discussion we provisionally marked the Proto-Uralic vowel combinations in question as *a-ai, *i-ai vs. *a-a2, *i-ai. How this opposition was realized phonetically is a complex question, but the most obvious solution would be to reconstruct two different second syllable vowels instead of traditional *a, perhaps *a vs. *o.
Another important question is whether the opposition between second syllable *ai and *a2 can be reconstructed for words with first syllable vowels other than *a and *i. Samoyed data suggest that *ai and *a2 were opposed after *u as well, cf. such cases as PU *kura 'crooked' > PSam *kdra, PU *muna 'egg' > PSam *mdna, PU *mu8a 'earth' > PSam *mdja vs. PU *ku5a 'morning' > PSam *kdrd, PU *kuma- 'to fall over' > PSam *kdmd-, PU *muja- 'to smile' > PSam *mdjd-. Khanty here also seems to agree with Samoyed, but a detailed analysis of Ob-Ugric reflexes of Proto-Uralic *u must be conducted before Khanty data can be successfully compared with Samoyed. We hope to deal with the vowel combinations *u-ai and *u-a2 in a future publication.
Proto-Uralic roots with the first syllable vowel *o, on the other hand, reveal no obvious traces of the opposition in question. The vowel combination *o-a is regularly reflected as *a in Proto-Khanty (see above). Samoyed generally reflects *o-a as *a-a (in one casei5 *o-a):
PU *coSa 'war' > PSam *saja- 'to wage war';
PU *kopa 'bark' > PSam *kopa 'skin';
PU *koska 'older female relative' > PSam *kata 'grandmother';
PU *noma 'hare' > PSam *nama;
PU *ojwa 'head' > PSam *ajwa;
PU *ora 'squirrel' > PSam *arop;
PU *tolwa 'wedge' > PSam *tajwa 'nail; wedge'.
Two words with the Proto-Uralic vowel combination *o-a have consonantal stems in Proto-Samoyed:
PU *woca 'fence' > PSam *wac 'fence';
PU *wolka 'shoulder' > PSam *wajk.
Only one word shows the development of PU *o-a to PSam *a-d:
PU *kocka 'dry' > PSam *kasd-.
This is certainly insufficient evidence to reconstruct two distinct vowel combinations instead of traditional *o-a. It seems that after Proto-Uralic *o in the first syllable only the vowel symbolized here as *ai was allowed. If *ai was *a and *a2 was *o, we could say that the vowel combination *o-o was prohibited in Proto-Uralic.
15 PSam *korâ 'male animal' apparently goes back not to *kojra, but to the more archaic variant *kojira without syncope of the medial *i (the word is ultimately derived from PU *koji 'male').
Appendix 1. Proto-Permic vocalism
We reconstruct the following vocalic system for Proto-Permic:is
front central back
non-labialized labialized non-labialized labialized
high i ù u
mid e ó e o
low ä 3 a D
The reconstruction is based on the following correspondences for initial syllables:
Vocalic correspondences between Komi dialects
Proto-Komi *i *i *u *e *e *we *kwe *o *wo *E *WE *D *a
Literary Komi i i u e e vo ko o vo e e vo o a
Upper Sysola i i u e e o ko o o e e e o a
Literary Komi-Permyak i i u e e e ke o o e e e o a
Jazva i e u í m m km ú ú e ó ó o a
Vocalic correspondences between Udmurt dialects
Proto-Udmurt *i *ù *i *u *e *e *o *a
Literary Udmurt i u i u e e o a
Malmyz-Urzum, Jelabuga (peripheral Southern) i ù i u e ó o a
Besermyan i e e u e e o a
In stems of the CV type Proto-Udmurt *u yields u in peripheral Southern dialects, but u in Besermyan (*u is not reconstructed in CV-type stems).
The opposition between *u and *u is practically non-reconstructible before palatalized consonants. In this position we reconstruct only *u.
Vocalic correspondences between Proto-Komi and Proto-Udmurt
Proto-Permic *i *ù *u *o *e *ó *wó *e *we *ä *a *D
Proto-Komi *i *i *(w)e1 *u *e/e2 *o *wo3 *e *we *D *a *a
Proto-Udmurt *i *i *i *u4 *e/o5 *ù/u6 *wa7 *e *e *u *e/o/a8 *a *u
1. *we word-initially and after *k-, *e otherwise.
2. *e before voiced obstruents (but not adjacent to b and m) and before a lost *j or *l; *£ otherwise.
16 For non-initial syllables, we reconstruct *i as an allophone of *u.
3. *wo- word-initially, but *o after *k-.
4. *u in stems of the type CVCi. Proto-Permic *o can also be reflected as Proto-Udmurt *i under unclear conditions.
5. *e before palatalized consonants and m; *o before n, j, l, non-palatalized sibilants and affricates; *e ~ *o before non-palatalized stops and r.
6. *u in stems of the type CVC and CVCi; *u in stems of the type CV and CVCVC. Proto-Permic *o can also be reflected as Proto-Udmurt *i under unclear conditions.
7. But PPerm *woj- > PUdm *uj-.
8. *e before palatalized consonants and s; *o before non-palatalized sibilants and affricates (except s) and before l after a dental stop; *a before l (except after a dental stop), *e ~ *o before non-palatalized nasals, non-palatalized stops and r.
The following table summarizes the differences between the present Proto-Permic reconstruction and the reconstructions in [Zhivlov 2010], [Sammallahti 1988], [КЭСК] (= Lytkin 1970), [Harms 1967] and [Itkonen 1954].
PKomi PUdm present work Zhivlov 2010 Sammallahti 1988 Lytkin 1970 Harms 1967 Itkonen 1954
*u *u *o *u *u *u *u *u
*u *u *o *u *u *u *u *u
*i *i *u *i *i *u *i *i
*i *i *i *i *i *i *i *i
*o *u *0 *o *u *o *o *o
*o *u *0 *0 *u *o *u *o
*(w)e *i *u *e *i *o *o
*e *e *e *u *0 *0 *o
*e *e/o *e *e *i *e *1 *e
*u *o *o *o *o *o
*£ *e/o *e *e *e *e *e *e
*§ *e *a *a *e *£ *e *£
*§ *o/a *a *a *o *0 *o *o
*a *a *a *a *a *a *a *a
*a *u *a *a *a *a
The reconstruction outlined above is a somewhat modified version of Proto-Permic reconstruction in [Zhivlov 2010]. Although we cannot give here a detailed justification of our current understanding of Proto-Permic vocalism, we will briefly comment on the differences between it and the reconstruction in [Zhivlov 2010].
1) Proto-Permic *o (= *u and *u in [Zhivlov 2010]). Here we reconstruct one phoneme instead of two in [Zhivlov 2010]. Proto-Udmurt *u and *u in this row of correspondences (i.e. when they correspond to Proto-Komi *u) are in complementary distribution: *u is regularly found in stems of the type CVCi, *u in other cases. Before palatalized consonants, the opposition between *u and *u was neutralized in Proto-Udmurt. The remaining cases of the corre-
spondence "Proto-Komi *u — Proto-Udmurt *u" are too few to warrant the reconstruction of a separate Proto-Permic phoneme.
The phoneme in question is reconstructed as Proto-Permic *o because PPerm *u is needed for another correspondence (cf. below) and because there are Permic loanwords in Mari that reflect this vowel as PMari *o: PPerm *oz 'stallion' > PMari *ozd 'id.' [^CK: 296], PPerm *pos 'fish-trap' > PMari *pos 'id.' [^CK: 234]. Note that the development of Proto-Permic *o to Komi and Udmurt *u can be viewed as part of a general trend in the Volga-Kama linguistic area: the shift o > u has also occurred in the history of Mari, Anatri Chuvash and Tatar.
2) Proto-Permic *u (= *e in [Zhivlov 2010]). The correspondence "Proto-Komi *e — Proto-Udmurt *i" must reflect a labialized vowel, since word-initially and after *k we always find a prothetic *w in Komi. Cf. also two Permic loanwords in Mari: PPerm *vurt 'heddle string' > PMari *wurt 'id.' [^CK: 68], PPerm *um 'mouth' > PMari *umsa 'id.' [^CK: 62].
3) Proto-Permic *o (= *o in [Zhivlov 2010]). This vowel is reflected as PMari *u in Permic loanwords (Proto-Mari lacked *o and *5): PPerm *ord 'side, ribs' > PMari *ur8dz 'id.' [KЭCK: 206], PPerm *lol 'alder' > PMari *lul 'id.' [^CK: 160].
4) Proto-Permic *u (= *i in [Zhivlov 2010]). This vowel is also reflected as PMari *u in Permic loanwords: PPerm *gurk 'hollow, cavity' > PMari *kuryd 'id.' [KЭCK: 85-86]. The interpretation of this phoneme as *i is also incompatible with the development PPerm *u > Pre-PKomi *i > PKomi *e, required by our reconstruction.
5) Proto-Permic *e (= *o in [Zhivlov 2010]). This reconstruction is rather self-evident, given that both Komi and Udmurt reflect this phoneme as *e.
Appendix 2. Reflexes of Proto-Uralic *a, *i and *o in daughter languages
PU PFi PSaa PMd PMari PPerm PMs PKh Hung PSam
*a-ai *a-a *uo-eJ *a *a/o2 *o/o3 *u4 *a5 a *a-a6
*a-a2 *a-a *uo-eJ *a *a/o2 *o/o3 *u4 *i/u7 a *a-e6
*a-i *a-e8 *oa-e9 *u9 *a/o10 *o/o3 *a *aii a12 *a-(a)13
*i-ai *a-a *uo-e *a *u14 *o/o15 1 *a16 a *i/e-a17
*i-a2 *a-a *uo-e *a *u14 *o/o15 1 *i/u18 a *i/e-a17
*i-i *a-e19 *uo-e20 *a20 *u14 *e21 1 *a16 i/i22 *i/e-(a)17
*o-a *o-a *oa-e *u *u23 *o/o24 *i/u25 *a16 a *a-a26
*o-i *o-e *uo-e *u27 *a/o28 *u29 *a30 *a31 a/o32 *a-(a)33
1. PU *kajwai- 'to dig' > PSaa *koajwo- and PU *talwai- 'to lead, to bring' > PSaa *toalvo-show that PU *a > PSaa *oa regularly at least before *-jw- and *-lw-. In a number of words, most of which contain PU *c, PU *a-a > PSaa *a-e.
2. PMari *o before labials, velars, *s, *8 and intervocalic *l; *a otherwise (this is a tentative formulation with a number of exceptions, to be improved in the future).
3. PPerm *o (*wo- word-initially) before palatalized consonants and *-rj-, PU *aji > PPerm *u; *o otherwise.
4. PMs *u after PU *w-; before velar consonants, PMs *u > *i with the shift of labialization on the following velar.
5. PKh *5 before velars.
6. PU *alai/i, *aSam > PSam *âjâ. The distribution between PSam *â and *a (< PU *a) depends on Proto-Samoyed vowel of the second syllable, not on the Proto-Uralic one: *â before *â, *o and *ä; *a before *d; monosyllabic stems have both *â and *a without evident complementary distribution.
7. PKh *u word-initially and after labials, Ч otherwise.
8. Pre-PFi *a-e of whatever origin is lengthened to PFi *o-e, if the intervocalic consonant is PU *r, *l, *m, *n, *5, *8or *j [Aikio 2012: 232-241].
9. In pre-PSaa and pre-PMd, PU *aji > *iji with later development to PSaa *uo-e and PMd *a [Aikio 2013: 6]; PU *a before *y > PSaa 4, PMd *a.
10. PMari *â or *o as in the note 2 above; PMari *u in PU *carwi 'horn' > PMari *sur and PU *tammi 'oak' > PMari *tumd is probably regular before clusters with the labial second component.
11. PKh *i before affixes requiring the high grade of Khanty ablaut, e.g. before (verbal and nominal) *-a-.
12. Hung a before PU *8 and *n.
13. PSam *â before (apparently suffixal) second syllable *o and *ä (see Note 6); PU *ali, *aji > PSam *âd.
14. PMari *o before *k and *r (but not before *y). There are also unexpected occurrences of PMari *â or *o in other positions.
15. PPerm *o (*wo- word-initially) before palatalized consonants, *-rj- and intervocalic *-t-and *-5-; PPerm *o before PU clusters beginning with *-k-, PPerm *o otherwise.
16. PKh *5 ~ *a before labials.
17. Originally *i in PSam (not PU!) open syllable, *e in PSam closed syllable (but not before *-mp-, *-nt-) and in stems of the shape CV; but when CVC-stems add a vocalic suffix, *e is preserved: PU *ici- 'to camp' > pre-PSam *es- > PSam *eso-, PU *i5i 'year' > pre-PSam *er > PSam *erö.
18. PKh *u after labials, otherwise.
19. PFi *o before velar obstruents; Pre-PFi *a-e of whatever origin is lengthened to PFi *o-e, if the intervocalic consonant is PU *r, *l, *m, *n, *5, *8or *j [Aikio 2012: 232-241].
20. Coincides with PU *u before velar obstruents (but not before cluster *-kc-): PSaa *o (*u before PU », PMd *o.
21. PPerm *o before PU intervocalic *-k- and *-y-; PPerm *o before PU clusters beginning with *-k-; PPerm *o (*wo- word-initially) before intervocalic *-t- and *-5-.
22. Hung i alternating with i according to the rules of Hungarian morphophonology.
23. PMari *й before labials and after *w-, *m- (but not after *p-), *u otherwise [Aikio 2014: 157].
24. PPerm *o (*wo- word-initially and after *k) before palatalized consonants, *-rj- and intervocalic *-t- and *-5-; PPerm *we before PU clusters beginning with *-k-; PU *ojC > PPerm *ü; *o otherwise.
25. PMs *u word-initially, word-medially.
26. PSam *a before PU syllable-final *l > PSam *j.
27. PMd *o before *r [SUE II: 9-10].
28. PMari *й before labials and after *w-, *m- (but not after *p-), *â or *o (distributed according to rules in Note 2) otherwise [Aikio 2014: 157].
29. PPerm *ü after *m-, PU *oji > PPerm *ü; PPerm *u otherwise.
30. PMs *a before PMs *-y-, *-kt- [SUE II: 11]; PU *oji > PMs *uj [SUE I: 167].
31. PKh *i before affixes requiring the high grade of Khanty ablaut, e.g. before (verbal and nominal) *-a-; PU *oji > PKh *o.
