Научная статья на тему 'Studies in Persian etymology ii( published by p. A. Kocharov and A. v. Shatskov)'

Studies in Persian etymology ii( published by p. A. Kocharov and A. v. Shatskov) Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание»

Ключевые слова

Аннотация научной статьи по языкознанию, автор научной работы — Herzenberg L. G.

The second part of the Persian etymological dictionary has words beginning with Ā. The first part (letter a ) was published in Herzenberg 2011.

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Текст научной работы на тему «Studies in Persian etymology ii( published by p. A. Kocharov and A. v. Shatskov)»



(Публикацию подготовили П. А. Кочаров и А. В. Шацков)

В статье представлена вторая часть этимологического словаря со словами на букву А. Первая часть опубликована в Herzenberg 2011.

Ключевые слова: персидский этимологический словарь, индоевропейские языки, иранские языки.


ab [Rudaki] ‘ water’, MPrs. ab [MY’, p], OPrs. ap-, Av. ap-; for the length of -a- cf. Av. afs, NP apo, OInd. (RV) NP. apas; in many Iranian languages there are suffix-derivatives of *ap-: cf. Sogd. ”p, ”ph, ”pyh, ”pwh, Afgh. obd, Wakh. yupk. Horn 1893: 1; Horn 1901: 49, 75; AIW: 325-29; Reichelt 1909: 183; Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 103; Nyberg 1964-74: 20; MacKenzie 1971: 1; Bailey 1979: 36b-37a; Xaleql 1977: 1-2; EWAia I: 81-82.

ab2 [Fird.] ‘splendour; honour, glory’; explained by Horn (1893: 1) as *a-bha-, Vbha- ‘to shine’ (EWAia II: 259-60, cf. Khot. baya ‘ray of light’, Bailey 1979: 277ab, v. bam); he also regarded it as a part of compounds abro, aftab, abmand (the latter being a desatir word! — Vullers 1855-64 I: 13); however Horn (ibid.) also gives a hint that the word could be identical to ab1 ‘water’ and compares it to Arab. ma,u ‘eau; eclat, lustre’, cf. also ma’u-l-wajti ‘honneur (lit. eau du visage)’ (Biberstein-Kazimirski 1860 II: 1169), Turk. suw ‘water’ has also the meaning ‘splendour’ (Радлов 1893-1911 IV: 743-746); the word could reflect a mythologeme if regarded as a continuation of a vrddhi form *apa-, reminding OInd. apam garbhah ‘Sohn der Gewasser’ (Bohtlingk&Roth 1855 I: 275 with a commentary: “(so) heisst Agni, weil er aus den Wassern der Luft als Blitz entspringt”). Cf. Xaleql 1977: 2-3.

1 Статья публикуется в рамках проекта «Лексическое и морфологическое варьирование в традиционных индоевропейских текстах», выполняемого по Программе ОИФН РАН «Текст и традиционная культура в перспективе культурной эволюции» (2012-2014).

abastan [LN] ‘to hide’, also abastan, represented by several derivatives, but its only documented form is abastangah [LF] ‘a place of concealment’; an obsolete verb, its present base would be reconstructable as *abar- (cf. gastan), probably to one of the Vpar-roots , e.g. to Vpar- ‘to cross over’, (PIE *Vper-, IEW: 811), Av. para- ‘fort, zur Seite’, Sogd. Buddh. pr’’ck ‘beyond’, OInd. para ‘away, off’. Horn 1901: 142; AIW: 852; Bailey 1979: 215; EWAia II: 88-89.

abad [Fird.] ‘cultivated, peopled, fair’, MPrs. abad [’p’t, Man. ’b’d] ‘populous, thriving, prosperous’ < *apata- ‘protected’ ypa- ‘to protect’, cf. payidan; Av. afiieidiiai ‘zu untersttzen’ is an infinitive to a-pa-. Horn 1893: 2; Horn 1901: 50; AIW: 330, 885-86; MacKenzie 1971: 1; Xaleql 1977: 3.

aban ‘the eighth month of the Zoroastrian calender, dedicated to the Waters’, MPrs. aban [’p’n, Man. ’b’n] ‘eighth month, tenth day of a month’, Sogd. Mug ”p’nc, Man. ”b’nc, BTrunl ’b’n the month-name, Man. ”pwx/”bwx, BTrunl ’bk the day-name, cf. ab1. MacKenzie 1971: 1; Boyce 1982: 59-60; Panaino 1982: 658-677.

abistan [Fird.] ‘pregnant’, also abist [ManucihrT], abista [VR], abistan [RumT] - most probably from different dialects; MPrs. abus [’pws], abustan, abestan [’bystn] < * a-puOra-tanu- ‘in whose body there is a son’, but Av. apuOra- ‘die (eben) zur Nachkommenschaft gelangt ist, (jungst) geboren hat’, cf. pisar and tan. Horn 1893: 2, Horn 1901: 25; Hubschmann 1895: 5; AIW: 85-86; Nyberg 196474: 28-29; Henning 1977 II: 275; XaleqT 1977: 3-5; MacKenzie 1971: 3-4.

abisxvar [Fird.] ‘river-bed, reservoir’, a difficult compound: Horn (1983: 2-3) and Hubschmann (1895: 5) rejected former etymologies connecting this word to Av. aiwis.xar Oa- ‘zum Genuss geeignet’ (so de Lagarde 1884: 75 and Mann 1983: 701, cf. AIW: 96) and explained it as containing *api- ‘water’ (its hypothetical NS *apis, cf. AIW: 329) and Vxvar- (v. xvardan); however, Av. *api- ‘water’ obviously does not exist (Hoffmann in Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 103, EWAia I: 81); thus the first part of this compound being ap- (v. ab1), its second component could be tentatively identified with Sogd. ’ysywr, Man. [dxsewar] xsywr ‘name of the fourth day’, but with its original meaning ‘possession of a prince’ (< *xsaOrawarya-, Gershevitch 1954: 26-27 §171-172): the original meaning of the word was probably ‘a (princely) possession of waters’; metathesis *ab-xsewar > ab-esxwar is to be assumed; variants like abxar are due to popular etymology. Cf. XaleqT 1977: 5-8.

abld [LN] ‘a spark of fire’, also ablz, ablz [a quotation from Munjlk for abiz is given by LF]; Stackelberg adduced Arm. abetc ‘Zunder’ and Georg. abedi (1884: 492, cf. de Lagarde 1877: 2) to prove that abid (or better abed) is the original form; < *(a)-apa-aida-, cf. Khot. hlha- ‘soot’ < *ai6a- < *aida-, Av. aesma- ‘firewood’ (v. hezum), all to yaid- ‘to burn’, OInd. EDH- ‘to set on fire’. Justi 1895: 6; Horn 1901: 91; Bartholomae 1894: 124; AIW: 26-27; Bailey 1979: 488b-89a; EWAia I: 267. abluc/j also abluj, v. abluc.

abnus [Fird., ZamaxsarT] ‘ebony’, MPrs. abnUs [’bnws], together with Arab. ’abanUs from Gr. efienoc which came from Egyp. hbnj. Spiegelberg 1907: 131; Horn 1901: 6; Biberstein&Kazimirski 1860 I: 6; MacKenzie 1971: 4.

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abro [Fird.] ‘respect, honour’, the popular explanation as ‘water of the face’ appears still valid - in comparison with Arab. ma’u-l-vajh1 ‘honneur, consideration dont un homme d’honneur jouit, lit. eau du visage’ (Biberstein-Kazimirski 1860 II: 1169) and Turk. juz suju ‘die Ehre, der Ruf’ (also lit. ‘water of the face’, PagnoB 19831911 IV: 746); the sacral function of water is reflected in these expressions, cf. Poonawala 1982: 27-28.

acar [Nasir Xusrav] ‘mixed pickles’, borrowed from Turk., cf. Chag. acar ‘sour vegetables’, MTurk. acyy ‘sour’, acymaq [Mahmud al-Kashgari] ‘sauer sein’. Doerfer 1963-1975 II: 14; Rasanen 196971: 4a; Brockelmann 1928: 1.

adarm [LF-UnsurT, MuxtarT Taznavl, Nizami] ‘saddle-cloth’, also adram, afiarm, adarma, atarma, a Turk. loanword, cf. MTurk. adar (* edar) ‘saddle’, with the suffix -ma, which had later been abbreviated: adrym [Mahmud al-Kashgari]. Rasanen 1969-71: 36a; Brockelmann 1928: 3.

adiyanda [RUdakT] ‘rainbow’, possibly < *a-di-day-ant-(aka-) ‘observing’, cf. Av. a + ^da(y)- ‘hinsehen auf, betrachten’ (AIW: 725); less probably a “learned” borrowing from Indian, a compound like aditya-antah ‘close to the Aditya-deities, i.e., to the Sun etc.’ adlna [FarruxT] ‘Friday’, Horn identified it with ayin ‘Sitte, Schmuck’, but cf. Sogd. Man. ”dyng, Khwar. ’dynk ‘Friday’ -according to Nyberg, *adenay ‘congregation’ (a meaning required by Arab. yaumu-l-jum a) is traceble to *ati-ayana-, OPrs. ati-ay- ‘to go along’. Horn 1893: 15-16; Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 109; Nyberg 1964-74: 12; Benzing 1983: 30-31; Panaino 1982: 664-65.

aSar [DaqTqT] ‘fire’, Kurd. ar, Osset. art, MPrs. adur [’twr, Man. ’dwr], Khwar. ’rw, Av. atar-; atas ‘fire’ is a “learned” reflex of the same Old Iranian word; cf. OInd. atharvan- ‘a priest’, Arm. airem

‘to burn’ (< *atёr- ), *Vat- ? Horn 19G1: 21, 31; AIW: 312-16; Xaleqї 1977: 11-12; Nyberg 1964-74; MacKenzie 1971: 5; Абаев 195B-95 I: 69-7G; IEW 1959-69: 69; EWAia I: 6G.

adm [Nasir Xusrav] ‘beauty, ornamentation’, an archaic form of aym, ayina.

adun [Sana^] ‘thus, in that manner’, probably an analogical and “proportional” formation to ёдйn, influenced by an.

afand [Fird.] ‘war, strife’, could be a present-base nominal derivation from Vjand-, cf. Sugh. sijan- ‘to rise’, Yazg. jin- ‘to descend’, Khot. phand- : phast- ‘to move’, OInd. PHAN- ‘to jump’ or/and spand- ‘to quiver, kick (of animals)’; thus this word is rather of Eastern Iranian origin. Bailey 1979: 211b-12a, 259a, 261a; Morgenstierne 1974: 72; KEWA III: 536-37, EWAia II: 199-2GG.

afandan [RudaM] ‘to create’, pres. ajarm-, cf. ajarmis [Fird.] ‘creation’; MPrs. ajundan [’pwlytn], Sogd. Chr. Man. sjryn-: sjryt-; frequently given the same etymology as ajrm ‘praise’, which are however semantically incompatible; that is why Bailey’s etymology is to be preferred: < *a-pi-pra- ‘to bring into existence’, a reduplicated thematic present to Vhar- (v. hurdan), cf. Av. -hijra in asta.hijra- ‘of eight characters’ and a-hijra- ‘perpetual’; the present base could have been *a-pi-pr-ani-, cf. Bartholomae 1B95: 74-75; Horn 1B93: 1G; AIW: 92, 262; Bailey 193G-32: 5B7; Gershevitch 1954: 91 §179; Nyberg 1964-74: 1G; MacKenzie 1971: 5; Xa^ 1977: 44-45.

afarrn [Fird.] ‘praise, glory, applause’, MPrs. ajrm [’pryn], Sogd. Man. ”jryn ‘to bless’, Av. a-jrmami ‘jemandem etwas feierlich (an)wйnschen’, OInd. PRAY- ‘to delight, to cheer’. Horn 1B93: 1G; AIW: 1G16-17; MacKenzie 1971: 5; Bailey 1979: 314b-315a; EWAia II: 1B1-B2.

afdum [Majmasa-t-Tavanx] ‘last’, found also with ha in the conglutination hajdum [RudaH]; MPrs. ahdom [’pdwm, Man. ’hdwm] < *apatama- (cf. Bibl.-Aram. ’appetom), cf. OPrs. apataram ‘weiter weg, auberhalb (von etwas)’. Nyberg 1964-74: 37; Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 1G4; MacKenzie 1971: 3; Bailey 1979: 249b; Xaleqї 1977: 2-44; Gershevitch 19B5: 262.

afraza [Sozarn] ‘flame’, could be traced to *a-apa-raja-ka-: since referring to sparkles, might contain Vrang- ‘(to be) light, small, moving’, cf. Wakhi ranjk ‘light, fast’, Khot. arramj- ‘to grind’ (also with other prefixes), Sogd. Man. rynck ‘small’, Av. гэnjyo ‘easier’ (cf. OInd. laghJyas-, RAMH- ‘to hurry’); cf. ajroza; however, both to avoid a hypothetical agglomeration of two prefixes and to obtain a more convincing semantic explanation it would be preferable to

postulate for this word East Iranian origin and to connect it with Khwar. ’hr’z- ‘aufflemman’, ’hr’z ‘flame’ < *d-hraz-: Vhraz- - Khot. haljsaka- ‘flame’, Av. hraz- ‘strahlen’, OInd. BHRAJ- ‘to shine’; -j-

< *-h- would indicate to borrowing, cf. NPrs. harazidan. AIW: 97B, 152B; Morgenstierne 193B II: 537; Gershevitch 1954: 149 §983; Emmerick 1968: 1G; Bailey 1979: 279a; Samadi 1986: 1-2; EWAia II: 279-BG, 421-22.

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afr6sa [RйdakЇ] ‘sweatmeat’, also ajrdsa, MPrs. ajrdsag [’plwsk] ‘sweetmeat made of flour, butter and honey’, a suffixal (*-aka-) dialect variant to ahlйc, to Vrauk-/Vraus-, v. rdsan. MacKenzie 1971: 5.

afr6za [Sozarn] ‘wick of lamp’ < *a-apa-rauca-ka-, *‘burning down, burning away’, Vrauc-, cf. ajrdxtan, rdsan.

aftab [Fird.] ‘ sun’, Parth. ahdah [’hd’h], Syr. loanword ’hth’n; this word is usually explained as a compound containing ah2 ‘shining, splendour’ and tah ‘heat’ (cf. tajtan); for “sun”-words cf. Sanskrit epithets like candamsuh ‘having hot rays’, suhharasmih ‘having bright rays’ etc., Monier-Williams 1851: 784; for words of similar meaning denoting ‘sun’ cf. Afgh. yarma (v. garm), Kurd. roj (v. rdz), tav; Jeremias and Maroth discussed the internal -t-, which would had become -d-, if the word were an Old Iranian inheritance: this is why it is to be considered a Middle Iranian creation like the parallel MPrs. xwar-tapak ‘blazing sun’ (Jeremias & Maroth, 1977: 223-24); however, the Middle Persian word is likely to have been adopted from Parthian and reetymologized, since the Parthian word presents regular phonetic development. Horn 1893: 1, 9, Horn 19G1: 78; Xa^ 1977: 42; cf. Eilers 1974: 336.

aftaba [Ibn Sma] ‘water-pot’ either a compound consisting of ah1 ‘water’ and taha ‘(frying) pan’ (cf. tajtan) or simply ‘sun-like’, describing the upper extended part of the bright jar. H^schmann 1883 I: 252; Horn 19G1: 78.

agaft [Unsun] ‘affliction, grief’ < *a-kmp-ta-, cf. Sogd. ’’k’ht’k ‘wrong’ (Gershevitch 1954: 21 §146) and kfit’t ‘may have split’ (ibid. 129 § 873), Khot. camhula- ‘disturbed’, Vkamp-/ Vcamp- ‘to shake, to disturb’ (cf. cajta), OInd. KAMP- ‘to tremble’. Bailey 1979: 99b;WAia: 3G6.

agana [Sozarn] ‘stuffing, lining’, also akana, to agandan. agandan [RudaH] ‘to fill, to stuff’, also akandan, pres. agin-, MPrs. agandan [’kndn]; the older proposal to connect agandan to OInd. ghana- ‘clump, thick’ is now supplanted by the exact comparison to Sogd. akan- ‘to fill’, Vkan- ‘to cover’; it could be ultimately a correspondence to OInd. KHAN1- ‘to dig’ with the semantic move ‘to dig (at one spot)’ > ‘to stuff (a pit)’, NB the

prefix; v. kandan, avgandan. Horn 1983: 1G; Horn 19G1: 13G; MacKenzie 1971: 6; Gershevitch 1954: 71 §475; XaleqT 1977: 4647; Bailey 1979: 327a; EWAia I: 184, 445-46, 512.

aganJ [Kisa’T] ‘sausage’ < *d-kana-сЇ, as ‘stuffed, filled’ to dgandan.

agah [Fird.] ‘aware; news’, MPrs. dgdh [’k’s, Man. ’g’(h)] < *d-kdsa-, Av. dkasat ‘er erblickte’, Vkas- ‘to look’, cf. Afgh., Khot. Vkas- ‘to look’, OInd. KAS- “to appear” (hence OInd. dkdsa- ‘a free or open space, sky or athmosphere’, which corresponds phonetically to the Persian words, but has another meaning); Nyberg proposed dgdh < *d-kd-ea-, Vkd- ‘to notice’ (he adduced OInd. cdyati ‘to notice, to be aware’), -ea- corresponding to the OInd. suffix -tha-and MPrs. -s- being an “inverse” writing: however this etymology does not take into account Avestan forms; moreover, OInd. cdyati has the root CAY1-; cf. nigdh. Horn 1893: 1G; Horn 19G1: 93; AIW: 459-6G; Nyberg 1964-74: 12-13; Henning 1977 I: 136, 32G; MacKenzie 1971: 6; XaleqT 1977: 45-46; KEWA I: 2G4, EWAia I: 344-45, 531.

agm [Fird.] ‘full, stuffed’, obviously to dgandan; to explain -Ї- it is necessary to reconstruct *d-kan-ya-, cf. mm6 ‘sky’, which is connected to Av. mainiiauua- ‘celestial’ (H^schmann 1895: 131).