32. Hung o before PU clusters (except *-nt-, *-nc-, *-tk-, i.e. clusters beginning with *-n- and *-t-), a otherwise.
33. PSam *u before PSam second syllable (suffixal?) *u; PSam *o before a single PU consonant.
Appendix 3. Etymological material
PU *a-ai
PU *a5ma-i 'sleep, dream' > MariM omo, MariW om (PMari *oma), Komi un (unm-), KomiUS on, KomiJ un, Udm um, UdmMU um (PKomi *unm— *onm-, PUdm *um < PPerm *onm-), MsSo ulam (PMs *ulam), KhV aldm 'sleep', KhKaz onam 'sleep' (PKh *alam), KhV ulam 'dream', KhKaz wQnam 'dream' (PKh *olam), Hung alom [UEW: 335]
Deverbal noun of PU *aSi- 'to sleep'.
PU *aptai- 'to bark' > MariM optem, MariW opte- (PMari *opte-), Komi uvtni, KomiJ utne, Udm utini, UdmMU uwtini (PKomi *ut-, PUdm *ut- < PPerm *ot-), MsSo ut- (PMs *ut-), KhKaz opat- 'to bark at game' (PKh *apat-) [UEW: 14]
Komi and UdmMU forms were affected by onomatopoeia.
PU *ca5ai- 'to rain' > Fin sataa, PSam *sara- [Janhunen 1981: 3 (221)]
PU *carai- 'dry' > KomiUd surmem 'stale, dried up', Udm surmini 'to harden (of callosity)' (PKomi *surm-, PUdm *su/urm- < PPerm *sorm-), MsSo sura 'dry' (PMs *sura), KhJ sar-'to get dry' (PKh *sar-), Hung szaraz 'dry' [UEW: 466]
PU *caqa-i- 'to hit' > MdM sav-,17 MdE cav-, MariM co/em 'to make corner joints (in building logs)', MariW car/gem 'to make corner joints (in building logs)' (PMari *ca^e-), MsLU s§rko- 'to kick (of a horse)', MsLO saroko- 'to kick (of a horse)' (PMs *syroko-), KhJ cok-'to kick (of a horse)', KhKaz sq/X- 'to kick (of a horse)' (PKh *cork-), PSam *cara- 'to rub, wear out' [UEW: 53-54; Aikio 2002: 11-12]
PU *ka8mai 'ashes' > MsSo xulam (PMs *kulam), KhJ kajam (PKh *kajam), Hung hamu [UEW: 194-195]
According to Ante Aikio (p.c.), this word is derived from the verb *kada- 'to leave' (*kab'a2- in our reconstruction). The semantic development was 'leftovers' > 'ashes (= that which is left over when the fire has burned)'. The unexpected short a in Hung hamu can be explained by the influence of the deriving verb hagy-.
PU *kajai- 'to appear, come in sight' > Fi kajastaa 'to dawn', SaaN guojihit 'to dawn; to appear (in a wood, in a mist)' (PSaa *kuoje-), MariM kojam, MariW kajam (PMari *kaja-), PSam *kaja 'sun' [UEW: 642-643; Janhunen 1981: 3 (221)]
PU *kajwai- 'to dig' > Fi kaivaa 'to dig', SaaN goaivut 'to dig' (PSaa *koajwo-), MdM kaja- 'to pour', MdE kaja- 'to throw', MariM kuem 'to shovel', MariW koem 'to shovel' (PMari *koe-), Komi kojni 'to scoop out', KomiJ kujalne 'to throw about', Udm kujani 'to throw' (PKomi *koj-, PUdm *kuj- < PPerm *koj-), PSam *kajwa 'spade' [UEW: 170-171]
PU *kalai- 'to fish' > Fi kalin (: kalime-) 'a part of net', Komi kulem 'set net' (PKomi *kul§m < PPerm *kolam), MsSo xulap 'net' (PMs *kulap), KhV kalaw 'net' (PKh *kalap), Hung halo 'net' [UEW: 120]
All these words are nomina instrumenti derived from an unattested verb with the meaning 'to fish'.
PU *kalai- 'to spend a night' > Komi voj-kov '24 hours', KomiP oj-kev 'all night long', Udm kelini 'to sleep; to spend a night' (PKomi *woj-kwel, PUdm *kel- < PPerm *kwel-), MsSo xul- (PMs *kul-), KhV kal- (PKh *kal-), Hung hal- 'to sleep; to spend a night' [UEW: 120-121]
Vowel reflexes in Permic are highly irregular; the reconstruction is based on Ugric forms only.
17 Mordvin languages have an opposition between consonantal verbal stems (e.g., MdE kad-oms 'to leave', 3 sg. pret. kad-s) and verbal stems ending in the Proto-Mordvin reduced vowel (e.g., MdE udo-ms 'to sleep', 3 sg. pret. udo-s). Although this opposition is consistently marked in major Erzya-Russian and Moksha-Russian dictionaries, it is traditionally ignored in comparative Uralic studies: for example, in UEW the Erzya verbs mentioned above are cited as kado- and udo-. We hope that this regrettable tradition will no longer be maintained by Uralic scholars.
PU *kanai- 'to dig' > Komi kundini 'to bury' (PKomi *kun-d- < PPerm *kon-), MsSo xun- 'to scoop' (PMs *kun-), KhV kin- 'to dig', KhKaz x^n- 'to scoop' (PKh *kan-, *kin-), Hung hany- 'to throw' [UEW: 125] PU *kantai- 'to carry' > Fi kantaa, SaaN guoddit (PSaa *kuonte-), MdM kand-, MdE kand-, MariM kondem 'to bring', MariW kandem 'to bring' (PMari *kande-), MsLO xunt- 'to carry on the back' (PMs *kunt-), KhV kantdm- 'to carry on the back' (PKh *kantam-), PSam *kanta- [UEW: 124] PU *kanta1- 'to carry' is a causative from PU *kani- 'to go', preserved only in PSam *kan- 'to go'. PU *laptai 'flat' > Fi lattea 'flat', MdM laftu (pl. laftuft) 'shoulder', MdE lavtov 'shoulder', MariM laptara 'flat', MariW laptara 'flat' (PMari *laptara), KhV lawtdk 'even', KhKaz noptdx 'flat' (PKh *laptak), PSam *japta 'thin' [UEW: 238]
As far as we know, comparison with the Mordvin word for 'shoulder' was not suggested previously. The semantic development 'flat piece' > 'shoulder blade' > 'shoulder' is attested in a number of Indo-European languages, see [Buck 1949: 235-236]. Fi lattea 'flat' may alternatively be viewed as a loan from Proto-Germanic *flata- 'flat'. PU *parai 'good' > Fi paras 'best', SaaN buorre (PSaa *puore), MdM para, MdE paro, MariM poro, MariW pura (PMari *pora ~ *pura), Komi bur, Udm bur, UdmMU bur (PKomi *bur, PUdm *bur < PPerm *bor) [UEW: 724] PU *salai- 'to steal' > Fi salata 'to hide', SaaN suollit 'secretly' (PSaa *suole-), MdM sala-, MdE sala-, MariW sold 'thief' (PMari *sola), MsSo tulmant- (PMs *tulmant-), KhV lalam-, KhVj jalam- (PKh *Lalam-), PSam *tala- [UEW: 430-431] PU *s/sarai 'flood' > MsSo tur 'lake' (PMs *tur), KhV lar 'flood plain', KhVj jar 'flood plain'
(PKh *Lar), Hung ar 'flow; flood water' [UEW: 843-844] PU *sarkai 'fork' > Fi sarka 'strip (of field)', SaaN suorgi (PSaa *suorke), PSam *tarka [Jan-hunen 1981: 3 (221)]
PU *talwai- 'to lead, to bring' > SaaN doalvut 'to lead, to take (somewhere)' (PSaa *toalvo-), MariM tolam 'to come', MariW tolam 'to come' (PMari *tola-), MsSo tul- 'to bring, to lead, to drive' (PMs *tul-), PSam *tajwa- 'to arrive, reach; to bring' [Aikio 2002: 29-30] PU *warai ~ *wara 'mountain' > Fi vuori (: vuore-), SaaN varri (PSaa *vare), PSam *wara
[Sammallahti 1988 551; Aikio 2006: 27-28] Finnic and Saami words go back to PU *wara, Samoyed one — to PU *wara\. See PU *warai 'edge' and PU *wori 'forest' for other forms usually compared with reflexes of PU *wara-i ~ *wara.
PU *a-ai
PU *amma2- 'to scoop' > Fi ammentaa, MdM amala-, MdE amola-, MsN um- (PMs *um-), KhV
um-, KhKaz um- (PKh *um-) [UEW: 7-8] PU *ajca2 'nelma' > Komi uj, (PKomi *uj < PPerm *oj), MsSo us (uns-) (PMs *uns), KhJ unc,
KhKaz wus (PKh *unc), PSam *ajcV [UEW: 339] PU *aja2- 'to open' > Fi avata 'to open', MdE avf- 'to open (e.g. mouth)', MsKM §joko- 'to take off clothes', MsSo ajoko- 'to take off clothes' (PMs *lroka-), KhKaz ejx- 'to unbind; to take off clothes' (PKh *ijk-), PSam *(n)ajd- 'to take off clothes' [UEW: 11; Aikio 2002: 50] PU *caca2- 'to be born' > Fi sataa 'to yield harvest', MdM sac-, MdE cac-, MariM socam, MariW sacam (PMari *saca-), Komi cuzni, Udm cizi-vizi 'kin' (PKomi *cuz-, PUdm *ciz-< PPerm *coz-), MsN suns- ~ sus- 'to grow, to increase (intr.); to have cubs (of a bear)' (PMs *su(n)s-), KhV cicim 'one-year old bear cub' (PKh *cicVm), PSam *caci 'family, tribe' [UEW: 52; SUE II: 14-17] PU *jalka2 'foot' > Fi jalka, SaaN juolgi (PSaa *juolke), MdM jalga 'on foot', MdE jalgo 'on foot', MariM jol, MariW jal (PMari *jal), Hung gyalog 'on foot' [UEW: 88-89]
PU *kacai 'to present' > MdM kaz-, MdE kaz-, Komi kozin '(wedding) present', KomiJ krnzin 'a present', Udm kuzim 'a present' (PKomi *kojin, PUdm *kujim < PPerm *koj-), Hung haszon 'profit', PSam *kaso 'payment, gift' [UEW: 111]
MariM kuzSk 'dowry', MariW kuzSk 'dowry' (PMari *kucak) are certainly borrowed from some other branch of Uralic, most probably from Permic.
PU *kackai- 'to bite' > Fi katkera 'bitter', SaaN gaskit (PSaa *kacke-), MariM kockam 'to eat', MariW kackam 'to eat' (PMari *kacka-), MsSo xus- 'to sting (of nettle)' (PMs *kus-), KhV kic- 'to ache', KhJ kic 'nettle' (PKh %c-, *kic) [UEW: 641; SUE II: 5-8] PU *ka8ai- 'to leave' > Fi kadota, SaaN guoddit (PSaa *kuoSe-), MdM kad-, MdE kad-, MariM koSem, MariW koSem (PMari *koSe-), Komi kolni, KomiJ kulne, Udm kilini 'to fall behind; to stay' (PKomi *kol- PUdm *kil- < PPerm *kol-), MsSo xul- (PMs *kul-), KhJ kij-(PKh *kij-), Hung hagy-, PSam *kaja- [UEW: 115-116] PU *kalai 'fish' > Fi kala, SaaN guolli (PSaa *kuole), MdM kal, MdE kal, MariM kol, MariW kol (PMari *kol), MsSo xul (PMs *kul), KhV kul, KhKaz xun (PKh *kul), Hung hal, PSam *kala [UEW: 119]
Khanty *u instead of the expected *i is unclear. Still, the word has a PKh high vowel.
PU *kama2 'rind, crust' > Fi kamara 'rind', MariM kom 'crust', MariW kom 'crust' (PMari
*kom), PSam *kama 'scale' [UEW: 121-122] PU *karai- 'to dig' > MdM kara- 'to dig', MdE kara- 'to hollow out, to dig', MariM korem 'to hollow out, to dig', MariW karem 'to dig' (PMari *kare-), KhKaz x^r- 'to dig; to shovel' (PKh *kir-) [UEW: 221-222] PU *nanca2- 'to stretch' > SaaN njuozzit 'to hammer, beat smth. so that it becomes flat and thin' (PSaa *nuonce-), ? MariM noncdk 'dough', ? MariW nun&k 'dough' (PMari *nuncak), Komi nuzavni, Udm nuzani (PKomi *nuz-, PUdm *nu/uz- < PPerm *noz-), MsSo nuns- (PMs *nuns-), KhV nine- (PKh *nmc-) [UEW: 323; SUE III: 84-85]
Comparison with Mari is uncertain (Mari word reflects first syllable *i).
PU *pala2 'bit', *pala2- 'to gobble' > Fi pala 'bit', MdM pal 'meat', MdE pal 'bit', MsSo pul 'bit' (PMs *pul), MsSo pul- 'to eat, to gobble' (PMs *pul-), KhV pu\ 'bit', KhKaz pu\ 'bit' (PKh *pul), Hung falat 'bit', fal- 'to gobble', PSam *pala- 'to swallow' [UEW: 350] PU *palka2 'village' > MsP pel ~ pewl, MsSo pawl (PMs *piwal), KhV puyal, KhIrt puxat (PKh
*puyal), Hung falu [UEW: 351; Sammallahti 1988: 548] PU *panca2- 'to open' > SaaL puottso 'naked' (PSaa *puonco), MdM panz-, MdE panz-, MariM pocam, MariW pacam (PMari *paca-), Komi pujni 'to roll up (e.g. sleeves)', Udm puzaltini 'to roll up (e.g. sleeves)', UdmMU puzawtini 'to turn inside out' (PKomi *pu3-r PUdm *puz- < PPerm *po3-), MsSo puns- (PMs *puns-), KhV punc-, KhKaz puns- (PKh *punc-) [UEW: 352] PU *pata2 'pot' > Fi pata, MariM pot, MariW pat (PMari *pat), MsSo put (PMs *put), KhV put,
KhKaz put (PKh *put), Hung fazek, PSam *pata- 'to pot' [UEW: 358; Aikio 2002: 50] PU *taka2 'behind' > Fi taka-, SaaN duohki (PSaa *tuoke), PSam *taka- [UEW: 506-507] PU *wanca2- 'to step over' > SaaN vazzit 'to go (on foot)' (PSaa *vance-), MariM woncem, MariW wanzem (PMari *wance-), Komi vujni 'to cross over', Udm vizini 'to cross over' (PKomi *vuj-, PUdm *vij- < PPerm *voj-), MsSo uns- (PMs *uns-), KhV unc- 'to cross (a river)', KhKaz wuns- 'to cross (a river)' (PKh *unc-), PSam *wancV- 'to sneak' [UEW: 557; Aikio 2002: 36-38] PU *wara2 'edge' > MsSo ur 'mountain, mountain ridge' (PMs *ur), KhV ur 'sharp edge', KhKaz wur 'sharp edge; mountain ridge covered with forest' (PKh *ur), PSam *wara 'edge' [Aikio 2006: 27-28]
Samoyed has *a instead of the expected *a. See PU *wara1 ~ *wara 'mountain' and PU *wori 'forest' for other forms usually compared with reflexes of PU *wara2.