agur [Sana’T] ‘burnt brick’, together with Arab. djur and like Osset., Georg. aguri, Aram. ’dgurd to Assyr. agurru [ukurru] ‘kiln-fired brick’, Zimmern 1917: 31; Kaufman 1974: 33; CAD A I: 16G-163, cf. Абаев 1958-95 I: 35-36.

agus [BaihaqT] ‘embrace, bosom’, a “Persianizing” variant of dyds.

ayar [9Am9aq] ‘the dry bed of a river with a little water left here and there’ < *d-gara-, with dyastan to Vgar-, OInd. GHAR- ‘to besprinkle’; dydr compared by Henning (1977 II: 15G) with Sogd. dyarte ‘muddy, juicy’, might be a closely related word. EWAia I: 512-13.

ayastan [Fird.] ‘to moisten’, secondary infinitive dydrdan, pres. dydr-, should be an Eastern Iranian borrowing, due both to -g- and to the distribution of cognates: Osset. qaryn ‘to penetrate (about liquids)’, Sugh. a-zer- ‘to soak, to drench’, Sogd. ’ny’rtk ‘fertile, juicy’, Khwar. syr- ‘to become wet’ - Vyar-; cf. OInd. GHAR- ‘to sprinkle, to moisten’. Horn 19G1: 14G; Bailey 1979: 227b; Benzing 1983: 595-96; Абаев 1958-95 II: 268-69; XaleqT 1977: 4G-42; EWAia I: 512-13.

ayal [LF] ‘instigation, excitement’ (SN has the verb har-dydlad)

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< *d-garSa-, cf. Av. gdrdSa2 - ‘gierig, hastig’, OInd. GARDH- ‘to be

eager, to desire’. Horn 19G1: 139; AIW: 523; Bailey 1979: 38b; EWAia I: 474.

ayar [Nasir Xusrav] ‘wet’, hence secondary infinitives agardan, ayandan [Fird.], to Sogd. "yrty- [ayarte] ‘muddy, juicy’ (Henning 1977 II: 31, 15G), v. ayastan.

ayaz [RudaM] ‘beginning’, a borrowing from Sogd. ’’y’z- ‘to begin’ (also jr’y’z- ‘to begin’, pcy’z- ‘to receive’), IIgaz- ‘to take’, cf. Khot. pajays- ‘to take’, Osset. aqaz ‘help’ (< *‘taking hold of’); further connections difficult, though comparable to OInd. GADH- ‘to take hold of, to seize’: Ir. for *-z- : Indo-Ar. *-d(h)- cf. ay6s (dissimilation or *-dh-s- with a suffix or an enlargement). Henning 1977 I: 644; Gershevitch 1954: 96 §612, 136 §922, 141 §957; Bailey 1979: 199a; EWAia I: 46G-61; cf. Абаев 1958-95 I: 54.

ayfl [Rum^ ‘sheep-cote’, borrowed from Turk., cf. MTurk. ayU. Doerfer 1963-75 II: 82-84; Rasanen 1969-71: 8a; Севортян 1974: 83-85.

ay6s [Fird.] ‘embrace’, also agrn < *a-gauz-ti- or *a-gaud-ti-, MPrs. agos [’kws], cf. Parth. ayoz [’gwz, ’’ywz] ‘encirclement, enclosure, covering’ I gaud- ‘to cover’: Sogd. ’’ynd-, pt-ywz- ‘to cover’, Khot. uysgun- ‘to uncover’, Afgh. ayundэl, ayustэl ‘to put on clothes’, Av. gaoz- ‘to conceal’, OInd. GOH- ‘to conceal’ (Indo-Ar. *-dh- : Ir. *-z- as in ayaz); cf. jaryШ. AIW: 485; MacKenzie 1971: 6; Bailey 1979: 38b; Boyce 1977: 9; EWAia I: 5G2-3.

ah [passim] ‘ah! alas! a sigh’, onomatopoetic? Henning quotes Sogd. dn’h ‘toothache’ (1977 II: 243), which contains *dand(a)- and ah-, maybe to *axa-, cf. ak; a contamination of a meaningful word and a ‘sigh’ is also te be taken into consideration.

ahak [LabM] ‘lime, plaster’, < *ahaka-, thus confirming Morgenstierne’s explanation of Parach. hay ‘ashes’ and Kurd. ax ‘earth, soil’, cf. xak ‘dust’, Parth. ’y’g ‘place’, Khot. aye ‘ground’, Av. ai- ‘earth’. Morgenstierne 1942: 266; Bailey 1979: 19b-2Ga.

ahan [RudaH] ‘iron’, MPrs. ahan [’h(y)n, ’s(y)n, Man. ’’hwn], Kurd. hesin, Afgh. ospэna, Osset. (Digor) ajsйn (‘the ploughshare’), Sugh. sipin, Sogd. Chr. ’spnync, sjnyq (adjectives), Khot. Mssana-, all < *atsuana-, *atsuania-, cf. Av. haosajnaёna- ‘made of iron’; Abayev connected the word to *tsuanta- ‘sacred’ (cf. gusjand), whereas Bailey more realistically compared it with Gr. Kuavot; ‘dark, dark-blue’ (in contrast to red copper): however, both meanings could come from the same source - hlue being the sacred colour. Horn 1893: 14; Horn 19G1: 181; H^schmann 1895: 1G; AIW: 159-6G, 1737; Nyberg 1964-74: 32; Абаев 1958-95 I: 48G-81; MacKenzie

1971: 6; Henning 1977 I: 559, II: 604, 611; Bailey 1979: 486b-87a; XaleqT 1977: 68-70; Morgenstierne 1927: 12.

ahang1 ‘tune’, probably to Vdang- ‘to draw’, thought as of ‘stretching a sound’, cf. ahanjidan.

ahang [Fird.] ‘intention, purpose’, MPrs. ahang [’hng] ‘pull, draught’, cf. ahanjidan, hextan, —with another, abstract semantic development, if compared to ahang1.

ahanjidan [Nasir Xusrav] ‘to pull’, also ahaxtan, cf. ahang2; MPrs. ahanjidan [’hncytn] more archaic ahixtan [’hhtn] < *a-danja-, Vdang-: Khot. thamj- ‘to draw’, Av. danj- ‘to pull’, OInd. TANC- ‘to cause coagulation, to draw together’, TAN1 - ‘to stretch’; cf. farhaxtan, palhang, sarhang. Horn 1893: 14-15; Horn 1901: 12627; Hubschmann 1895: 10-11; Bartholomae 1899: 192; AIW: 78485; Nyberg 1964-74: 10; Bailey 1979: 148a; MacKenzie 1971: 6; Xaleql 1977: 70-77; EWAia I: 614-15, 618-19J

ahar1 [UnsurT] ‘starch’ also ahar < *a-hara-, cf. OInd. saram ‘firmness, strength, hardness’: Mayrhofer (KEWA III: 461) adduces Thieme’s explanation of the Indian word: “Essenz, das was einer Sache ihre Kraft und ihr Wesen gibt” (1954: 562, fn. 2), which would perfectly match with the Persian word as well.

ahar2 [?] ‘ food’, with Parth. ’h’r and Sogd. ’’h’r borrowings from OInd. ahara- ‘das Zusichnehmen der Nahrung; Nahrung’. Bohtlingk&Roth 1855-75 I: 748-49; Henning 1977 I: 512.

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ahista [Nasir Xusrav] ‘slow, gentle’. Horn explained it as *a-hasta- (Vhad- ‘to sit’, cf. nisastan, Horn 1901: 84); it is semantically more convincing to connect it to OInd. sasti ‘is inactive’, Av. hayuhars-stat- ‘der im Verborgenen sich befindet’, AIW: 1167; KEWA III: 449.

ahmand [AsadT] ‘a liar’, also ahomand [VR], a derivative of aho.


aho [Abu Sukur] ‘a defect, a fault’ MPrs. ahog [’hwk, Man. ’’hwg] < *ah(i)-va-: if ‘pollutedness’ is assumed as its original meaning, comparable to Av. ahita- ‘verunreinigt’, OInd. asita- ‘dark-coloured, black’. AIW: 345; MacKenzie 1971: 6; EWAia I: 146; suffix -o, cf. Horn 1901: 185.

ahu [RudakT; cf. davidan] ‘a gazelle’, Kurd. ask, MPrs. ahug [TYB’, ’hwk, Man. ’(’)hwg], Khot. aska, Sogd. ’’s’wk, all < *asuka-, Av. asu- ‘schnell, rasch’, OInd. asu- ‘quick’. Horn 1901: 93; Hubschmann 1895: 11; AIW: 338; MacKenzie 1971: 7; XaleqT 1977: 77-78; Teubner 1974: 301; Bailey 1979: 28a; EWAia I: 179-80.

ahun [Nasir Xusrav, AsadT] ‘a cavern’, very probably a borrowing from Khot. aho ‘hole’, Vxau- /Vkau- ‘to form a hole’, also

in Osset. k’osM ‘niche, hole in the wall’ (for other connections cf. Абаев 1958-95 I: 642-43); cf. OInd. kosah ‘cask, coop, cupboard, treasury’. Bailey 1979: 3Gb-31a, 63b-64a; EWAia I: 4G3-4.

aJang [FZT] ‘a wrinkle’ v. azang.

aJastan ‘to plant a tree, to fix a^pale, to erect a stone’ [Vullers and LN contain only a reference to FS; however, nav-ajasta ‘recently planted’ is attested by many sources, beginning with LF, cf. LN XLV: 818]; from *a- and yat-, Yaghn. yat- ‘to be placed’, Av. yдiвэma ‘wir haben den Platz eingenommen’, YAT- ‘se mettre en place’, cf. OInd. YAT- ‘appoint to one’s proper place’. Horn 19G1: 142; Livshits apud Андреев&Пещерева 1957: 365; Kellens&Pirart 1988: 2.29G (AIW: 1237-38); EWAia II: 394-95; Kellens 1995: 46.

aJїdan ‘to quilt’, v. azidan.

aJfl [LN] ‘dried fruits or nuts’, could be a popular borrowing (and forgotten) from Arab. ’ajil ‘rassemble, reuni’, Biberstein&Kazi-mirski 186G I: 14.

aJm [Fird.] ‘hurted, pierced’, -a substantivized praesent base of ajidan, azidan.

aJul [Ruzbihan] ‘eructation, flatulency’ < *a-jrta-, to Vgar- ‘to swallow’ with the praefix *a- which inverts the direction of the action as in * a-gam-, cf. amadan; the root is attested in Av. aspd.gar-, пэгэ.gar- ‘(Rosse, Manner) verschlingend’, Afgh. yarai ‘glutton’, OInd. GAR12 ‘schlingen’. AIW: 219, 512, 1G72; EWAia I: 469-7G.

ak [Suzarn] ‘a defect, a calamity’; it was thought (LN II: 141-44) that this word was ‘extracted’ from Dahak, the Persian name of the dragon Azi Dahaka (v. Azdaha), through the interpretation ‘ten bad qualities’: “dah ak”; etymological connections are not in favour of this explanation, they rather indicate to direct Iranian etymology, though a “learned” Zoroastrian borrowing can not be excluded, cf. MPrs. ak [’k], Av. ayd, axti-, aka- ‘schlecht, ^el, bose’, OInd. aka-‘pain’, but also Khot. achai ‘disease, illness’. Horn 19G1: 22; AIW: 44-45; Henning 1977 II: 31; MacKenzie 1971: 7; Bailey 1979: 16b; EWAia I: 39.

akaJ [Unsun] ‘kind of a hook’, also akanj, agaj. cf. kaj‘crooked’ and Sogd. ’ksyc. Horn 19G1: 63; Henning 1977 II: 31.

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akasa [Suzarn] ‘suspended, hanging’, because of -s- rather an East Iranian borrowing, Vkas- ‘to adhere’, cf. Khot. akasta-‘unattached’, pacasta- ‘suspended’, Osset. nyxasyn ‘adhere, stick together’; further connections not yet clear. Bailey 1979: 57a; Абаев 1958-95 II: 22G-21.

akup [XusravanI] ‘the inside of the mouth (referring to a monkey)’, difficult to explain: maybe akin to kafidan ‘to break, to burst’, semantically comparable to Arm. beran ‘mouth’, which is connected to Gr. 9&pay^ ‘cleft, ravine’, ^apuy^ ‘throat’; as to its sound shape, the word could have had the same destiny as kup ‘mountain’; cf. also kap, kab. Buck 1949: 228; Kellens quotes KAMP- ‘vibrer’ (1995: 14).

al1 [FarruxI] ‘dull red’, a Turk. borrowing, cf. Uigh., Chag. etc. al ‘hochrot’, MTurk. al ‘orangefarbiger Brokat’. Rasanen 1969-71: 14b; Doerfer 1963-75 II: 94-95; Brockelmann 1928: 6; CeBopraH 1974: 125-26 (has some vague indications about the “coincidence of a Turkish and a Indo-European roots”).

al2 [DaqIql] ‘offspring, dynasty’, frequently not recognized as an Arabic borrowing; cf. Biberstein&Kazimirski 1860 I: 69: al ‘race, dynastie’, to <’-w-l ‘arriver, parvenir a un lieu, a quelque chose’, ibid., pp. 69-71.

alas [LN] ‘the beech’, also alas, alas (Wollastone): Henning (1977 II: 577) explains these words of TalisI origin, together with ras, which comes from GIlanI, but “has now been adopted as standard Persian”, deriving them from ^Iraxs- ‘red’; another derivate of the same root is alas [SiraJu-d-DIn RajI] ‘a live coal’; v. raxs ‘a mixture of red and white’, — the colour of Rustam’s horse Raxs. Bailey 1979: 362a.

alextan [Abu Sukur] ‘to rear, to kick’, praes. alez-; one of the few Persian words preserving IE *l: Mayrhofer (EWAia II: 459) supports the old (Jaba 1879: 384) connection of this word with Goth. laikan, OEng. lacan, Lith. laigyti, and insists on keeping it apart from OInd. REJ- ‘to cause to tremble’, cf. larzidan; Kurd. listin ‘to play’ [FarIzov] could be a cognate of alextan. Horn 1893: 11; Horn 1901: 134; XaleqI 1977: 50; Bailey 1979: 364a.

aloh ‘eagle’, also aluh, aloh [TBalsamI], aluh, Kurd. elo, huli [Rizgar], MPrs. aluh [’lwh, Man. ’’lwf] < *arzifya-, a kind of a vrddhi as compared to *rzifya- which is represented by OPrs. *rdifya [Elam. ir-tup-pi-ia, Gr. dp^vpoq (*dpZvpoq) asxo^], Av. drdzifiia-, OInd. rji'pya-; AIW: 354; Horn had connected aloh to Gr. opvi^ that was not accepted by Hubschmann. Horn 1898: 10; Hubschmann 1895: 8; Nyberg 1964-74: 14; Henning 1977 I: 559; MacKenzie 1971: 7; XaleqI 1977: 48-50; Schmitt 1970: 67 Anm. 19; EWAia I: 250-51.

_v _ _—

aluftan [Vullers: FS and BQ; FZT: «Ayin-i Nigaris»] ‘to rage; to be afflicted’, only the participle alufta is attested; one of the words that seem to continue IE *l and have a rather exclusive counterpart in

Ancient Indian, cf. OInd. LOBH- ‘to be confounded, to desire eagerly’; Abayev related Osset. (Digor) ilivd ‘unhappy, poor’ to the same root ( < *vi-lufta-, Абаев 1966: 9-14, cf Абаев 1958-95 I: 543); all of that could however be misleading, - if the word is a borrowing from Sogd. ”Swfi- ‘to fasten a quarrel’ (Gershevitch 1954: 68 §453), Vdub- is attested, e.g., in Germanic: ON dubba, OEng. dubbian ‘zum Ritter schlagen’. IEW: 268; KEWA III: 107-8, EWAia II: 483-84.

aluydan [RudakI] ‘to become angry’, maybe connected to aruydan; if aryanda is a praesent base derivative, then probably aruyda < *a-ry-ta-, as a past participle. Horn 1901: 56; Mo'In 1979 I: 32.

alu [Nasir Xusrav] ‘a plum’, also hulu, MPrs. alu [Junker 1912: 51]; the word is likely to be an ancient ‘Kulturwort’ (other forms of it could be seen in Gr. ^a (Seleucos the Glossator), Germ. Ahl, Pauly-Wissowa 1893-1980 XIX: 1458, Hehn 1870: 376-81, Schrader apud Hehn), though its provenience remains obscure [**wlsfia- in some unknown ancient Near Eastern language?]; less probable is the connection to IE *V(s)ldi/- ‘blue, blueish’, with only the second root-increment remaining (cf. IEW: 965) or the reconstruction of IE *Vel-.

aludan [FarruxI] ‘to defile, to pollute’, praes. alay-, MPrs. aludan ['lwtn, praes. Td-, Man. 'rwd-, - with an ‘inverse’ -d-, reconstructed to adjust the past stem]: *a-lavayami : *a-lUta-; -l- is here in variation with -r-, cf. Osset. (Digor) ruga ‘dust’, MPrs. rwd ‘rascal’, Khot. rruma ‘dust, mud’, Vr/lav- probably lost in Indo-Aryan; for IE connections cf. Gr. ^u^a ‘dirt’. Horn 1893: 10; Horn 1901: 130; Hubschmann 1895: 8, 136; Henning 1977 I: 567; MacKenzie 1971: 7; Xaleql 1977: 47-48; Абаев 1958-95 I: 56-57, II: 443-44; Bailey 1979: 366b; IEW: 681.

amadan [RudakI] ‘to come’, pres. dyad; MPrs. amadan [YTWN-tn, Man. 'mdn, praes. ”y-], also madan [mtn, Man. mdn]; the praesent and the past of this verb are suppletive: past amad < *a-ym-ata-, cf. OPrs. ham-gm-ata- ‘assembled’, para-gm-ata- ‘went forth’ (which are forms of an ancient participium necessitatis, whereas other Iranian languages have traces of the part. perf. pass. *a-ga-ta-