PU *a-ai or *a-ai
PU *acka- 'to step' > Fi askel 'step', MdM askala-, MdE eskela-, MariM oskeSem, MariW askeSem (PMari *askeSe-), Komi voskov 'step', KomiJ uskel 'step', ? Udm uckil 'step' (PKomi *woskel, ? PUdm *uckil < PPerm *woskal), MsN us- (PMs *us-), PSam *asal- 'to step over' [UEW: 19]
The Udmurt form is a hapax, attested only in Wiedemann's dictionary [Wiedemann 1880: 549], and thus highly unreliable (Wiedemann's dictionary contains a number of otherwise unattested Komi and Udmurt forms). The usual Udmurt word for 'step' is vamis. PU *aja- 'to drive' > Fi ajaa, SaaN vuodjit (PSaa *vuoje-), Komi vojni 'to bolt downhill (of horse)', Udm ujini 'to run after, to pursue' (PKomi *wo/oj-, PUdm *uj- < PPerm *wo/oj-), MsK jit-wujt- 'to hunt, to pursue' (PMs *u/ujt-) [UEW: 4-5] PU *carta 'elk' > MdM sarda (pl. sartt) 'deer', MdE sardo (pl. sartt) 'elk', MariM sorSo 'elk',
MariW sarSa 'elk' (PMari *sarSa) [UEW: 464] PU *kakta 'two' > Fi kaksi (: kahte-), SaaN guokte (PSaa *kuokte), MdM kafta, MdE kavto,
MariM kok, MariW kok (PMari *kok) [UEW: 118-119] This reconstruction is valid only for the Proto-Finno-Volgaic level. PU *kaswa- 'to grow' > Fi kasvaa, MdM kas-, MdE kas- [UEW: 129-130] PU *mara- 'to dive' > MSo murs- 'to dive' (PMs *mur-), KhVj mara- (1 sg. perf. moram) 'to get wet' (PKh *mira- ~ *mar-), Hung mart- 'to dip' [UEW: 868]
Shortness of the vowel in Khanty can be explained by suffixation: Khanty verbs with the suffix *-a- always have short PKh vowels in the root.
PU *masta- 'to be able' > Fi mahtaa, MdM mast-, MdE mast-, MariM mostem, MariW mastem
(PMari *moste-) [UEW: 265] PU *nataw 'sister-in-law' > Fi nato 'husband's sister', SaaS naate 'wife's sister' (PSaa *nuotoj), MariM nuSo 'younger sister-in-law', MariW nuSa 'younger sister-in-law' (PMari *nuSa), PSam *nato 'spouse's brother' [UEW: 299-300] Mari *u can be explained by the influence of the second syllable *-aw.
PU *sanca- 'to stand' > Fi seisoa, EstS saisa-, SaaN cuozzut (PSaa *cuonco-), MdM sta- 'to stand up', MdE sta- 'to stand up', MsTJ tone- (PMs *tunc-), KhVj jint- 'to set up', KhKaz nons- 'to set up' (PKh *Lanc- ~ *Lfnc-) [UEW: 431-432] Mari and Komi words, usually included in this etymology, go back to a different root: PU *sincV- 'to sit' > MariM sincem 'to sit; to be situated', MariW sanzem 'to sit; to be situated' (PMari *smce-), KomiI sijni 'to settle down (somewhere)' (PKomi *sij < PPerm *sij-). PU *sappa 'sour' > Fi hapan (: happame-), MdM sapama, MdE capamo, MariM sopo, MariW
sapa (PMari *sapa) [UEW: 54-55] PU *sara 'fork, branch' > Fi hara 'harrow', Est haru 'branch', SaaN suorri 'fork, branch'
(PSaa *suore), MariM sor-wondo 'rake' (PMari *sa/or) [UEW: 783; Aikio 2009: 149] PU *tappa- 'to entangle' > MdM tapara-, MdE tapa-, MariM towo 'tangle', MariW tawd 'dag
lock' (PMari *tawa), Komi tupil 'clew' (PKomi *tupil< PPerm *top-) [^CK: 287] PU *wacka- 'to hit' > Fi vatkata 'to whisk (in cooking)', MdM vackdd'-, MdE vackod'- [UEW: 548] PU *waja- 'to sink' > Fi vajota, SaaN vuodjut (PSaa *vuojo-), MdM vaja-, MdE vaja-, Komi vejni, KomiJ vrnjne, Udm vijini (PKomi *vej-, PUdm *vij- < PPerm *vuj-), MsSo uj- (PMs *uj-) [UEW: 551]
Permic reflexes are irregular.
PU *wala 'word, song' > Fi vala 'oath', SaaL vuolle 'yoik (traditional Saami song)' (PSaa *vuole), MdM val 'word', MdE val 'word', PSam *wala 'song' [UEW: 812; Aikio 2006: 26-27]
PU *wala 'word, song' may be a correlative derivative of PU *wali- 'to speak', reflected only in PSam *w&3- 'to speak' (see [Aikio 2002: 54-55] on this archaic derivation pattern).
PU *watka- 'to bark (a tree)' > SaaI vyetkid 'to bark (a pine tree)' (PSaa *vuotke-), MdM vatka- 'to peel, skin, bark', MdE vatka- 'to scratch; to peel, skin, bark', MariM woktam 'to bark (a tree)', MariS wotkem 'to bark (a tree)', MariW waktam 'to bark (a tree)' (PMari *watke- ~ *wakta-), PSam *wat- 'to bark (a birch tree)' [UEW: 561]
PU *a-i
PU *aSi- 'to sleep' > SaaN oaddit (PSaa *oaSe-), MdM uda-, MdE udo-, Old South Mansi
aAUAUX^b, KhV ala- 'to lie; to sleep' (PKh *ila-), Hung alud- [UEW: 334] PU *aSi 'bed' > Fi vuode, SaaN vuoddu 'bottom; layer (under something), foundation; sole (of a shoe)' (PSaa *vuoSo-), Komi vol (vol!-) 'hide (of deer or elk)', KomiJ ul-pas 'bed', Udm valini 'to make the bed', UdmMU walini 'to make the bed' (PKomi *wol-, PUdm *wal-< PPerm *wol-), MsSo olat 'bed' (PMs *alat), Hung agy 'bed' [UEW: 4; SUE I: 171-172] In Saami the early affixation of *o < *aw prevented the expected shift *a-i > *oa-e. PU *aj/i 'brain' > Fi aivot, SaaN vuoig/asat (PSaa *vuoj/e-), Hung agy [UEW: 5] PU *ammi 'previous' > Fi ammoin 'long ago, in ancient times', SaaN oamis 'old (of things)' (PSaa *oame), MdE umon 'ancient, bygone; old (of things)', Hung o 'ancient; old (of things)', avul- 'to become obsolete' [UEW: 337-338; Ante Aikio (p.c.)] PU *ani 'big, many' > Komi una 'many', Udm uno 'many', UdmMU uno 'many' (PKomi *una, PUdm *uno < PPerm *ona), KhNi una 'big', KhKaz wQn 'big' (PKh *a/o/onV) [UEW: 9]
PU *ani 'elder brother's wife' > SaaK vuenn (PSaa *oane), MsSo oniy (PMs *anay), KhVj anki (PKh *inki), Hung angy 'spouse's sister; brother's wife' [UEW: 10-11]
According to Ante Aikio (p.c.), -ngy in Hungarian word is from *-ng < *-nVy/k (cf. Ob-Ugric forms with a suffixed velar).
PU *cali 'intestine' > Fi suoli (: suole-), SaaN coalli (PSaa *coale), MdM sula (pl. sulat), MdE sulo (pl. sulot), MariM solo, MariW sol (PMari *sola), Komi suv (suvj-), Udm sul, UdmMU suw (PKomi *sul, PUdm *sul < PPerm *sol), KhV sol, KhKaz sQn (PKh *sal) [UEW: 483-484]
PU *calmi 'strait' > Fi salmi (: salme-), SaaN coalbmi (PSaa *coalme), Udm sum 'bay, inlet; small oblong lake near a river', UdmU sum 'small lake near a river' (PUdm *sum < PPerm *so/o/om) [UEW: 775] PU *carwi 'horn' > Fi sarvi (: sarve-), SaaN coarvi (PSaa *coarve), MdM sura (pl. surat), MdE suro (pl. surot), MariM sur, MariW sur (PMari *sur), Komi sur, Udm sur, UdmMU sur (PKomi *sur, PUdm *sur < PPerm *sor), MsSo sorp 'male elk' (PMs *sarap), Hung szarv [UEW: 486-487]
PU *casi 'barley' > MdM suz, MdE suz, MariM soz, MariW soz (PMari *soz), Komi cuz (cuzj-) 'malt', Udm cuzjem 'malt', UdmMU cuzjem 'malt' (PKomi *cuz, PUdm *cuzjem < PPerm *coz) [UEW: 622] PU *kacmi 'onion' > KomiP komij 'spring onion', KomiJ kumic 'spring onion', Udm kumiz 'garlic' (PKomi *komij, PUdm *ku/umiz < PPerm *komij), MsP kossam 'onion', MsLO xosman 'onion' (PMs *kacam), Hung hagyma 'onion' [UEW: 164-165] PU *kacmi > pre-PPerm *kojim > PPerm *komij.
PU *kaji 'stalk' > SaaN guodja 'flower stalk or seed shell of a sedge' (PSaa *kuoje), Komi ki 'awn', Udm ki 'awn' (PKomi *ki, PUdm *ki < PPerm *ku), MsLU koj 'head hair' (PMs *kaj), Hung haj 'hair', PSam *kaa 'stalk, stem, slender object' [SUE I: 166-167] PU *kali- 'to die' > Fi kuolla, MdM kula-, MdE kulo-, MariM kolem, MariW kolem (PMari *kole-), Komi kuvni, Udm kulini, UdmMU kuwini (PKomi *kul-, PUdm *kul- < PPerm *kol-), MsSo xol- (PMs *kal-), KhV kala- (PKh *kila-), Hung hal-, PSam *kaa- [UEW: 173]
An early derivative of this root is PU *kalma 'death, grave' > Fi kalma 'death', MdM kalma (pl. kalmat) 'grave',
MdE kalmo (pl. kalmot) 'grave' [UEW: 119-120] PU *kamti 'lid' > Fi kansi (kante-), SaaN goavdi 'shed, awning' (PSaa *koamte), MdE kundo (pl. kuntt), MariM komSSs, MariW komSas (PMari *komSas), Komi kud (kudj-) 'bast basket', ji kud ulin 'under the ice', Udm kudi 'bast basket', UdmJ kudi (PKomi *kud, PUdm *kudi < PPerm *kodi) [UEW: 671] For the meaning of the Permic word cf. Negidal komtaxan 'birch-bark box' < Proto-Tungus-Manchu *komta-n 'lid', itself possibly borrowed from Uralic. The usual idea that the Permic word is borrowed from Chuvash kunta 'bast basket' does not hold water: the Chuvash word itself is borrowed from Tatar qumta 'box', and Permic denasalization would be impossible in such a late loan.
PU *kari 'skin, bark' > Fi kuori (: kuore-) 'crust, bark', PSam *kar 'skin, surface' [Aikio 2002: 50]
PU *karki 'bitter' > Fi karkea 'rough, coarse', Kar karkie 'bitter', Komi kurid 'bitter', Udm kurit 'bitter', UdmMU kurit 'bitter' (PKomi *kurid, PUdm *kurit < PPerm *korid), KhV koray- 'to sting, burn (in mouth from bitter or sour food); to turn sour' (PKh *karay-) [UEW: 128-129; Aikio 2013: 8] PU *karti- 'to roast, to burn' > Fi karsi (: karte-) 'snuff; crust, dirt, carbon deposit', SaaN goardit 'to roast; to burn (of the sun)' (PSaa *koarte-), MariE korSem 'to fumigate' (PMari *ka/orSe-) [UEW: 186-187; Aikio 2013: 8] The intervocalic clusters in MdM kaRta- 'to singe; to burn (tr.)', MdE kirta- 'to singe' reflect PU *-rtt-. The unusual three-consonant cluster can be explained if we assume that this verb is a causative from the root of MdM karvaz- 'to catch fire', MdE kirva- 'to blaze' < PU *korpi-, caus. *korp-ta-. PU *lanci 'soft' > SaaN loazzi 'abated wind' (PSaa *loance), MsTJ lanca/ 'warm', MsSo lonsa/ 'warm' (PMs *lancar), KhKaz ¡Qnsi 'lukewarm', KhO lonsi 'lukewarm' (PKh *la/oncay), Hung lagy 'soft, gentle' [UEW: 250-251]
The vowel in Mansi is irregular.
PU *nali- 'to lick' > Fi nuolla, SaaN njoallut (PSaa *noalo-), MdM nola-, MdE nola-, MariM nulem, MariW nalem (PMari *nule-), Komi nuvni, Udm nulini, UdmMU nuwini (PKomi *nul-, PUdm *nul- < PPerm *nol-), MsTJ nalant-, MsSo nolant- (PMs *nal-), KhV nala-(PKh *nila-), Hung nyal-, PSam *naa- [UEW: 321] PU *paSi 'dam' > Fi pato, SaaN buoddu (PSaa *puoSo), KhV pal 'fish weir' (PKh *pil), Hung
fal 'wall' [UEW: 347] In Saami the early affixation of *o < *aw prevented the expected shift *a-i > *oa-e.
PU *pari(ma) 'gadfly' > Fi paarma, SaaN boaru (PSaa *poaro), MdM puram, MdE promo,
MariM pormo, MariW parma (PMari *parma) [UEW: 724-725] PU *pariwa/i 'raft' > Fi parvi (: parve-) 'flock, shoal, swarm; loft, hayloft', SaaN boar'ri 'raft' (PSaa *poareve), Komi pur (purj-) 'raft', Udm pur 'raft', UdmMU pur 'raft' (PKomi *pur, PUdm *pur < PPerm *por), MsSo pora 'raft' (PMs *para), KhVj para 'flock (of birds); raft' (PKh *pira), PSam *para 'storage hut' [UEW: 356-357, 395-396] Final *-a in Samoyed is a result of contraction of the sequence *-iwa.
For semantics cf. one of the meanings of English raft according to Oxford English Dictionary: 'A large floating mass or accumulation of some material, or collection of materials, as fallen trees, logs, vegetation, ice, etc. Also, a dense flock of swimming birds, esp. ducks; similarly, a group of other aquatic animals.' The Samoyed form is considered by Aikio to be an Ob-Ugric loan [Aikio 2013: 8]. I do not see any compelling reason for this: the meanings of Ob-Ugric and Samoyed forms are different, and the second syllable *-a in Samoyed also cannot be derived from Ob-Ugric form: unlike Samoyed, Ob-Ugric does not tolerate disharmonic stems.
PU *sayi- 'to arrive, to get' > Fi saada 'to get', SaaK soagke 'to catch; to get' (PSaa *sake-), MdM sa- 'to come', sav- 'to take', MdE sa- 'to come', saj- 'to take', MariM suam 'to ar-
rive, reach', MariW soam 'to arrive, reach' (PMari *soa-), Komi suni 'to catch, to catch up with', Udm sutini 'to catch up with', UdmMU sutini 'to catch up with' (PKomi *su-, PUdm *su-t- < PPerm *so-) [UEW: 429-430]
PSaa *a is a result of vowel lengthening before *y.
PU *sa/i- 'to enter' > SaaK sua//e 'to enter' (PSaa *soa/o-), MdM suva- 'to enter', MdE sova-'to enter', MariE so/alam 'to put on (clothes)', MariW sa/galam 'to put on (clothes)' (PMari *s/so/ala-), Komi sunavni 'to dive', Udm zimini 'to dive', UdmS zumini 'to dive' (PKomi *sun-, PUdm *zum- ~ *zim- < PPerm *so/-), MsKM tu- 'to enter' (PMs *tu-), KhV la/a- 'to enter', KhVj ja/a- 'to enter' (PKh *Lira-), Hung av- 'to penetrate; to soak in' [UEW: 446-447; Aikio (forthcoming): 61-62] PU *sariwa 'thin, rare' > Fi harva 'few; thin', MdM sura 'rare', MdE curo 'rare', KhVj joraw
'rare (of net etc.)', KhIrt turap 'rare (of net etc.)' (PKh *Larap) [UEW: 502] PU *tammi 'oak' > Fi tammi (: tamme-), MdM tuma (pl. tumat), MdE tumo (pl. tumot), MariM
tumo, MariW tum (PMari *tuma) [UEW: 798] PU *tari-ksV 'across' > SaaN doaris 'across, athwart' (PSaa *toares), MdM turks 'across, athwart', MdE troks 'across, athwart', MariM tores 'across', MariW tores 'across' (PMari *tores) [UEW: 799] PU *waji 'fat' > Fi voi 'butter', SaaN vuodja 'butter; (liquid) fat' (PSaa *vuoje), MdM vaj 'oil, butter', MdE oj 'oil, butter; fat', MariM uj 'oil, butter', MariW u 'oil, butter' (PMari *u), Komi vij 'oil, butter', Udm vej 'oil, butter' (PKomi *vij, PUdm *vej < PPerm *vVj), MsLO woj 'fat' (PMs *waj), KhV woj 'fat' (PKh *waj), Hung vaj 'butter' [UEW: 578-579]
The Finnic word has undergone a complex, but regular development: *waje > *oje > *woje > voi. Mari and Per-mic reflexes are aberrant.
PU *waj/i 'breath' > SaaN vuoig/a 'spirit' (PSaa *vuoj/e), PSam *waj[UEW: 552-553] PU *wakstira 'maple' > Fi vaahtera, MdM ustar, MdE ukstor, MariM wastar, MariW wastar
(PMari *wastar) [UEW: 812] PU *wanci 'root' > MariM woz, MariW waz (PMari *waz), Komi vuz (vuzj-), Udm vizi (PKomi *vuz, PUdm *viji < PPerm *voji), KhKaz wos 'butt of a tree', KhO was 'uprooted stump' (PKh *wic(a)), PSam *wanco [UEW 548-549] PU *warti 'stalk, stem; handle' > Fi varsi (: varte-), MariM wurSo, MariW wurSa, MariV wurSo (PMari *wurSa) [UEW: 814]
The vowel in Mari is irregular.
PU *i-ai
PU *cilkai 'lath' > Fi salko 'pole', SaaN cuolggu 'crowbar' (PSaa *cuolkoj), MdM salga (pl. salkt) 'awn', MdE salgo (pl. salkt) 'sting (of a bee); thorn', Komi suv (suvj-) 'sledge runner', Udm sul 'sledge runner', UdmMU suw 'sledge runner' (PKomi *sul, PUdm *sul < PPerm *sol), MsP sajla 'lath', MsSo sayla 'lath' (PMs *siyla), KhV sayal 'lath', KhKaz soxan 'board' (PKh *sayal), Hung szalfa 'lumber wood; long log' [UEW: 460-461; Re-shetnikov & Zhivlov 2011: 106] PU *citai 'hundred' > Fi sata, SaaN cuohti (PSaa *cuote), MdM sada, MdE sado, MariM suSo, MariW suSa (PMari *suSa), Komi so, KomiUS so, Udm su, UdmMU su, UdmB su (PKomi *so, PUdm *su < PPerm *so), MsP set, MsSo sat (PMs *sit), KhV sat (PKh *sat), Hung szaz [UEW: 467]
PU *kintai 'stump of tree' > Fi kanta 'heel, base', kanto 'stump of tree', SaaN guottu 'stump of tree' (PSaa *kuontoj), MdM kanda (pl. kantt) 'block, log', MdE kando (pl. kantt) 'block, log', MsLO xanta 'horizontal beam in the floor of a stilt storage hut; stilt of a stilt storage hut' (PMs *kinta), KhTrj kant 'stilt of a stilt storage hut' (PKh *kant) [UEW: 123]
PU *nikrai 'Siberian pine nut' > Fi nauris 'turnip', MsP ner (PMs *mr), KhV nayar, KhKaz noxar (PKh *nayar) [UEW: 298]
PU *pi}]ka\ 'mushroom' > MdM panga (pl. pankt), MdE pango (pl. pankt), MariM po/go, MariW po/gd (PMari *po/ga), MsP pe/k 'fly agaric' (PMs *pyrk), KhV pa/k 'fly agaric' (PKh *pa/k), PSam *pe/ka- 'to get drunk' [UEW: 355-356; Aikio 2013: 11]
The Samoyed verb (preserved only in Nganasan) can hardly be an Ob-Ugric loan: Ob-Ugric verbs with the meaning 'to get intoxicated' (PMs *plqkal-, PKh *pajkal-) are derived from the noun 'fly agaric' with the suffix -l-. There is no reason to suppose either the loss of the suffix on Samoyed soil, or the borrowing of Ob-Ugric noun as a Samoyed verb.
PU *sirai- 'to dry (intr.)' > Komi suravni 'to dry (intr.)' (PKomi *sur- < PPerm *sor-), PSam *tira- 'to dry (intr.)' [UEW: 502-503]
The Permic verb can be compared either to the Samoyed one, or to SaaN soarvi 'dead pine tree' (PSaa *soarve). We prefer the former comparison as it seems more straightforward semantically.
PU *wilkai- 'to go down' > Fi valkama 'haven', MdM valg-, MdE valg-, MariM wolem, MariW walem (PMari *wale-), MsLU wajl-, MsSo wayl- (PMs *wiyl-), KhV wayal-, KhVj wiyal-, KhNi woxat- (PKh *wuyal-, *wiyal-), Hung val- 'to turn into; to divorce' [UEW: 554]
PU *i-ai
PU *ila2 'under, below' > Fi ala-, SaaN vuolle- (PSaa *vuole), MdM al, MdE al-, MariM ul-, MariW ul- (PMari *ul-), Komi uv, Udm ul, UdmJ ul- (PKomi *ul, PUdm *ul < PPerm *ol), MsTJ jal, MsSo jol (PMs *jal), KhV il (PKh *il), Hung al-, PSam *ila- [UEW: 6]
The Mansi form is irregular.
PU *kicca2 'smelly' > SaaN guohca 'rotten' (PSaa *kuoccek), MdM kacam 'smoke', MdE kacamo 'smoke', MariM koco, MariW kacd 'bitter' (PMari *kaca), MsSo xassi 'mould' (PMs *kisyV), KhV kic 'mould' (PKh *kic) [SUE II: 5-8]
PU *miksa2 'liver' > Fi maksa, SaaS mueksie (PSaa *muokse), MdM maksa (pl. maksat), MdE makso (pl. maksot), MariM moks, MariW moks (PMari *moks), Komi mus (musk-), Udm mus, UdmKUf mus (PKomi *mus, PUdm *mus < PPerm *mos), MsLU met (pl. majtat) (PMs *mlt, *majt-), KhV muyal, KhKaz moxan (PKh *muyal), Hung maj, PSam *mita [UEW: 264]
The long vowel in Hung maj is apparently a result of contraction after the regular shift PU *-ks- > Hungarian zero. Hungarian j probably appeared after this contraction as a hiatus-filler before vocalic affixes.
PU *siksa2 'Siberian pine' > Komi sus 'Siberian pine', Udm susi-pu 'juniper', UdmMU susi-pu 'juniper' (PKomi *sus, PUdm *susi < PPerm *sosi), MsKM tet (pl. tajtat) (PMs *tlt, *tajt-), KhV jiyal, KhIrt texat (PKh *Liyal), PSam *titer [UEW: 445-446]
PU *i-ai or *i-ai
PU *cila- 'to flash (of lightning)' > Fi salama 'lightning', MsKO sel- 'to flash (of lightning)', MsSo sal- 'to flash (of lightning)' (PMs *sil-), KhV sala- 'to flash (of lightning)' (PKh *sila-), ? PSam *sala- 'to flash, lighten' [UEW: 459; Aikio 2002: 27-29]
Shortness of the vowel in Khanty can be explained by suffixation: Khanty verbs with the suffix *-a- always have short PKh vowels in the root. The Samoyed form is entirely irregular and possibly does not belong here at all.
PU *ina 'mother-in-law' > Fi anoppi, SaaN vuoni (PSaa *vuonem), MsSo onip (PMs *anap), KhJ ontap, KhKaz wQntap (PKh *antap), Hung napa, PSam *indpa 'father-in-law' [UEW: 9-10]
All the languages except Saami reflect the compound *inajppi < **ina-ippi.
PU *miya 'earth' > Fi maa, ? MdM mastar, ? MdE mastor, MariM mlande, MariW mulanda (PMari *mu-), Komi mu, Udm mu, UdmMU mu (PKomi *mu, PUdm *mu < PPerm *mo), MsP me, MsSo ma (PMs *mf), KhV may, KhNi miy (PKh *miy) [UEW: 263-264]
The vowel in Khanty is irregular.
PU *mirja 'berry' > Fi marja, SaaN muorji (PSaa *muorje), MariM mor, mora, MariW mor (PMari *mura) [UEW: 264-265]
Exception
PU *iktai- ~ *iktai- 'to hang up' > Fi ahtaa 'to cram, stuff; (dial.) to hang up (a net), to set up (a trap)', SaaS voektenje 'pole for hanging up nets' (PSaa *vuoktene), MdM aft- 'to set up (a net, a trap)', MariE oktas 'trap; noose' (PMari *a/oktas), Komi oktini 'to set up (a trap)', KomiUS oktini 'to set up (a trap)' (PKomi *okt- < PPerm *okt-), KhV iyat- 'to hang up', KhKaz ixat- 'to hang up' (PKh *iyat-), PSam *ita- 'to hang up' [UEW: 506; Sammallahti 1988: 536]
PU *i-i
PU *cili- 'to split' > SaaN cuollat 'to chop, cut' (PSaa *cuole-), Hung szil- 'to split' [UEW: 459-460]
PU *cimi 'fish scale' > Fi suomu, SaaN cuopma 'fish-skin' (PSaa *cuome), MariM sum 'bark, shell, peel', kol-sum 'fish scale' MariW sum 'bark, peel, scale' (PMari *sum), Komi sem, KomiJ srnm, Udm sem (PKomi *sem, PUdm *sem < PPerm *sem), MsKM sem, MsSo sam (PMs *sim), KhV sam (PKh *sam) [UEW: 476] PU *cici 'duck' > Komi cez 'duck', Udm cez 'duck' (PKomi *ce/ez, PUdm *cez < PPerm *cez), MsP ses 'mallard', MsSo sas 'mallard' (PMs *sis), KhV cac 'mallard' (PKh *cac) [UEW: 58]
PU *8imi 'bird cherry' > Fi tuomi (: tuome-), SaaN duopma (PSaa *Suome), MdM lajma (pl. lajmat), MdE lom (pl. lomt), MariM lombo, MariW lomba (PMari *lomba), Komi lem (lemj-), KomiJ lmm (Irnmis), Udm lem (PKomi *lem, PUdm *lem < PPerm *lem), MsKM lem, MsSo lam (PMs Tzm), KhV jom (PKh *jom), PSam *jem [UEW: 65-66]
The development of Mordvin forms is unclear.