< a-gm-ta-: Parth. 'gd, Khot. ata-, Avestan has both gata- and ydmata-, Schmitt 1989: 80), Vgam- ‘to go’, OInd. GAM- ‘to move, to come, to go’; praes. ayad < *a-ayati, cf. Av. a-ay- ‘adire’, Vi-, OInd. AY7- ‘to go, to reach’. Horn 1893: 11-12; Horn 1901: 132; Hubschmann 1895: 8; AIW: 150; Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 120; Kent

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1950: 183; Nyberg 1964-74: 15, 129; MacKenzie 1971: 7, 53; Xaleql 1977: 53; EWAia I: 102, 465-66; Kellens 1995: 12, 18-19.

amana [SozanI] ‘split wood’, also amana: maybe, a loanword from Arabic, cf. Arab. amana ‘objet confie en depot’, Biberstein& Kazimirski 1860 I: 57.

amadan [RudakI] ‘to arrange, to prepare’, also amudan; cf. Osset. amajyn ‘to construct, to arrange’, Sogd. amate [Chr. 'mty, Man. ’’m’ty] ‘prepared, ready’, Av. a + Vma(y)- ‘Befahigung anweisen, sich als tuchtig erproben’, OInd. MA2- ‘to measure’. Horn 1893: 11; Horn 1901: 129; AIW: 1165-66; Gershevitch 1954: 3 §14; Абаев 1958-95 I: 49; Xaleql 1977: 51-52; EWAia II: 341-43; Kellens 1995: 44.

ama"1 [SozanI] ‘a plough’ < *a-mata-ci, cf. Yazdl matk id. (FBehdlnan has matak ‘a rod in the construction of a yoke’), MPrs. amaxsih ['m'xsyh] ‘harnessed’, Khot. masarika ‘mattock’ (< * mats'), Av. upa maitim ‘auf dem Scholtenknuppel’ (V.3.20), Arm. (Iranian loanword) mac ‘plough-handle’, OInd. matya- ‘a kind of a harrow’; Bartholomae did not recognize the voicing of intervocal *-tc- (after the syncope of -a-) and therefore could not accept the connection of amaj and matk (1890 II: 24 note 2). Horn 1893: 11; Horn 1901: 73; Henning 1977 I: 141; Xaleql 1977: 50-51; Bailey 1979: 326ab; Hoffmann apud Humbach 1961: 103 Anm.1; EWAia II: 297.

ama"2 [FarruxI] ‘target, butt’ is probably another word (cf. ama/) and may contain Vma(y)- ‘to measure’, cf. amadan.

amar [RudakI] ‘calculation’, MPrs. amar ['m'r], <*a-hmara-, cf. mar, hamar, sumaridan. Horn 1893: 11; Horn 1901: 102; Bailey 1930-32: 65-66; Nyberg 1964-74: 15; MacKenzie 1971: 7; XaleqI 1977: 52.

amas [Nasiri Xusrav] ‘swelling’, also amah, < *a-Smasa-, Vdma-fVdam3- ‘to swell’, cf. Sogd., Khwar. Sm's- ‘aufschwellen, kraftig werden’, OInd. dhmata- ‘blown up’, DHAM1- ‘to blow’; cf. damidan. Horn 1901: 93f; Gershevitch 1954: 318; Henning 1971: 15a; Samadi 1986: 65; EWAia I: 775.

amextan [UnsurI] ‘to mix’, pres. amiz-, subst. amiy ‘mixture; copulation’; MPrs. amixtan, amiz- ['myhtn, 'myc-, Man. 'myxtn, 'myz-], Parth. amixt ['myxt], amixtay ['myxtg] ‘mele’; Persian and Parthian words come directly from Vmaik-f Vmaic-, whereas other Indo-Iranian forms require Vmik-s-, cf. Av. misti ‘together ^ mixed up’, OInd. MEKS- ‘to mix’ (Parthian has also intr. amixs- ['myxs-] ‘etre mele’). Horn 1893: 12; Horn 1901:134; AIW: 1187; Ghilain

1939: 81; Nyberg 1964-74: 15; MacKenzie 1971: 8; Xale^ 1977: 56-59; EWAia II: 373-74; IEW: 714.

amila [Nasiri Xusrav] ‘myrobalan’, arabisized dmulaf, Vullers glosses it as ‘fructus Phyllanthi Emblicae’ and regards it as an Indian borrowing (1855-64 I: 52-53), cf. OInd. dmalaka-

‘Myrobalanenbaum, Emblica officinalis’ (Bohtlingk&Roth 1855-75 I: 67G), cf. also FTZ I: 88.


amoxtan [Abu Sukur] ‘to learn’, pres. dmoz-, MPrs. hammoxtan [’LPWN-tn, hmwhtn, praes. hmwc-, hmwz-, Man. hmwxtn]: Modern Persian and Middle Persian forms obviously have different prefixes, respectively *d- and *ham-; cf. also Sogd. mwck’ ‘teacher’; Nyberg compared OInd. muncati ‘to let loose’ and explained MPrs. hammoxtan as ‘to give out (knowledge) from oneself’; Prs. dmoxtan would then be ‘to attract (knowledge) to oneself’; cf. Av. jra-muxti-‘untying, releasing’, OInd. MOC- ‘to let loose’; v. moza. Horn 1893: 12; Horn 19G1: 135; AIW: 988; Nyberg 1964-74: 15; Gershevitch 1954: 147 967; MacKenzie 1971: 41; Xa^ 1977: 54-56; EWAia II: 382; Kellens 1995: 45.


amury [Abu Sukur] ‘somewhat; quantity; value’ < *d-(h)mr-ka, for review of derivatives of *^(h)mar- cf. Bailey 193G-32: 65-66; cf. also dmdr, sumurdan.

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amumdan [Baihaq^ ‘to forgive, to pardon’, MPrs. dmu^dan [’mwlcytn, Man. ’mwrzyd] < *d-mrj-, simplified from **-mrjd-[mrdDd-], Parth. amйzd [’’mwjd] ‘mercy’, Khot. mulysdi ‘favour, mercy’, Av. mэrэzdd- ‘to pardon’, OInd. MARD- ‘to be merciful, to pardon’ < *marzd-; cf. mdUdan. Horn 1893: 12; Horn 19G1: 133; AIW: 1152-53, 1175; Nyberg 1964-74: 16; MacKenzie 1971: 8; Bailey 1979: 338ab; Boyce 1977: 11; Xa^ 1977: 53-54; EWAia II: 326-27; Kellens 1995: 44.

amudan [DaqЇqЇ] ‘to mix; to prepare’, a variant of dmddan, with -й- < -d- influenced by the labial.

amut [MunjЇk] ‘the nest of a bird of prey’, probably a Saka loanword, cf. Khot. dmatd- ‘dwelling place’ < *dhdmatd, change of stress and lengthining are to be assumed: dmatd [dmaS] > *dmat >

*dmdt > dmйи -md- > -mй- as in dmйdan]^; Vdh- ‘to sit, to dwell’, OInd. AS- ‘to sit, to remain’. Bailey 1979: 19; EWAia I: 181; Kellens 1995: 12.

an1 [RudaH] ‘that’, MPrs. (h)dn [ZK, ’n, Man. h’n]; rather to Av. ana- ‘this’ (Horn), than to anya- ‘another’ (Nyberg), that would have produced an umlaut or palatalisation (cf. Bactr. E11O, Khot. ana); cf. OInd. ana-; the vowel length remains however unexplained: the Middle and New Persian pronoun could be a combination of *ha-

and *ana-, stem conglutinations are charecteristical for pronouns; cf. Av. ha-1 ‘this’, OInd. sa ‘that’. Horn 1893: 12-13; Horn 19G1: 119; AIW: 112-14, 135-38, 1718-1727; Nyberg 1964-74: 16;

MacKenzie 1971: 8; Bailey 1979: 2a; Xale^ 1977: 59-41; KEWA III: 41G, EWAia I: 69.

an2 [Sana^] ‘intellect, grace, elegance’, seems not to be a separate word, but a metaphorical use of an1; to explain it Steingass ingeniously quoted an Italian phrase: “un certo non so che”.

and Tin [Farrux^ ‘there, then, thus’; a parallel formation to ёдйn, influenced by an1.

anrn [LF] ‘churning implement’ < *a-nai-na-, cf. XufT paymdz ‘churn, large clay jar’, Kurd. mvisk ‘butter’, Sugh., Yazg. nay- ‘to churn’, Khot. myaka-, OInd. nava-mta- ‘fresh butter’, also MPrs., Prs. pamr ‘cheese’: nay- ‘to churn’. Bailey 1979: 184b; EWAia II: 25-26.

arang1 [Asad^ ‘grief; deceit’ < *a-ranga-, cf. ranj.