PU *ici- 'to stay' > Fi asea (dial.) 'to put, place', asua 'to live, to dwell', asema 'station', MdM asca- 'to be situated; to stay (for a short time); to consist of', MdE aste- 'to stand; to sit; to be situated; to consist of', MdM azam 'bench', MdE ezem 'bench', PSam *eso- 'to camp' [UEW: 18-19; Helimski 2001b: 82] According to Helimski, *-fa- in the Mordvin verb is a reflexive suffix. There are no counterexamples for the development PU *-ct- > PMd *-st- (-si-). See [Helimski 2001b] for other possible reflexes of this Uralic verb. PU *iSi 'year' > Fi vuosi (: vuote-), Komi vo, KomiJ u, Udm va-pum 'time; century', UdmMU wa-pur 'time; century' (PKomi *wo, PUdm *wa < PPerm *wo), KhV al (PKh *al), PSam *ero 'autumn' [UEW: 335-336; Aikio 2012: 233-234] PU *ikti 'bear' > Fi (poet.) ohto, Liv oks, MdM ofta (pl. oftt), MdE ovto (pl. ovtt) [SSA II: 260] PU *ini 'tame' > SaaN vuonjas (PSaa *vuones), KhTrj ani 'not timid (of wild birds)' (PKh
*ani), PSam *ina [UEW: 340] PU *ippi 'father-in-law' > Fi appi (: appe-), SaaN vuohppa (PSaa *vuoppe), MariNW owo,
MariW owd (PMari *owa), KhTrj op (PKh *op), Hung ipa [UEW: 14] PU *ipti 'hair of the head' > SaaN vuokta (PSaa *vuopte), MariM up, MariW up (PMari *up),
MsTJ at 'plait', MsSo at (PMs *it), KhJ opat (PKh *opat), PSam *epta [UEW: 14-15] PU *jiyi- 'to drink' > Fi juoda, SaaN juhkat (PSaa *juke-), MariM juam, MariW juam (PMari *jua-), Komi juni, Udm juini, UdmMU duini, UdmB juene (PKomi *ju-, PUdm *ju- < PPerm *jo-), Hung i-, iv-, isz-, PSam *e-r-, *e-kal- [UEW: 103; Aikio 2002: 38-40] PU *jiki 'river' > Fi joki (: joke-), SaaN johka (PSaa *joke), MdE jov 'Moksha river', Komi ju, UdmG ju-sur (PKomi *ju, PUdm *ju < PPerm *jo), MsKM je, MsSo ja (PMs *ji), KhV -jay 'small river' (only in compounds) (PKh *jay) [UEW: 99-100]
PU *jini 'path' > Fi juoni (: juone-) 'plot; row', SaaS joene 'way' (PSaa *juone), MdM jan
'path', MdE jan 'path' [SSA I: 250] PU *kilki '(single) hair' > Fi kalki (: kalke-) '(single) hair; stalk', SaaN guolga 'hair (not on the head of a human being)' (PSaa *kuolke), MdM kalga (pl. kalkt) 'awnchaff', MdE kalgo (pl. kalkt) 'awnchaff' [UEW: 644] PU *kiriri 'curved, concave' > Fi kaari (: kaare-) 'arc, curve', SaaN guotnjar 'rib nearest to the bow or stern of a river boat' (PSaa *kuo/er), MsKU ke/ar 'hollow of the knee' (PMs *kirra), KhNi xu/xara 'hollow of the hand', KhO xo/karer 'concave' (PKh *ka/o/orkarV) [UEW: 126; Aikio 2013: 10] PU *kirki ~ *kurki 'crane' > Fi kurki (: kurke-), SaaN guorga (PSaa *kuorke), MdM karga (pl.
karkt), MdE kargo (pl. kargot), PSam *karo [UEW: 128] Finnic and Samoyed forms reflect the variant with *u, Saami and Mordvin ones — the variant with *i. PU *licki- 'to let go' > Fi laskea 'to lower, drop', SaaN luoitit 'to let go' (PSaa *luoste-), MdM
lask- 'to run', KhNi losxij- 'unharness (a horse)' (PKh *las-) [UEW: 233-234] PU *lici- 'to become wet' > SaaN luohcat 'get soaked through (of wood etc.)' (PSaa *luoce-),
MariM locem, MariW locem 'to swell (due to moisture)' (PMari *luce-) [UEW: 682] PU *likci- 'to adze' > SaaN luokcat 'to chisel' (PSaa *luokce-), MdM laksa-, MdE lakse-, MariM
loksincam, MariW loksmzam (PMari *loksanca-) [UEW: 683] PU *limpi 'small lake' > Fi lampi (: lampe-) 'pond; small lake', SaaN luoppal 'small lake
through which a river runs' (PSaa *luompel), PSam *limpa 'mud' [UEW: 235] PU *lipci 'cradle' > Fi lapsi (: lapse-) 'child', MdE lavs, MariM leps, MariU lupse (PMari
*lups), PSam *jepsa ~ *lepsa [UEW: 260; SSA II: 48-49] PU *mini 'clear weather' > SaaS moenje 'clear (sky, weather)' (PSaa *muone), MdM mani
'clear', MdE manej 'sunny, clear' [UEW: 698-699] PU *nicki 'wet, raw' > Fi nahkea 'wet', SaaN njuoskkas 'wet; raw' (PSaa *nuocke), MdM nacka 'wet', MdE nacko 'wet', MariM nocko 'wet', MariW nackd 'wet' (PMari *nacka), KhKaz nasax 'raw', KhO nasax 'raw' (PKh *nicak) [UEW: 311]
PU *-ck- is regularly reflected as *-c- in Khanty (see PU *kacka2- 'to bite'), so -k in PKh *nicak is suffixal. Shortness of the vowel in Khanty is due to second syllable *a (cf. PU *cila- 'to flash (of lightning)' > PKh *sila-).
PU *nikcimi 'gills' > SaaN njuovcca 'tongue' (PSaa *nuokcem), MariM nosmo 'palate', MariW nasmd 'gills' (PMari *nasma), Komi nokcim 'gills' (PKomi *no/okcim < PPerm *nd/okcim), MsKO nexsam, MsSo naxsam (PMs *mkcam), KhKaz noxsam (PKh *nakcam) [UEW: 311-312]
PU *nili 'arrow' > Fi nuoli (: nuole-), SaaN njuolla (PSaa *nuole), MdM nal, MdE nal, MariM nolo piks 'arrow with a bone head' (PMari *nula), Komi nev (nevj-), KomiJ gem-nrnl 'thunder arrow', Udm nel (PKomi *nel, PUdm *nel < PPerm *nel), MsKM nel, MsSo nal (PMs *nil), KhV nal (PKh *nal), Hung nyil (nyil-), PSam *nej [UEW: 317]
PU *niri 'tender, flexible, not yet hardened or dried' > Fi nuori (: nuore-) 'young', SaaN njuoras 'soft, not yet hardened' (PSaa *nuore-), SaaN njuorggis 'gristle' (PSaa *nuorkes), MdM nar 'gristle; grass', MdE nar 'grass, meadow', MariM noro 'flexible; moist', MariW nora 'flexible' (PMari *nura), MariM noryo 'young, fresh, tender, not yet hardened or dried; gristle', MariW norya 'young, fresh, tender, not yet hardened; gristle' (PMari *nurya), Komi ner (nerj-) 'rod, switch; shoots, young growth', KomiJ nrnr (nrnren) 'rod', Udm ner 'rod, twig, switch' (PKomi *ner, PUdm *ner < PPerm *ner), MsKM nerii 'gristle', MsSo nariy 'gristle' (PMs *niray), KhV naray 'gristle', KhJ naray 'gristle; embryo', KhO nar 'gristle; white of the egg' (PKh *naray), Hung nyir 'frog (in
horse hoof)', nyirkos 'moist, damp', PSam *ner 'gristle; sap, white of the egg, sperm' [UEW: 317; Aikio 2013: 10]
As an adjective, PU *niri must have meant 'tender, flexible, not yet hardened or dried'. As a noun, it was used to denote things possessing these qualities, basically 'shoot, sprout, (young) grass' and 'gristle' (as opposed to bone). Cf. the English expression in the gristle 'in an initiatory, unformed, or embryonic stage of existence'. The meaning 'moist' developed from 'not yet dried'.
PU *pici 'mittens' > Komi ke-pis, KomiJ ki-pis ~ ki-pis, Udm pez (PKomi *ke-pis, PUdm *pez <
PPerm *pez), MsKM pesya, MsSo passa (PMs *pisya), KhV pas (PKh *pas) [UEW: 376] PU *sini 'sinew, vein' > Fi suoni (: suone-), SaaN suotna (PSaa *suone), MdM san, MdE san, MariM son, MariW sun (PMari *sun), Komi sen, Udm sen (PKomi *se/§n, PUdm *sen < PPerm *sen), MsKM ten, MsSo tan (PMs *tin), KhV lan, KhVj jan (PKh *Lan), Hung in (in-), PSam *cen [UEW: 441] PU *sinti- 'to root out (trees)' > SaaN suoddat 'to cut up (meat, fish), to make a clearing in a wood' (PSaa *suonte-), MdM sand'- 'to root out (trees)', MdE sanda- 'to root out (trees)', MariM suSam 'to root out (trees)', MariW suSam 'to root out (trees)' (PMari *suSa-) [UEW: 751; SUE III: 89-90] PU *siki- 'to say' > Fi hokea 'to repeat', Komi suni 'to say', Udm suini 'to say' (PKomi *su-,
PUdm *su- < PPerm *$o-) [UEW: 786-787] PU *tikti 'diver' > SaaN dovtta 'black-throated diver (Gavia arctica)' (PSaa *toktek), MariNW toktd-loSo 'black-throated diver' (PMari *tokta-), Komi tokti 'diver' (PKomi *to/okti < PPerm *to/okti), MsKO text 'black-throated diver', MsSo taxt 'black-throated diver' (PMs *tikt), KhKaz toxta/ 'black-throated diver' (PKh *takta/) [UEW: 530] PU *wili- 'to whittle, to plane' > Fi vuolla, SaaN vuollat (PSaa *vuole-), Komi velavni, KomiJ volalne, Udm velini (PKomi *ve/el-, PUdm *vel- < PPerm *vel-), MsSo wolt- (PMs *wa/olt-), KhV walt- (PKh *wilt-) [UEW: 579-580] Permic reflexes unambiguously point to *i-i, while Ob-Ugric vowels cannot regularly reflect either *i-i, or *a-i.
PU *wilki 'light' > Fi valkea 'white', SaaN vielgat (attr. vilges) 'white' (PSaa *vielkV-), MariM wolydSo 'light (adj. and noun)', MariNW walydSd 'light (adj. and noun)' (PMari *walyaSa), Hung vilag 'world; light' [UEW: 554-555]
Saami and Mari vowels are irregular.
PU *o-a
PU *coSka 'a kind of duck' > Fi sotka 'diving duck (Aythya)', SaaN coadgi 'goldeneye (Bucephala clangula)' (PSaa *coaSke), MdM sulga 'diver', MdE sulgo 'diver', MariM ola sue 'a kind of duck', MariW ala soe 'a kind of duck' (PMari *soe), Komi suv-cez 'goldeneye', Udm suli-cez 'mallard' (PKomi *sul, PUdm *su/uli < PPerm *soli), MsKM set 'goldeneye', MsSo sat 'goldeneye' (PMs *sit), KhV saj 'goldeneye' (PKh *saj) [UEW: 482] There is no need to reconstruct the variation *co8ka ~ *coSka, because the dissimilative development *c...d> *s...l is perfectly regular in Permic. Moreover, PU *S regularly yields Permic zero, not *l.
PU *co8a 'war' > Fi sota 'war', MdM suda- 'to curse', MdE sudo- 'to curse', MariM suSalam 'to curse', MariW suSalam 'to curse' (PMari *suSala-), PSam *saja- 'to wage war' [UEW: 777]
PU *kocka 'a kind of duck' > Fi koskelo 'merganser (Mergus)', Komi kosis 'gadwall', KomiJ krnsis 'merganser', Udm kwasi 'drake' (PKomi *kosis, PUdm *kwasi < ? PPerm *kwos-), KhV kas 'merganser' (PKh *kas) [UEW: 111, 673-674]
The comparison with Komi is possible, if we assume a dissimilation *kosis > kosis.
PU *kocka 'dry' > SaaN goikkis (PSaa *koske), MdM koska, MdE koske, MariM koskem 'to dry (intr.)', MariW koskem 'to dry (intr.)' (PMari *koske-), Komi kosmini 'to dry (intr.)',
KomiJ kustine 'to dry (tr.)', Udm kwasmini 'to dry (intr.)' (PKomi *kos-, PUdm *kwas- < PPerm *kwos-), PSam *kasa- 'to dry (intr.)' [UEW: 223-224]
Saami and Mordvin reflect a protoform *kucka.
PU *kocka 'eagle' > Fi kotka, SaaN goaskin 'golden eagle (Aquila chrysaetos)' (PSaa *koackeme), MdM kuckan, MdE kuckan, MariM kutkaz, MariW kuckaz (PMari *kuckaz), Komi kuc, UdmM kuc 'a bird, similar to golden eagle, but smaller' (PKomi *kuc, PUdm *ku/uc < PPerm *koc) [UEW: 668] PU *koS/5'wa 'a period of time' > Fi kotva 'moment, a short while', Saal koadfi 'period of
time between two checks of a fishing net' (PSaa *koaSve) [UEW: 669] Despite the etymological tradition reflected in [UEW], MariM yoS- (stem of postpositions with the temporal meaning) and MariW yoS 'year', yoS- (stem of postpositions with the temporal meaning) are evidently borrowed from Russian god 'year; (dial.) a favourable period of time'. PU *koja 'fat' > MdM kuja, MdE kuja, MariM koja, MariW kaja (PMari *kaja), Udm kwajini
'to grow fat' (PUdm *kwaj- < PPerm *kwoj-), Hung haj '(interior) fat' [UEW: 195-196] PU *kojra 'male animal' > Fi koira 'dog', Komi kir 'male (animal)' (PKomi *kir < PPerm *kur), MsKM ker 'male animal, stallion, male reindeer', MsSo xar 'male animal, stallion, male reindeer' (PMs *klr), KhJ kar 'male animal' (PKh *kar), Hung here 'drone; testicle', PSam *kora 'male animal' [UEW: 168-169] This word is derived from PU *koji 'male'. Samoyed apparently reflects the archaic variant *kojira without
syncope of the medial *i (otherwise we would expect PSam **kajra). PU *koksa 'dry' > MariM kukso, MariW kuksa (PMari *kuksa), Komi kos, KomiP kes, KomiJ
krns, Udm kes (PKomi *kwes, PUdm *kes < PPerm *kwes) [UEW: 670] PU *kopa 'bark' > Est koba (gen. koba) 'pine bark', MdM kuva (pl. kuvat) 'crust', MdE kuvo (pl. kuvot) 'crust; rind', MariM kuwo 'husk', MariV kuwo 'id.' (PMari *kuwa), Komi ku 'hide; skin', Udm ku 'hide; skin' (PKomi *ku, PUdm *ku < PPerm *ko), PSam *kopa 'skin' [UEW: 180-181]
PU *koppala 'female capercaillie' > Fi koppelo (dial. koppala), SaaN goahppil (PSaa *koappele),
MariM kuwalco, MariU kuwulzo (PMari *kuwalca) [UEW: 181] PU *koska 'older female relative' > SaaN goaski 'mother's older sister' (PSaa *koaske), PSam
*kata 'grandmother' [UEW: 189] PU *kota 'house' > Fi kota 'hut', SaaN goahti 'tent, Lapp hut' (PSaa *koate), MdM kud, MdE kudo (pl. kudot), MariM kuSo 'summer hut', MariW kuSa 'id.' (PMari *kuSa), Komi vic-ko 'church', KomiJ vic-ku 'church', Udm kwa 'summer hut' (PKomi *ko, PUdm *kwa < PPerm *kwo), KhV kat 'house' (PKh *kat), Hung haz 'house' [UEW: 190] PU *lowna 'midday' > Fi lounas (dial. louna) 'southwest', Komi lun 'day; south', Udm nunal
'day', UdmMU ninaw 'day' (PKomi *lun, PUdm *nunal < PPerm *lon) [UEW: 693] PU *mocca 'tussock, hummock' > MariM muco-wuj 'tussock, hummock', MariW macd-wuj 'tussock, hummock' (PMari *muca), Udm muc 'tussock, hummock', UdmMU muc 'tussock, hummock' (PUdm *muc < PPerm *mo/oc) [UEW: 704]
A loan between Udmurt and Mari is possible.