V r\

aran" [Abu SukUr] ‘the elbow’, also arang [MansUr-i Seraz^, aran [Ayajri, also aras [Fird.] ‘cubit’; MPrs. aranj [’lanc], arisn [’lsn] ‘cubit’, OPrs. arasni-, cf. Kurd. em§k [Fanzov], Yidya razэn, SarЇkolЇ yorn, Osset. (arm) arin ‘cubit’, Pazand a^e, Sogd. ’’r’ync ‘cubit’ < *araenika- (Henning apud Gershevitch), Khot. *arina- [LS arnine], Av. a^ena-; Persian words come both directly from *araena- or from *araena-cЇ-, *araena-ka-; OInd. aratni- ‘elbow’, hence also artm- ‘the end of a bow, the place where the string or sinew is fastened’. Horn 1893: 5; AIW: 196; Brandenstein& Mayrhofer 1964: 1G4; Nyberg 1964-74: 29; Gershevitch 1954: 39 §247; MacKenzie 1971: 11; Bailey 1979: 8a; Xa^ 1977: 16-17; EWAia I: 1G9, 174.

aram [DaqЇqЇ] ‘quiet’, cf. MPrs. ram [l’m, Man. r’m] ‘peace’, ramisn [l’msn, Man. rmysn] ‘peace, ease, pleasure’, Osset. ramun ‘to stand, to remain’, rnomyn ‘to stop’ (< *aav-ramaya-), Sogd. r’mnd ‘always’, Khot. ram- ‘to rejoice’, Av. aramaiiat ‘er erfreute’, OInd. RAM- ‘to become quiet, peaceful, to rest’; cf. ram, ramis; Horn 1893: 5; AIW: 1511; MacKenzie 1971: 7G; Bailey 1979: 358ab; Xa^ 1977: 15; Gershevitch 1954: 5 §45; Абаев II: 374-75, IV: 17-18; EWAia II: 435-36; Kellens 1995: 56.

arastan [RUdaH] ‘to adorn, to embellish; to set in order’, praes. aray-, MPrs. arastan [’l’stn], Av. rad- ‘(sich) bereit machen’, cf. Khot. tray- ‘to save’ < *ati-raS-, OInd. RADH- ‘to achieve, to prepare, to satisfy’. Horn 1893: 4-5; 19G1: 138; AIW: 152G-21; Nyberg 1964-74: 29; MacKenzie 1971: 11; Bailey 1979: 143b-144a; Xa^ 1977: 14; KEWA III: 54, EWAia II: 448; Kellens 1995: 57.

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arazis [LN I: 6G, as Vullers, to BQ] ‘bounty, charity, alms’, as Osset. arazyn ‘to direct, to construct’ < *a-raz-, v. rast, ajrazїdan. Cf. Horn 1893: 4 (‘unbelegt’!); Абаев I: 57-58; XaleqЇ 1977: 13 (‘bedune sa°hed’).

ard [Nasir Xusrav] ‘flour’, Afgh. огэ, MPrs. ard [KHM’, ’lt], Khot. ada- < *arndta- (praes. *ar-na-), cf. arr- ‘to grind’, Av. asa-A ‘gemahlen, vom Gtreide’; Var- ‘grind’, probably also in OInd. atta-‘dry’? v. as, asya, yavar. Horn 19G1: 23; H^schmann 1985: 134 (§1Gb); AIW: 239; MacKenzie 1971: 11; Bailey 1979: 17a, 23a; Xa^ 1977: 16; KEWA III: 626.

are [Fird.] ‘yes, indeed’, probably an interjectionalized adverb, to MPrs. awar [LPNM‘, Man. ’wr] ‘hither! come!’, Av. auuar ‘hinab’, OInd. (RV) avdr, avds ‘below, downwards’ (to dva). Horn 1893: 5-6, 19G1: 165; AIW: 176; Nyberg 1964-74: 36; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Xa^ 1977: 18; EWAia I: 132.

arey [Nasir Xusrav] ‘aversion; hatred’, OPrs. araika ‘schlecht, treulos, abtrannig’, OInd. aUkd- ‘falsch, unwahr (about serpents)’; cf. Sogd. ryk ‘evil, unpleasant’ and rey; Bailey postulated for these words Var- ‘to be wild’ (IE Val-) and explained therewith such words as MPrs. arak [’rk, Pazand hala], Sogd. ’’r’k, Osset. arra ‘wild, mad’ and connected them with Gk. alaivrn ‘to sweep around’, Lith. alidtis ‘be foolish, mad’ (Bailey 1961: 476). Horn 1893: 6; Branden-stein&Mayrhofer 1964: 1G5; XaleqЇ 1977: 2G-22; EWAia I: 128.

ar6y [LabiM] ‘belch’ < *a-rauya-, cf. Munji yoruya ‘eructatio’, Afgh. aryai id.(< *a-rux-s-), Khwar. wzrzy- ‘rйlpsen’ (< *uz-ruj-ya-), Khot. mjai ‘bursting, ejecting’, Av. kuruya- ‘bose Krankheit’, Vraug- ‘to emit (painfully)’: probably to OInd. ROJ- ‘to break’ (for semantics cf. Germ. erhrechen), ruj- ‘pain, illness’. Horn 1893: 5; Bartholomae 189G, II: 134; Bailey 1979: 365b; Xa^ 1977: 17-18; Schmidt 1987: 358 (following Schwyzer 1929: 113); Samadi 1986: 229; KEWA III: 64-65, EWAia II: 465.

aruydan [RudaH] ‘to be, to become angry’, probably akin to aluydan [RudaM]; could be a Soghdian borrowing, with a special semantic development, cf. Sogd. ’’rwytky’ ‘greed’, ’’rwyt- ‘to desire’ (past stem), Khot. rrauta- ‘desire’ (< *rauxtya-), Vrauk- for which ‘to please’ is a secondary meaning, the primary one being ‘to shine’ (cf. rosan): thus Mayrhofer also about OInd. ROC-. Horn 19G1: 149: ‘verlesen aus arganda’; Gershevitch 1954: 84 §539; Bailey 1979: 24a, 369b; EWAia II: 463-64.

arz6 [Nasir Xusrav] ‘desire, strong wish’, MPrs. arzog [’lcwk], Man. awarzog/y [’wrzwg], Parth. awarzog [’wrjwg] < *a-varz-ava-ka-, Khot. aursa < *a-varza-, cf. Osset. uarzyn ‘to love’, Av. vardz-

with the prefix a-: ‘jemanden durch sein Wirken herzubringen, zu gewinnen suchen’; Vvarz- ‘to work’, ‘to enchant by magic power’, ‘to love’ (‘agir’), v. varzidan; here the Ossetic verb is decisive to prefer the connection with Vvarz- to Vharg- (Henning, cf. Bailey 1967: 36-7); only late Indo-Aryan words represent *varjati: Bashkarik baj- ‘to do’ and Khowar. baMik ‘to overcome’; Sogd. Buddh. ’’prys- ‘etre lubrique, en chaleur’ (Gauthiot 1914-1929: 71, 75), Man. ’’firxsyy ‘dissoluteness’ (Gershevitch 1954: 2 §5) are not necessarily connected to arzo. Horn 19G1: 185; AIW: 1374-78; Henning 1977, 1: 372; MacKenzie 1971: 11; Bailey 1979: 48a; Абаев IV 53-54; Turner 1962-66: 66G; Kellens 1995: 51; IEW: 1168-69.

as1 [Xaqarn] ‘mill, millstone’, asya [LabM] id., Kurd. as ‘mill’, MPrs. asyah [’sy’p] ‘(water-) mill’, asyag [’sy’k] Parth. ’’s ‘milestone)’, Khwar. ’r6 ‘Mйhlstein’ (Eilers quotes NW ar ‘mill’), all to *ar-$ra-; the derivatives obviously come from *as-Їap ‘water-mill’; the disapparition of final -p preceded the addition of a -k/g- suffix; Var- ‘to grind’, cf. ard; this explanation proposed by Bailey is semantically better than Horn’s proposal to connect the ‘mill’-words to Av. asan-, asman- ‘stone’. Horn 1893: 7, 19G1: 8; Henning 1977, 2: 52; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Eilers 1974: 312; Bailey 1979: 22a; Xa^ 1977: 26-27; Benzing 1983: 77; cf. Buck 1949: 363.

as2 [Zamaxsan, also BQ] ‘ermine’, a Turkish word, cf. MTurk., Chagai as, Chuvash jos etc. Rasanen 1969-1971: 28b; Brockelmann 1928: 13; Doerfer 1963-1975, II: 57-58.

asa [Munjlk] ‘tillage, field ready for sowing’, could be traced to *ar-Sra-ka- and regarded as a rare Indo-Iranian survival specimen of IE *Var- ‘to plow’; asar [also Munjlk, after LN] would be a dialect variant; cf. Arm. arawr, Toch. AB are ‘plough’ etc., cf. IEW: 62-63. asa1 [KTmya-yi Saadat] ‘pacifying; yawning’, v. asйdan, asa.

'У c

asa [ Asjadi] ‘manner, rule; embellishment; gravity; alike’ v. san. Horn 1893, 7: 154; Xa^ 1977: 27-28.

asaydan [RudaH] ‘to prepare, to construct’ < *a-saxta-, Vsak-, cf. Khot. asa ‘kept in memory’ (< *a-saxta-), Av. a + sak1- ‘dem Ged chtnis einpr gen’ (i.e. Avestan and Khotanese have mentalized the semantics), v. saxtan, sazidan, pasayda; -yd- < -*xt- would seem to indicate East Iranian provenience: Soghdian has -s(’)yt- with different prefixes, e.g. Man. ptsyty ‘arranged’; cf. also asйyda ‘halfburnt’, which has a similar relation to soxtan. AIW: 1552-53; Gershevitch 1954: 77 §5G9; Bailey 1979: 28a.

asan [Fird.] ‘easy’, MPrs. asan [’s’n]: ‘at rest, easy, peaceful’, v. asйdan, SW Vsa- < *Vtsua- ‘to rest’ (probably *Vtsum-, cf. also OInd.