PU *nocka 'bend' > Fi notkea (dial. notka) 'flexible', SaaN njoaski '(mountain) saddle, col'
(PSaa *noacke), MdM nucka (pl. nuckt) 'bend; waist' [UEW: 714] PU *nojta 'shaman' > Fi noita 'witch', SaaN noaidi 'sorcerer' (PS *noajte), MdE nudne- 'to tell fortunes', MsKM noajt 'shaman', MsP najt 'divination', MsSo najt 'shaman' (PMs *najt) [UEW: 307-308]
PMs *a is irregular, but the etymology is quite certain. To the best of our knowledge, comparison with Mord-vin was not suggested before.
PU *noma(la) 'hare' > SaaN njoammil (PSaa *noamele), MdM numal, MdE numolo, KomiJ nimel (PKomi *nimil < PPerm *nimil), Hung nyul (nyul-), PSam *nama [UEW: 322]
PU *ojwa 'head' > Fi oiva 'excellent', SaaN oaivi (PSaa *oajve), MdM uj 'brain', MariM wuj,
MariW wuj (PMari *wuj), PSam *äjwä [UEW: 336-337] PU *oksa 'branch' > Fi oksa, SaaN oaksi (PSaa *oakse), MariM uks, MariW uks (PMari *uks) [UEW: 716]
PU *oksa- 'to vomit' > Fi oksentaa, SaaN vuoksit (PSaa *vuokse-), MdM uksand-, MdE uksno-, MariM uksincam, MariW uksmzam (PMari *uksdnca-), Komi vosni, KomiP esni, KomiJ msetne, Udm eskini (PKomi *wes-, PUdm *es- < PPerm *wes-) [UEW: 716-717] PU *ola 'lower jaw' > SaaN oalul 'lower jaw' (PSaa *oalöl), MdM ula (pl. uldt) 'chin', MdE ulo (pl. ulot) 'chin', MsP wüls 'lower jaw', MsSo üls 'lower jaw' (PMs *ülc), Hung all 'chin' [UEW: 337]
PU *ona 'short' > SaaN oatni (PSaa *oane), MsKM ünx 'short' (PMs *ün-) [UEW: 339] PU *onca 'part' > Fi osa, SaaN oazzut 'get, obtain' (PSaa *oancö-), MariM uzas (PMari *u/uzas) [UEW: 333]
PU *oncca 'front' > Fi otsa 'forehead', MariM oncdl, MariW anzdl (PMari *äncdl), Komi voj,
KomiP oj, KomiJ uj, Udm az (PKomi *woj, PUdm *aj < PPerm *woj) [UEW: 339-340] PU *ora 'squirrel' > Fi orava, SaaN oar'ri 'squirrel' (PSaa *oareve), MdM ur, MdE ur, MariM
ur, MariW ur (PMari *ur), Komi ur (PKomi *ur < PPerm *or), PSam *ärop [UEW: 343] PU *ora 'awl' > Fi ora, SaaK vuen (PSaa *oare), MdM ura (pl. urdt), MdE uro (pl. urot), Hung ar [UEW: 342]
PU *orja 'slave' > Fi orja 'slave', SaaN oarji 'west', (dial.) 'south' (PSaa *oarje), MdM urä 'slave', MdE ure (pl. uret) 'slave', Udm war 'servant; slave' (PUdm *war < PPerm *wor) [UEW: 721]
PU *orpana 'relative' > Fi orpana 'cousin', SaaK vuerrpen 'sister' (PSaa *oarpene) [UEW: 722] PU *orpas 'orphan' > Fi orpo, SaaN oarbbis (PSaa *oarpes), MdM urdz, MdE uroz, KhV jdr/k-
urwi (PKh *ö/ürpi), Hung arva [UEW: 343] PU *poca 'deer' > SaaN boazu 'tame reindeer' (PSaa *poacöj), MariM pücö 'deer', MariW pucd 'deer' (PMari *pucd), Udm puzej 'deer', UdmMU puzej 'deer' (PUdm *puzej < PPerm *puz-) [UEW: 387-388] PU *pocka 'thigh' > Fi potka 'hind leg (of cattle)', SaaN boaski 'ankle' (PSaa *poacke) [UEW: 389] PU *poltta- 'to burn (tr.)' > Fi polttaa, SaaN boaldit (PSaa *poalte-), MdM pdLta-, MdE pulta-[UEW: 352]
PU *sonta 'dung' > Fi sonta 'dung', MariM sondo 'urine', MariW sandd 'excrements' (PMari
*sändd) [UEW: 764-765] PU *tolwa 'wedge' > MdM tula (pl. tuldt), MdE tulo (pl. tulot), Komi tuv (tuvj-) 'nail; dowel, wedge', Udm tul 'wedge', UdmJ tul 'wedge' (PKomi *tul, PUdm *tul < PPerm *tol), PSam *tajwä 'nail; wedge' [UEW: 797-798; Aikio 2013: 13] PU *tora 'fight' > Fi tora 'quarrel', SaaN doarru 'fight' (PSaa *toarö), MdM tur- 'to fight', MdE tur- 'to fight', PSam *täro- 'to wrestle' [UEW: 531]
Hill Mari torle- 'dorgalni, szidalmazni; rügen, schelten', compared with this root in UEW, is probably a ghost-word. It is absent from all dictionaries of Mari, save Budenz's 1866 dictionary. From this dictionary [Budenz 1866: 56] we learn that the Hill Mari verb torlem 'dorgalni, szidalmazni I increpare' is attested only once, in the Hill Mari translation of the New Testament, specifically in the 1st Epistle to Timothy, chapter 3, verse 7, in the form MHM^Top.ra6b (i.e. anez torlep, 3 pl. neg. pres. opt. 'lest they reproach (him)') [Mari NT: 587] (cf. the English translation of this verse: "Moreover he must have a good report of them which are without; lest he fall into reproach and the snare of the devil."). Instead of being a unique attestation of an otherwise unknown verb, the form may be a misprint / incorrect transcription of the verb törlem 'to reproach / verurteilen, Gericht halten' [Moisio & Saarinen 2008: 811] (the main meaning of this verb is 'to even, to level'; it is a denominal verb from a Chuvash loanword tör 'even; right, correct').
PU *woca 'fence' > Fi otava 'Big Dipper', SaaN oahci 'natural obstacle' (PSaa *oace), MsSo us 'fence; yard; town' (PMs *us), KhV wac 'town' (PKh *wâc), PSam *wâc 'fence' [UEW: 577-578]
The Mansi word has irregularly lost initial *w-, hence the vowel is reflected as if it were in word-initial position (cf. *wolka and *wosa, where no such development occurred). PU *woca- 'to wait' > Fi odottaa, SaaSw âdsotet (PSaa *oacotte-), MdM uc-, MdE uco-, MariM
wucem, MariW wacem (PMari *wuce-) [UEW: 334] PU *wolka 'shoulder' > Fi olka, SaaN oalgi (PSaa *oalke), MsKU wojlap 'shoulder strap', MsLO wâylap 'shoulder strap' (PMs *wîylâp), Hung vâll, PSam *wajk [UEW: 581; Aikio 2002: 54]
PU *woraci 'pig' > Fi oraisa, orasa '(castrated) boar', MdM urazi (pl. uraziJt) 'boar' [UEW: 720]
PU *worka- 'to sew' > MariM uryem, MariW Sryem (PMari *urye-), Komi vurni, Udm vurini, UdmMU vurini (PKomi *vur-, PUdm *vur- < PPerm *vor-), Hung varr- [UEW: 584585]
Short a in Hungarian is irregular. If the Mari word is an early loan from Permic, PU *warka2-, *wirka2- or
*warki- can be reconstructed. PU *wosa 'ware' > Fi ostaa 'to buy', SaaN oastit 'to buy' (PSaa *oaste-), MariM uzalem 'to sell', MariW wazalem 'to sell' (PMari *wuzale-), Komi vuzavni 'to sell', Udm vuz 'ware', UdmMU vuz 'ware' (PKomi *vuz, PUdm *vuz < PPerm *voz), MsKM wetal- 'to trade', MsSo wâtal- 'to trade' (PMs *wïtâl-) [UEW: 585] PU *wotta- 'to gather' > Fi ottaa 'to take', MsKM wet- 'to pluck, to gather', MsSo wât- 'to pluck, to gather' (PMs *wït-) [UEW: 586]
PU *o-i
PU *coji 'sound' > Fi soida 'to sound; to ring', SaaN cuodjat 'to sound, to ring' (PSaa *cuoje-), MariM soktem 'to play (a musical instrument)', MariW saktem 'to play (a musical instrument)' (PMari *sâkte-), MsSo suj 'voice, sound' (PMs *suj), KhV soj 'voice, sound' (PKh *suj), Hung zaj 'noise' [UEW: 482-483] PU *colki 'buckle' > Fi solki (: solke-), MdM sulgam 'brooch', MdE sulgamo (pl. sulgamot) 'a
kind of brooch' [UEW: 774-775] PU *colmi 'knot' > Fi solmu, SaaN cuolbma (PSaa *cuolme), MdM sulma (pl. sulmat), MdE
sulmo (pl. sulmot), Hung csomô [UEW: 38-39] PU *jor/si ~ *jir/si 'bow' > Fi jousi (: jouse-), SaaN juoksa (PSaa *juokse), MdM jonks, MdE jonks, MariM jorez, MariW jargez (PMari *jârez), MsTC jâwt, MsP jayt, MsLO jowt (PMs *jayt), KhV joyal, KhKaz jçxan (PKh *jayal), Hung ij, PSam *(j)inta [UEW: 101102]
The protoform *jiqsi is reflected in Samoyed and Hungarian.
PU *koysi 'spruce' > Fi kuusi (: kuuse-), SaaN guossa (PSaa *kuose), MdM kuz, MdE kuz, MariM koz, MariW koz (PMari *koz), Komi koz (kozj-), KomiP kez, KomiJ krnz, Udm kiz (PKomi *kwez, PUdm *kiz < PPerm *kuz), MsLU kayt, MsSo xowt (PMs *kayt), KhV kol, KhKaz xQ" (PKh *kal), PSam *kâ(a)t [UEW: 222-223] PU *koji 'male' > SaaK kujj 'husband' (PSaa *kuoje), MsP kuj 'male of animals', MsSo xuj 'male of animals' (PMs *kuj), KhV ku (pl. kujat) 'man; husband', KhKaz xQ (XQj-) 'man; husband' (PKh *ko) [UEW: 166-167] Despite [Moisio 2013: 270], the Mansi word is not a Khanty loan.
PU *koji 'dawn' > Fi koi, Komi kia (PKomi kia < PPerm *kua), MsLU kuj (PMs *kuj), KhJ kunt'd, KhNi xunt'al (PKh *koncal), Hung hajnal [UEW: 167]
PU *kolmis 'tree bark' > SaaN guolmmas 'inner bark of conifers' (PSaa *kuolmes), MariM
kumaz 'birch bark', MariW kamaz 'birch bark' (PMari *kumaz) [SUE I: 168-169] PU *konti- 'to hunt; to murder' > MdM kunda- 'to catch', MdE kunda- 'to catch', MsSo x^nt-'to find' (PMs *kant-), MsSo x^nt 'war; army' (PMs *kant), Hung had 'army', PSam *kanta 'sacrificial animal', *kantos- 'to murder' [UEW: 206, 207; Aikio 2006: 15-17] PU *koppi 'mould' > SaaN guohpa (pl. guohppagat) 'mould' (PSaa *kuoppek), MariM kupem
'get mouldy', MariW kapa (1sg) 'get mouldy' (PMari *kupe-) [UEW: 680] PU *korpi 'woods' > Fi korpi (: korpe-) 'dense forest, wildwood', MsLO xorp 'grove, forest'
(PMs *karap) [UEW: 217; SUE II: 8-10] PU *korpi- 'to burn' > Fi korventaa 'to scorch, parch', SaaN guorbat 'be scorched' (PSaa
*kuorpe-), MdM karvaz- 'to catch fire', MdE kirva- 'to blaze' [UEW: 186] PU *mocki- 'to wash' > Est (dial.) moske-, MdM musk- 'to launder', MdE musk- 'to launder', MariM muskam, MariW maskam (PMari *muska-), Komi miskini, Udm miskini (PKomi *misk-, PUdm *misk < PPerm *musk-), Hung mos-, PSam *masa- [UEW: 289] PU *moni 'many' > Fi moni (: mone-), Komi minda 'as many as' (postposition), Udm minda 'as many as' (postposition) (PKomi *minda, PUdm *minda < PPerm *munda) [UEW: 279-280]
PU *nolki 'slime' > Kar nolki 'saliva', SaaN snuolga 'snot' (PSaa *(s)nuolke), MdM nolga (pl. nolkt) 'snot', MdE nolgo (pl. nolkt) 'snot', Hung nyal 'saliva' [UEW: 322]
Mordvin *o and Hungarian a are irregular.
PU *omti 'abdominal cavity' > SaaN vuovda 'abdominal cavity' (PSaa *vuomte), MsKM ontar 'stomach', MsLO ontar 'uterus' (PMs *antar), KhV ont 'inside; belly', KhIrt unt 'inside' (PKh *ant) [UEW: 338] PU *oyi 'mouth (of an animal)' > SaaN vuoyas 'muzzle of a dog' (PSaa *vuoyes), MdM ovast (pl.) 'bit (in bridle)', MdE onksf 'bit (in bridle)', Komi vom 'mouth', KomiP em 'mouth', KomiJ mm (rnmen) 'mouth', Udm im 'mouth' (PKomi *wem, PUdm *im < PPerm *um) [UEW: 11-12; SUE II: 10] Saami and Mordvin forms go back to a derivate: *oqis 'muzzle, bit'. MariM umsa 'mouth', MariW Ssma
'mouth' (PMari *umsa) is a Permic loanword (note PMari *u as a substitution of PPerm *u). PU *oyki 'fish-hook' > Fi onki (: onke-) 'fishing rod', SaaN vuogga 'fish-hook' (PSaa *vuoyke),
MariM orgo 'loop', MariW orgd 'loop' (PMari *orga) [UEW: 719-720] PU *orti 'hollow (in a tree)' > Fi onsi (: onte-) 'hollow, cavity', SaaN vuovda 'nest box for waterfowl' (PSaa *vuovte), MdM unda (pl. untt) 'hollow (in a tree)', MdE undo (pl. untt) 'hollow (in a tree)', KhV orat 'hollow (in a tree)', KhKaz Qrat 'hollow (in a tree)' (PKh *arat), Hung odu 'hollow (in a tree)' [UEW: 341-342] PU *poci 'penis' > SaaN buohca 'penis' (PSaa *puoce), Hung fasz [UEW: 345] PU *polwi 'knee' > Fi polvi (: polve-), SaaN buolva 'generation' (PSaa *puolve), MdM pal-
manza, MariM pul-wuj, MariW pal-wuj ~ pul-wuj (PMari *pu/ul-) [UEW: 393] PU *ponci 'tail' > MariM poc, MariW pac (PMari *pac), Komi bez, KomiJ bmz, Udm biz (PKomi *bez, PUdm *biz < PPerm *buz), MsKU pons 'bird's tail', MsN ponsi 'bird's tail' (PMs *pansi), KhV poc 'occiput' (PKh *pac), Hung far 'rump', farok 'tail', PSam *panca 'hem' [UEW: 353; Aikio 2006: 23-24] PU *poyi 'bosom' > Fi povi (: pove-) 'bust, bosom', SaaN buokya 'breast of a bird' (PSaa *puoye), MdM pov 'bosom', MdE pongo (pl. pongot) 'bosom', MariM pomas, MariW poygds 'bosom' (PMari *poyas), Komi piceg 'bosom', KomiP pi 'bosom', Udm pi 'bosom' (PKomi *pi, PUdm *pi < PPerm *pi), MsKM put 'bosom' (PMs *put), KhV puyal 'bosom', KhNi puxat 'bosom' (PKh *puyal) [UEW: 395] Permic and Ob-Ugric reflexes are highly irregular.
PU *poski 'cheek' > Fi poski (: poske-), MsLU pet (pl. pajtat), MsSo pajt (PMs *pit, *pajt-), KhV
puylam, KhNi puxtam (PKh *puylam), PSam *pat- [UEW: 396] Ob-Ugric vowels are irregular.
PU *soksi 'worm' > SaaN suoksa 'larva, maggot' (PSaa *suokse), MdM suks 'worm', MdE
suks 'worm', MariM suks 'worm', MariW suks 'worm' (PMari *suks) [UEW: 764] PU *so/i- 'to wish' > Fi suoda 'to give, allow, permit, grant; to wish', MsTJ ta/k- 'to want', MsSo tar/x- 'to want' (PMs *ta/k-), KhV la/ka- 'to want; to love', KhVj ja/ka- 'to love' (PKh *Li/ka-) [UEW: 447]
PMs *a is irregular.
PU *sori 'finger, span' > Fi sormi (: sorme-) 'finger', SaaN suorbma 'finger, toe' (PSaa *suorme), MdM sur 'finger', MdE sur 'finger', MariE sorz 'span' (PMari *sa/orz), MariU sor 'span' (PMari *sa/or), MsSo toras 'span' (PMs *taras), KhO soras 'span' (PKh *saras) [UEW: 448, 765]
The root without suffixation is preserved in Mordvin.
PU *soski- 'to chew' > SaaN suoskat (PSaa *suoske-), MdM susk- 'to bite', MdE susk- 'to bite off', KomiP seskini, Udm siskini (PKomi *se/§sk-, PUdm *sisk- < PPerm *susk-), MsTJ tawt-, MsVS tayt- (PMs *tayt-), KhVj joyal-, KhKaz nQxan- (PKh *Layal-), PSam *tutu-[UEW: 448-449]
PU *so5i- (~ -S-) 'to leak' > SaaN suoddat 'to leak (of air)' (PSaa *suo5e-), MdM suda- 'to
flow', MdE cud- 'to flow; to leak' [UEW: 786] PU *soji 'prick' > Liv vol 'net needle', SaaS soeje 'net needle' (PSaa *suoje), Komi si 'spear; bayonet', Udm si 'sting; bayonet', UdmMU si 'sting' (PKomi *si, PUdm *si < PPerm *su) [UEW: 787-788]
PU *so/i 'foam' > MdM sov, MdE cov (dial. co/), MariM so/, MariW so/g (PMari *so/) [UEW: 621]
PU *toyi- 'to give' > Fi tuoda 'to bring', SaaS doekedh 'to sell' (PSaa *tuoke-), MdM tu(j)- 'to bring', MdE tu(j)- 'to bring', KhV tu- 'to bring', KhKaz tQ- 'to bring' (PKh *to-) [UEW: 529-530]
PU *tosti- 'to dare' > Fi tohtia, SaaN duostat (PSaa *tuoste-), MariM tostam, MariNW tostam
(PMari *tosta-) [UEW: 799] PU *totki 'tench' > Est totkes, MdM tutka (pl. tutkt), MdE tutko (pl. tutkot), MariM toto, MariW tata (PMari *tata), MsTJ taxt-kol (PMs *takt), Hung tat hal, PSam *tutu 'crucian carp' [UEW: 532]
PU *woksi 'thin' > Fi ohut 'thin', MsVS wayta, MsSo wowta (PMs *wayta), KhJ woyan 'thin (of flat objects)', KhKaz Qxan 'thin (of flat objects)' (PKh *wayal) [Решетников 2011: 110]
PU *woli- 'to be' > Fi olla, MdM ulMdE ul'-, MariM ulam, MariW alam (PMari *Ula-), Komi ovni-vivni 'to live' (folklore), Udm ulini-vilini 'to live' (folklore) (PKomi *vil-, PUdm *vil- < PPerm *vul-), MsSo ol- 'to be, to live, to have' (PMs *al-), KhV wal- 'to be, to live', KhKaz wQn- 'to be, to live' (PKh *wal-, *wil-), Hung vol-, val-, vagy- [UEW: 580-581] PU *wo/ki 'hole' > Fi onkalo 'hole, cavity', SaaK vue//k 'hole, burrow' (PSaa *vuo/ko), MsSo wo/xa 'pit' (PMs *wa/ka), KhLikr waroko 'burrow', KhIrt wo/x 'pit' (PKh *wa/k), PSam *wa/ka 'hole, cave, den' [UEW: 583] PU *wori 'forest' > Komi ver 'forest, wood', KomiJ vrnr 'forest', Udm vir 'hummock, hill' (PKomi *ver, PUdm *vir < PPerm *vur), MsSo wor 'forest' (PMs *war), KhV wor 'ridge near a river bank' (PKh *war) [UEW: 571] See PU *wara\ ~ *wara 'mountain' and PU *wara2 'edge' for other forms usually compared with reflexes of PU *wori.
PU *a-ai or *i-ai
PU *a/ijtai 'fence' > Fi aita, KhV at' (PKh *ac) [SUE II: 1-2]
PU *a/irwai 'price' > Fi arvo 'value', MdM arsd- 'to think', MdE arse- 'to think', Hung âr 'price' [UEW: 16-17]
PU *a-ai or *i-ai
PU *a/imtai- 'to give' > Fi antaa, SaaN vuovdit 'to sell' (PSaa *vuomte-), MdM and- 'to feed', MdE and- 'to feed', Komi udni 'to give to drink', Udm udini 'to give to drink', UdmMU udini 'to give to drink' (PKomi *ud-, PUdm *ud- < PPerm *od-), Hung ad- 'to give' [UEW: 8]
PU *a-a or *i-a
PU *ca/irja 'beam' > Fi sarja 'row', Komi sor 'crossbar for hanging drying cloth', KomiJ sur 'crossbar for hanging drying cloth', Udm suri 'crossbar for hanging drying cloth; perch', UdmMU suri 'crossbar' (PKomi *sor, PUdm *sùri < PPerm *sori) [UEW: 770771]
PU *ca/ippa- 'to make a notch' > SaaT capped 'to make corner joints (in building logs)' (PSaa *càppë-), MdM sap- 'to make corner joints (in building logs)', MdE cap- 'to make corner joints (in building logs); to make a notch (in wood)', Komi cupni 'to make corner joints (in building logs); to make a notch (in wood)', Udm cupini 'to make corner joints (in building logs); to make a notch (in wood)', UdmMU cupini 'to hew' (PKomi *cup-, PUdm *cup- < PPerm *cop-) [UEW: 618-619; SUE I: 163-164] PU *ja/ik(k)a- 'to divide' > Fi jakaa, SaaN juohkit (PSaa *juokë-), MdM jav-, MdE jav-, Komi
jukni, Udm lukini, UdmMU lukini (PKomi *juk-, PUdm *juk- < PPerm *jok-) [UEW: 87] PU *ja/iysa- 'to grind' > Fi jauhaa, MdM jaza- 'to break; to grind', MdE jaza- 'to break; to grind', MariM joySzem 'to chew the cud', MariW jaygdzem 'to chew the cud' (PMari *jâyaze-) [UEW: 631-632] PU *la/iwca 'mild' > Fi lauha, MdM lafca (pl. lafct) 'weak', MdE lavso 'weak; old (of things)' [UEW: 685]
PU *ma/iksa- 'to give' > Fi maksaa 'to pay', MdM maks- 'to give', MdE maks- 'to give' [UEW:
698]
PU *ma/iksa 'piece of rotten wood' > Fi (dial.) mahea 'rotten', MdM maksa (pl. maksdt), MdE
makso (pl. maksot), MariM meks, MariW maks (PMari *maks) [UEW: 698] PU *ma/irta 'farrow' > Fi marto 'barren, sterile', KomiUd mur 'farrow (cow)', Udm muri 'farrow', UdmMU mùrù 'farrow' (PKomi *mur, PUdm *mùri < PPerm *mori) [UEW:
699]
PU *ma/ita- 'to crawl' > Fi mataa 'to crawl', matala 'low', MdM mad- 'to lie down', MdE
mad'- 'to lie down' A new comparison.
PU *pa/ila- 'to burn' > Fi palaa 'to burn (intr.)', SaaN buollit 'to burn (intr.)' (PSaa *puole-),
MdM pal- 'to burn (intr.)', MdE pal- 'to burn (intr.)' [UEW: 352] PU *sa/ikka, *sa/ik-ita 'thick' > Fi sakka 'dregs, lees', sakea 'thick (of liquids, fog etc.); thick, dense (of forest)', SaaN suohkat 'thick (of liquids); thick, dense (of forest etc.)' (PSaa *suoketë), Komi suk 'thick (of liquids); thick, dense (of forest etc.)' (PKomi *suk < PPerm *sok) [UEW: 750] The shortening of the geminate *-kk- in the form *sa/ik-ita is as of yet unexplained, but the etymological relationship between *sa/ikka and *sa/ik-ita is quite certain.
PU *ta/inta 'to balk' > MdM tandad- 'to balk', MdE tandad- 'to become frightened', Komi dudni 'to balk (of horse, cattle)' (PKomi *dud- < PPerm *dod-) [K9CK: 97]
PU *ta/i}]ka 'tassel' > SaaN duoggi 'lump of hair, wool' (PSaa *tuor/ke), Komi tug (tugj-) 'tassel', Udm tug 'tassel; fringe', UdmU tug 'tassel; fringe' (PKomi *tug, PUdm *tug < PPerm *tog) [UEW: 791]
PU *ta/ippa- 'to beat' > Fi tappaa 'to kill', MdM tapa- 'to trample; to break', MdE tapa- 'to trample; to break' [UEW: 509-510]
PU *ta/irna 'grass' > Fi taarna 'sedge (Cladium mariscus)', Komi turun 'grass; hay', Udm turin 'grass; hay', UdmMU turim 'grass; hay' (PKomi *turin, PUdm *turin < PPerm *torin) [UEW: 792]
PU *wa/iksa 'span' > Fi vaaksa, SaaN vuoksi (PSaa *vuopse), MdM vaks, MdE vaks [UEW: 811-812]
PU *wa/ila- 'to pour' > Fi valaa, MdM val-, MdE val- [UEW: 812]
PU *wa/irka 'handle' > Fi vanko 'long pole with hook at one end, used in slash-and-burn agriculture', Komi vug (vugj-) 'bail (e.g., of a bucket)', Udm vugi 'bail (e.g., of a bucket); felloe' (PKomi *vug, PUdm *vu/ugi < PPerm *vogi) [UEW: 814]
PU *wa/isa 'calf' > Fi vasa 'fawn', SaaK vuss 'reindeer calf' (PSaa *vuose), MdM vaz 'calf', MdE vaz 'calf' [UEW: 814-815]
Exception
PU *pa/ikkai- ~ *pa/ikkai- 'to burst' > Fi (dial.) pakkua 'to burst', KhTrj pay- 'to crackle', KhKaz pox- 'to burst' (PKh *pay-), Hung fakad- 'to spring (of water); to blossom out' [UEW: 349-350]
Either the Khanty or the Hungarian vowel is irregular. Khanty *-y- is also unexpected.