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samyati ‘to be quiet’, SAM1-: an archaic alternation -*m-//-*u- ?), v. jarasp ‘cushion’ (NW); Horn (and Xaleql discusses s.v. asan the second part of compounds like xurasan, which has the meaning ‘rising’. Darmesteter 1883, II: 134; Salemann 1887: 238; Nyberg 1964-74: 31; Henning 1977, I: 24G; MacKenzie 1971: 12; Bailey 193G: 16, 1979: 185ab; Xa^ 1977: 28; EWAia II: 61G-11.

aseb [Unsun] ‘trouble, hurt’, maybe < *a-saima- (with denasalization), cf. Khot. sima ‘horrific’, Sogd. Buddh. sym ‘confused, trouble’, Av. sima- ‘Greuel, Grauen erweckend, greulich’, Vsai-; cf. OInd. simyu- ‘aggressive, strenuous; personal name of a king hostile to Indra’, si'mida- ‘female monster’ (IE *V(s)kai- ‘to trouble’, hence words like Gk. mcaio<; ‘unfavorable, left side’); v. asёma. AIW: 158G; Bailey 1979: 425b; EWAia II: 637-38.

asema [Fird.] ‘confused’, also asёvan [Munjlk], probably connected with asёh, these words and their relation resemble greatly Sogd. Buddh. symh and sym’w’k ‘terror’ Gershevitch wondered why these Soghdian words show no palatalization (* sy ): maybe they were pronounced *se or even *sai, that would bring them closer to the Persian words, which could simply be Soghdian borrowings; the suffix *-aka- must have joined *a-saima- before the supposed denasalisation, suffix -van- conceals the preceding consonant. Gershevitch 1954: 56 §3741, 165 §1G81.

asman [RudaH] ‘sky’, MPrs. asman [’sm’n], Sogd. sm’n, Khwar. ’sm, ’sym, OPrs., Av. asman-, OInd. dsman-; Horn 1893: 8; 19G1: 85; AIW: 2G7-2G8; Reichelt 1913: 23-57 (discussing the relation of the notions ‘sky’ and ‘stone’); Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 1G7; Nyberg 1964-74: 32; Gershevitch 1954: 12 §88; MacKenzie 1971: 12; EWAia I: 137-38; Xa^ 1977: 31.

astar [Unsur^ ‘lining of a garment’, Osset. ast^ id., MPrs. astar [’Tavadia S-n-S], Khwar. astir [’styr], Khot. ast^e ‘beds’ < *a-star-na-, as histar ‘cushion; bed’ to Av. upa.st r na- ‘blanket’; Vstar-‘to spread’ is connected with different prefixes (Bailey 1979: 254b-

55a), cf. OInd. STAR1-------‘to spread, to scatter’, astara-, astarana-

‘Decke, Teppich’ (Botlingk&Roth 1855-75 I: 741); Persian has a semantic specialization. Horn 1893: 7, 19G1: 171; H^schmann 1985: 7; AIW: 396; Henning 1977, 2: 489; Абаев I: 77; Bailey 1979: 27b; KEWA III: 517-18; Xa^ 1977: 3G-31.

ast an [Nasir Xusrav] ‘threshold’, also astana [Rudaki], Parth. astanag [’’st’ng] < *arda-stma-stana-(ka-) ‘put (^ standing) between columns’, cf. OPrs. ardastana- ‘window-frame, window cornice’, Av. a^da- ‘side, half’, v. also sumn and istadan. Horn 1893: 7; Henning 1977, 2: 5G2; Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 1G4;

Kent 195G: 171 (explaining arda- as ‘light’, to OPrs. ardata-‘silver’); Boyce 1977: 15; Xale^ 1977: 29-3G.

astar [Horn after de Lagarde 1884: Is. 24, 2G] ‘sin’, MPrs. astar [’st’l, Man. ’st’r]; probably a “learned” word, to Av. a + Vstar2- ‘to commit sins’, Gk. атєрєю, атєріакю ‘to rob’: there seem to be no Indo-Aryan cognates, cf. however Kati Шгэ ‘thief’. Horn 1893: 7; AIW: 1597; Walde&Pokorny II: 636; Nyberg 1964-74: 32; MacKenzie 1971: 12; Turner 1962-66: 791; Xa^ 1977: 28-29.

astm [Fird.] ‘sleeve’, also astm [BQ] and asn [Fird.]: a frequent word without cognates; it can be compared to Afgh. las^nai which is connected to las ‘hand’: then it is possible to assume *8ast-an-ya-> *$astёn > astm with a loss of the initial consonant as in Taj. dial. evar ~ Afgh. lewar OInd. devdr- ‘husband’s brother’; the length of a could be either due to vrddhi or compensatory. Cf. Розенфельд 1982: 73; EWAia 743-44.


asuydan [Ma rufi] ‘to burn half-way’, there is also a “participle” asujta [LN] ‘fire-brand, quenched brand’, all to suxtan, cf. asayda; -yd- < -*xt- could point to East Iranian origin, cf. Osset. suydag ‘pure’, Sogd. swyt-, Khot. s^a- ‘burnt’; -jt-/-xt- cf.juft. Horn 19G1: 7G; Henning 1977, 1: 649; Gershevitch 1954: 115 §75G; Bailey 1979: 426b-27a.

asйdan [Fird.] ‘to rest, to pacify’, praes. asayad, MPrs. asйdan [’swtn, praes. ’s’d- with an ‘inverse’ -d-]; H^schmann saw here Vsay- (OInd. say- ‘to lie, to rest’) and explained -й- referring to jarmйdan, Vma-: however threr is no labial here which could be responsible for such a change, so better to assume Indo-Ar. *Vtsus -(cf. asan) with the alternation praes. *Vtsua-ia: past partic. *t^-ta-; Horn 1893: 8; 19G1: 13G; H^schmann 1985: 7; Henning 1977, 1: 115, 126, 24G; MacKenzie 1971: 12; Bailey 1979: 185ab; Xaleqї 1977: 31-32.

as [Nasir Xusrav] ‘meal; dish’, MPrs. as [’s] < *as-ya-, cf. Khot. hvasa ‘juice from meat’ (< *hu-asyaka-), Av. asit- ‘geniessend’, Vas, OInd. AS1- ‘to eat’. Horn 1893: 8, 19G1: 87; AIW: 338; Nyberg 1964-74: 33-34; Xale^ 1977: 32-33; Bailey 1979: 5G5a; EWAia, I: 136.

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asйд ‘worn out (about teeth)’, MPrs. ’swd. Henning 1977, 2: 24; cf. sujtan [LH].

asam [Fird.] ‘food, eating’, < *a-cyam-, cf. Parth. ahsamah [’hs’mg], Sogd. Buddh. ’’s’m- ‘to drink’, Khot. tsam- ‘to swallow’, Av. sama- ‘gulp’ (Kellens: SAM- ‘avaler’), OInd. CAM1- ‘to slurp’ (onomatopoetic ?); cf. also camldan. Horn 1893: 8; H^schmann

1985: 7; AIW: 17G8; Henning 1977, 2: 24; Bailey 1979: 146b; Xale^ 1977: 33-34; Boyce 1977: 6; EWAia 53G; Kellens 1995: 69.

askar [Fird.] ‘plain, apparent’, also askara, askara, all these variants attested in SN; MPrs. askarag [’’sk’l(’)k, Man. ’sq’rg]; an ancient compound: its first part is akin to Av. auuis ‘offenbar, vor Augen’, OInd. avis ‘id.’, the second component contains Vkar- (v. kardan); the same components are found in OInd. aviskara- ‘making visible, manifestation’. Horn 1893: 8; 19G1: 24; AIW: 334; Nyberg 1964-74: 34; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Xale^ 1977: 36-37; EWAia 177.


ask6b [Kamal Ismaїі] ‘roof’, also askoha, a variant of askoh. askoxidan [Rudaki] ‘to slip, to fall’, seems to be a denominative verb and a remnant of a rare *Vskau-g-, cf. Khot. pasMj- ‘to stir up, blow up’ < *pati-skauj-, whereas Persian *a- has the meaning of another direction of the movement, cf ajtadan; -x- could indicate that the word (*a-skauya-) is borrowed, probably from an East Iranian language, where normal -y had been devoiced in word-final position; IE Vskeu-g- is maybe attested by MEng. schokken ‘to push’ etc. Bailey 1979: 223b; IEW: 955.

asna1 [Rudaki] ‘an acquaintance’, MPrs asnag [’sn’k, Man. ’’sn’g] ‘known’ < *a-(x)sna-ka-, V(x)sna-, Vzna- (Indoar. *dzan-/*dzna- )etc., v. sinaxtan. Horn 1893: 8; Henning 1977, 1: 111; Nyberg 1964-74: 34; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Xa^ 1977: 37.

asna2 [Masud-i Sad] ‘swimming; swimmer’, also asnah [Fird.]