PU *a-a or *i-a or *a-i
PU *paka-/*pika-/*paki- 'to run away' > Fi paeta (: pakene-) 'to flee, to run away', pako 'flight, escape', MariM poktem 'to drive; to pursue', MariW poktem 'to drive; to pursue' (PMari *pokte-) [OCH£ I: 181]
Mari *pokte- is derived from this PU root with the causative suffix -te-.
PU *sama/*sima/*sami 'muddy, murky' > Fi samea 'muddy, murky', Komi zumis 'gloomy; cloudy', UdmU zumjt 'muddy' (PKomi *zum-, PUdm *zum- < PPerm *zom-) [SSA III: 151]
PU *o-a or *i-a 1
PU *ko/icai- 'to be able' > Komi kuzni 'to be able', Udm kuzim 'strength, power', UdmJ kuzim 'strength, power' (PKomi *kuz-, PUdm *kuzim < PPerm *koz-), MsSo xas- 'to understand, to be able' (PMs *kis-), KhKaz xos- 'to understand, to be able' (PKh *kac-) [UEW: 114-115]
PU *no/irai 'swamp' > Komi nur 'swamp', Udm nur 'swamp; moisture', UdmJ nur 'swamp; moisture' (PKomi *nur, PUdm *nur < PPerm *nor), MsKM ner 'swamp', MsSo nar 'swamp' (PMs *Mr), Hung nyarfa 'poplar' [UEW: 324-325]
PU *to/irkai 'crane' > Komi turi, Udm turi, UdmMU turi (PKomi *turig, PUdm *turi < PPerm *torig), MsKM terii, MsSo taray (PMs *tiray), KhV taray (PKh *taray), Hung daru [UEW: 513]
Hungarian a is irregular.
PU *a-ai or *o-a
PU *a/oncai 'back' > MsLO uns 'buttocks' (PMs *unc), Hung agyek 'groin' [UEW: 832]
PU *a-i or *o-a
PU *anti/*onta 'root' > SaaK vuentes 'root' (PSaa *oante), MdM unks 'root', MdE undoks 'root' [UEW: 719]
PU *sampi/*sompa 'stick' > SaaN soabbi 'stick' (PSaa *soampe), MariE somba 'pole for driving fish into the net' (PMari *sa/omba) [UEW: 764]
PU *ka/oni 'on one's back' > MdM kunf 'on one's back', MdE kunst 'on one's back', MsSo Xöni 'on one's back' (PMs *kanay), Hung hanyatt 'on one's back' [UEW: 179]
PU ? *a/a ~ *aji 'opening' > Est ava 'opening', MariM arj 'opening', MariW ajg 'opening' (PMari *aj), KhJ oj 'opening' (PKh *5j), Hung ajak 'lip', PSam *aj 'mouth' [UEW: 1112]
This is a correlative derivative of PU *aqa2- 'to open'.
PU ? *kajajla < **kaja-ilai 'armpit' > Fi kainalo, SaaS gaejnjele (PSaa *kajjel), MdM kavlal, MdE kavalalks, MariM kojla, MariW kojgdla (PMari *kojla), Komi kunles 'gusset', Komil kun-u 'armpit', Udm kunul 'armpit; gusset', UdmKUf kujul 'armpit' (PKomi *kun-ul, PUdm *kuj-ul < PPerm *koj-ol), MsKO kan jalpoal, MsKO kanal, MsLO xanl (PMs *kan, *kandl), KhV kundj-pdt3, KhKaz XQjan-pati (PKh *kondj-r *kdjdn-), Hung Hon, PSam *kaluj [UEW: 178] PU ? *lanti- ~ *linti- 'lowland' > Fi lansi (: lante-) 'lowland', MariW landaka 'small valley, depression (esp. in a forest)' (PMari *la/andaka), Komi lud 'glade; pasture', Udm lud 'field', UdmMU lud 'field' (PKomi *lud, PUdm *lud < PPerm *lod), PSam *lintd 'plain, valley' [UEW: 235-236; SUE II: 86] Possibly more than one root here.
PU ? *pali 'berry' > Fi puola 'cowberry', Komi puv (puvj-) 'cowberry' (PKomi *pul < PPerm
*pol), MsP pul 'berry', MsSo pil 'berry' (PMs *pil) [UEW: 392] PU ? *likti ~ *lakti 'bay' > Fi laHti (: laHte-), SaaN luokta (PSaa *luokte), MsSo lox (PMs *lak) [UEW: 234]
PU ? *soja 'arm' > SaaK suejj 'wing; sleeve' (PSaa *soaje), MariM soks 'sleeve', MariW soks 'sleeve' (PMari *soks), Komi soj 'arm', KomiJ ki-srnj 'arm', Udm suj 'arm' (PKomi *soj, PUdm *suj < PPerm *soj), MsKM tet (pl. tajtat) 'sleeve', MsSo tajt 'sleeve' (PMs *tfydt, *tajt-), KhV lit 'sleeve', KhVj jit 'sleeve' (PKh *Lit), Hung ujj 'sleeve' [UEW: 445] PU ? *pini- 'to put' > Fi panna, Komi penni 'to copulate with a woman', Udm ponini 'to put' (PKomi *pe/§n-r PUdm *pon- < PPerm *pan-), MsP pun-, MsSo pin- (PMs *pin-), KhV pan- (PKh *pin-), PSam *pen- [UEW: 353-354]
PU *a-i or *o-i
Unclear cases
Abbreviations for languages and dialects
Est — Estonian EstS — South Estonian Fi — Finnish Hung — Hungarian Kar — Karelian KhIrt — Irtysh Khanty KhJ — Jugan Khanty KhKaz — Kazym Khanty
KhLikr — Likrisovskoje Khanty KhNi — Nizjam Khanty KhO — Obdorsk Khanty KhTrj — Tremjugan Khanty KhV — Vakh Khanty KhVj — Vasjugan Khanty Komil — Izma Komi KomiJ — Jazva Komi
KomiP — Komi-Permyak KomiUd — Udora Komi KomiUS — Upper Sysola Komi Liv — Livonian MariE — East Mari MariM — Meadow Mari MariNW — Northwest Mari MariS — Sernur Mari
MariU — Upsa Mari MariV — Volga Mari MariW — West (Hill) Mari MdE — Erzya MdM — Moksha MsK — Konda Mansi MsKM — Middle Konda Mansi MsKO — Upper Konda Mansi MsKU — Lower Konda Mansi MsLO — Upper Lozva Mansi MsLU — Lower Lozva Mansi MsN — North Mansi MsP — Pelymka Mansi MsSo — Sosva Mansi MsTC — Tavda Mansi, village Candyri
MsTJ — Tavda Mansi, village
Janyckova MsVS — South Vagilsk Mansi PFi — Proto-Finnic PKh — Proto-Khanty PKomi — Proto-Komi PMari — Proto-Mari PMd — Proto-Mordvin PMs — Proto-Mansi PPerm — Proto-Permic PSaa — Proto-Saami PSam — Proto-Samoyed PU — Proto-Uralic PUdm — Proto-Udmurt Saal — Inari Saami SaaK — Kildin Saami
SaaL — Lule Saami
SaaN — North Saami
SaaS — South Saami
SaaSw — Swedish Saami [Lindahl
& Ohrling 1780] SaaT — Ter Saami Udm — Udmurt UdmB — Besermyan Udmurt UdmG — Glazov Udmurt UdmJ — Jelabuga Udmurt UdmKUf — Krasnoufimsk district
Udmurt UdmM — Malmyz Udmurt UdmMU — Malmyz-Urzum Udmurt UdmS — Sarapul Udmurt UdmU — Ufa Udmurt
Main sources of lexical data
Genetz, Arvid 1897. Ost-permische Sprachstudien. In: Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne / Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Aikakauskirja XV: 1-57.
Korhonen, Mikko (ed.) 1987. Wotjakischer Wortschatz. Aufgezeichnet von Yrjö Wichmann, bearbeitet von T. E. Uotila und Mikko Korhonen. Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae, XXI. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura.
Lindahl, Ericus and Öhrling, Johannes 1780. Lexicon lapponicum, cum interpretatione vocabulorum sveco-latina et indice svecano lapponico; in usum tam illorum, quibus cura ecclesiarum in Lapponia committenda, aut jam commissa est, quam aliorum curiosorum et linguarum studiosorum, indigenarum et exteriorum; illustratum praefatione latino-svecana. Holmiae: Joh. Georg. Lange.
Moisio, Arto (ed.) 2013. Wogulisches Wörterbuch. Gesammelt und geordnet von Artturi Kannisto, bearbeitet von Vuokko Eiras. Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae, XXXIII. Helsinki: Société Finno-Ougrienne, Kotimaisten kielten keskus.
Moisio, Arto and Saarinen, Sirkka 2008. Tscheremissisches Wörterbuch. Aufgezeichnet von Volmari Porkka, Arvid Genetz, Yrjö Wichmann, Martti Räsänen, T.E. Uotila und Erkki Itkonen. Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae, XXXII. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura & Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus.
Nickel, Klaus Peter and Sammallahti, Pekka 2006. Sami-duiskka satnegirji / Saamisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch. Karasjok: Davvi Girji.
Steinitz, Wolfgang 1966-1993. Dialektologisches und etymologisches Wörterbuch der ostjakischen Sprache. 1-15. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
Вахрос, Игорь, Щербаков, Антти 2007. Большой финско-русский словарь / Suomalais-venäläinen suursanakirja. Свыше 250 000 слов и словосочетаний. Под редакцией В. Оллыкайнен и И. Сало. Москва: Живой язык. [Vakhros, Igor', Scherbakov, Antti 2007. Bol'shoj finsko-russkij slovar' / Suomalais-venäläinen suursanakirja. Svyshe 250 000 slov i slovosochetanij. Pod redaktsiej V. Ollykajnen i I. Salo. Moskva: Zhivoj yazyk.]
Гальди, Ласло (изд.) 1974. Венгерско-русский словарь: 40 000 слов. Москва — Будапешт: Русский язык. [Gal'di, Laslo (izd.) 1974. Vengersko-russkij slovar': 40 000 slov. Moskva — Budapesht: Russkij yazyk.]
Жилина, Татьяна Ивановна 1975. Верхнесысольский диалект коми языка. Москва: Наука. [Zhilina, Tat'yana Iva-novna 1975. Verkhnesysol'skij dialekt komi yazyka. Moskva: Nauka.]
Кириллова, Людмила Евгеньевна (изд.) 2008. Удмуртско-русский словарь: около 50 000 слов / Удмурт-зуч кыл-люкам: 50 000 ёрос кыл. Ижевск. [Kirillova, Lyudmila Evgen'evna (izd.) 2008. Udmurtsko-russkij slovar': okolo 50 000 slov. Izhevsk.]
Куруч, Римма Дмитриевна (изд.) 1985. Самь-рушь соагкнэЪкь: 8000 саннэ / Саамско-русский словарь: 8000 слов. Москва: Русский язык. [Kuruch, Rimma Dmitrievna (izd.) 1985. Saamsko-russkij slovar': 8000 slov. Moskva: Russkij yazyk.]
Лыткин, Василий Ильич (изд.) 1961. Комиа-роча словарь: 25 000 кымын кыв / Коми-русский словарь: около 25 000 слов. С приложением грамматического очерка коми языка, составленного проф. В. И. Лыткиным и Д. А. Тимушевым. Москва: Государственное издательство национальных и иностранных словарей. [Lytkin, Vasilij Il'ich (izd.) 1961. Komi-russkij slovar': okolo 25 000 slov. S prilozheniem grammaticheskogo ocherka komi yazyka, sostavlennogo prof. V. I. Lytkinym i D. A. Timushevym. Moskva.] Лыткин, Василий Ильич 1961. Коми-язьвинский диалект. Москва: Издательство Академии наук СССР. [Lytkin, Vasilij Il'ich 1961. Komi-yaz'vinskij dialekt. Moskva: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR.] Насибуллин, Риф Шакрисламович 1978. Наблюдения над языком красноуфимских удмуртов. В: О диалектах и говорах южноудмуртского наречия (Сборник статей и материалов). Ижевск: С. 86-151. [Nasibullin, Rif Shakrislamovich 1978. Nablyudeniya nad yazykom krasnoufimskikh udmurtov. V: O dialektakh i govorakh yuzhnoudmurtskogo narechiya (Sbornik statej i materialov). Izhevsk: S. 86-151.] Потапкин, Степан Григорьевич, Имяреков, Андрей Константинович 1949. Мокшанско-русский словарь: около 17000 слов. Под редакцией Д. В. Бубриха; с приложением краткого грамматического очерка мокшанского языка, составленного С. Г. Потапкиным. Москва: Государственное издательство иностранных и национальных словарей. [Potapkin, Stepan Grigor'evich, Imyarekov, Andrej Konstantinovich 1949. Mok-shansko-russkij slovar': okolo 17000 slov. Pod redaktsiej D. V. Bubrikha; s prilozheniem kratkogo gram-maticheskogo ocherka mokshanskogo yazyka, sostavlennogo S. G. Potapkinym. Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo inostrannykh i natsional'nykh slovarej.] Серебренников, Борис Александрович, Бузакова, Раиса Николаевна, Мосин, Михаил Васильевич (изд.) 1993. Эрзянско-русский словарь: ок. 27 000 слов / Эрзянь-рузонь валкс. Москва: Русский язык, Дигора. [Serebren-nikov, Boris Aleksandrovich, Buzakova, Raisa Nikolaevna, Mosin, Mikhail Vasil'evich (izd.) 1993. Erzyansko-russkij slovar': ok. 27 000 slov. Moskva: Russkij yazyk, Digora.]
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М. А. Живлов. Исследования по уральскому вокализму III.
В статье рассматриваются три проблемы из истории уральского вокализма: переход праураль-ского сочетания гласных *ä-ä в праприбалтийско-финское *a-e, судьба прауральского *i перед велярными согласными в прибалтийско-финских, саамских и мордовских языках, а также возможность реконструировать две различные прауральские гласные непервых слогов вместо *a традиционной реконструкции. Цель статьи — показать, что развитие уральского вокализма должно описываться с помощью строгих фонетических законов, а не «спорадических изменений».
Ключевые слова: уральские языки, финно-угорские языки, историческая фонетика, лингвистическая реконструкция, прауральский вокализм.