< *a-sna-(ka-), cf. Wax. yazn ‘inflated skin’ (Bailey derives it from

*a-sna-, Morgenstierne (1938, II: 195, 555) has another etymology), Av. a + sna- ‘to wash’; v. sina. Horn 1893: 9; AIW: 1628; Xaleqї 1977: 37-39; Bailey 1979: 466b.

as6y [Tartar!] ‘of unknown family or country’: comparable to Arm. asot, Turk. a§uk (usually a§ik, traced to Arab. aasiq ‘enamoured’, cf. IA IV: 51-56, I: 184-195), it can be derived from

*a-s(y)ava-ka- ‘wanderer, vagabond’, *s(y)av- ‘to move, to go’, v. sudan; the meaning ‘vagabond, stranger’ permits to understand the name of the famous Л$дуГanh as a hendiadys.

as6rdan [LN: Tafsm Abu-l-Futuhi Raz^ ‘to mix, to mingle’, a secondary infinitive to a praes. asdr- (with analogical vowel lengthening), cf. Khwar. hs’ry1- ‘umrnhren’, Vsar- ‘to mix’, OInd. srmdti; Samadi 1986: 24-25; v. sdndan.

asfi [Abu Sukur] ‘reconciliation’, MPrs. ashh [’styh, Man. ’’st], Av. axsti- ‘Friede, Friedensvertrag’, axsta- ‘gefriedet’, probably also OPrs. axsata- ‘unbroken’; then a- acquired its length to compensate the disappearance of the next syllable: *axsata- < *axsnta-,

*V(x)san- ‘to destroy’, OInd. KSAN1- ‘to hurt’. Horn 1893: 8, 19G1: 18G; AIW: 311; Nyberg 1964-74: 35; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Xale^ 1977: 34; EWAia 423.

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asuftan [Fird.] ‘to disturb or to be disturbed; to become confounded’, praes. asoh-, Bal. sujay ‘to thresh; to be angry’ MPrs. asoh [’swp, Parth. ’’swh] ‘disturbance, turmoil’ (to praes. *a-xsauha-: past partic. *d-xsuj-ta-), Khot. dksuv- ‘to start’, Av. xsaoh- ‘in Aufregung geraten’ (Kellens: ‘fremir’), OInd. KSOBH- ‘to tremble, to become agitated’; cf. gusujtan, sejtan. Horn 1893: 8, 19G1: 136; H^schmann 1985: 7, 184; AIW: 539-542; Nyberg 1964-74: 34-35; Henning 1977, 1: 91; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Bailey 1979: 15b; XaleqЇ 1977: 34-36; EWAia 44G; Kellens 1995: 17.

asyan [Fird.] ‘nest, lair’, also asydna [LabM], MPrs. dsyan(ag) [’syd’n(k), Man. ’hy’ng]; the older etymology (Noldeke apud Horn, < *a-sdyana-, cf. Av. a + Vsay- ‘to rest’, OInd. sdye ‘to lie’, Henning had a similar proposal: *d0^ydna-, with IE *k > Indo-Ar. *ts > SW *0) does not take into account MPrs. -d- and requires the syncope of a syllable which should have stress according to rules established by Gauthiot and Meillet; Stackelberg found a more elegant explanation deriving both asyan and Osset. axston (id.) from *dxsa-ddna-, a compound, the first part of which is *a-xsi- (?), for the second component cf. dan ‘receptacle’ (the Osset. Digor verb azun ‘to be kind to smb. etc.’ does not necessarily belong to this word family). Bartholomae 189G, 2: 1G2; Horn 1893: 9; AIW: 1571; Henning 1977, I: 32G; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Xa^ 1977: 39-4G; KEWA III: 3G3; Абаев I: 91-92.

atas [RudaH] ‘fire’, MPrs. ataxs [’ths], a “mot savant” borrowed from Av. NS atars, the regular phonetic result of Proto-Iranian

*atar- is dSar; cf. hal. Horn 1893: 3; 19G1: 24; AIW: 312; IEW: 69; Nyberg 1964-74: 35; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Xa^ 1977: 7-1G.

avand1 [LF] ‘vessel’, MPrs. apomand ‘water vessel’, Av. djant-‘wasserreich’ (< *dp-vant-), cf. OInd. apavant- ‘watery’, and dh ‘water’. AIW: 33G.

avand2 [Fird.] ‘argument, proof’ to *a-panda- ‘the way hither (to persuade)’, v.pand ‘advice’.

avang [RudaH] ‘a line on which clothes or bunches of grapes are hung up; anything susupended’, also avand3), traditionally connected to dvextan (e.g., XaleqЇ 1977: 68): an irregular vowel change is to be assumed, since *aving (< *a-vig-na- or to a nasal praesent

*a-viNga-) would rather be expected as a nominal derivate from from avextan; LN (II: 2G9) advances a simpler proposition starting

with the form avand and explaining it as *a-handa-, to hand- : hastan; cf. aurand. Xaleql 1977: 68.

avar1 [Farruxl] ‘certainty’, probably a dialectal simplification of

*avard, then comparable to MPrs. a-wardag [’wlt’k] ‘undeviating’ (MacKenzie 1971: 13), cf. gardJdan; the length of the initial a- could be due to a rhyme to havar.

avar2 [Vullers: BQ] ‘ugly, deformed’, if ‘twisted’, then probably connected to Av. var3- ‘(se) vertere’ (Kellens: VAR- ‘envelopper’), AIW: 1362-63; Kellens 1995: 5G.

avardan [Unsuri] ‘to bring’, praes. avar-, shortened ar-, intensified biyar; a secondary past base avandan is also attested, to which the meaning ‘to attack’ is given (BQ): however LN (I 2G8) comments that there are no examples for it: MPrs. awurdan [YHYTYWN-tn, Man. ’’wrd], Sogd. ’’fir-, Av. a- + Vhar1- ‘etwas herzunnngen, herbeihoien’; v. hurdan. Horn 1893: 13-14, 19G1: 24, 3G, 49; AIW: 938; Nyberg 1964-74: 39; Gershevitch 1954: 84 §54G; MacKenzie 1971: 14^ Xaleql 1977: 65; Samadi 1986.

avan [Vuliers: FS] ‘echo’, also ava, could be an interjection, out could also be *a-vaxa-, Vvak- ‘to speak’, cf. Khot. *ava ‘parable’ (the attested form is LS avya, Bailey 1979: 26a), MPrs. Man. awag [’’w’g] v. avaz. H^schmann 1985: 269; Henning 1977, I: 4G8; Nyberg 1964-74: 73; Boyce 1977: 4.

avam [Vuliers: FS] ‘debt’, also avam lAsraru-t-Tawhid], vam [Fird.], jam [Nasir Xusrav, a borrowing from an unattested East Iranian idiom?]; MPrs. aham [’p’m], Parth. ’h’myh; Horn and Mbschmann concentrated on refuting Darmesteter’s explanation by means of Vam- (Darmesteter 1883, I: 75) to Lat. ahemptum, Lith. imu), since the meaning of this root is ‘to take’: some kind of semantic development like ‘debt’ ^ ‘what is to be taken away’ cannot be completely excluded; Nyberg proposed a convincing etymology: *apanma- ‘that what a lender has to obtain from the borrower’, a middle part, from Vap- ‘to reach, to overtake’, v. yajtan; Bailey discussed the word connecting it to Khot. pїha-‘price’, Osset. jidyn ‘to pay’ and postulating a root ‘to pay’ with the ablaut Vpai-, VpЇ-, Vpa-: then (a)vam < *(a)-pa-(m)na-; the sound patterns or Bailey’s and Nyberg’s etymologies practically are the same, the can be ‘united’ by assuming a root alternation *Vap- / *Vpa- with *-Ї- as an enlargement. Horn 1893: 3G-31, 19G1: 2G, 22, 79; H^schmann 1985: 19; AIW 7G-72; Nyberg 1964-74: 22; MacKenzie 1971: 1; Bailey 1979: 242a; cf. Абаев I 473-74; EWAia 167.

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avam2 [LN II 2GG] ‘colour’, also avam [Vullers 1855-64: I 139, ex BQ] < *a-ha-ma-, to Vha- ‘to shine’, verifying the explanation of

ajtah by proving the root with the same suffix, cf. also jam, ham and Parth. ’h’myh (Henning 1977, I: 56G).

avar1 [LN IV 472] ‘warmth, heat’ was given an Iranian etymology (compared with var ‘heat’ (BQ), uvar(a) id., avar (Wollaston), vanx ‘caido’ (Gazophyl.), cf. Arm. varem ‘zrnde an’, H^schmann 1897: 494, № 386; Horn 19G1: 62); but the word is an (frequently unrecognized) borrowing from Arabic uwaru ‘ardeur au feu, violence de la chaieur, flamme’ (Biberstein&Kazimirski 186G, I: 68).

avar2 [VR] ‘vagrant, outcast’, also avara [Fird.] < *a-hara(-ka)-, metaphorically to Av. Vhar2- ‘sich rasch bewegen (von wind und wasser)’. OInd. BHAR1- id., cf. RV bhurana- ‘runrig, bewegiich’, bMmi- ‘eifervoll, wild’ etc: another meaning of this word — ‘unjustice’ is also attested for MPrs. aparay (Henning 1977, I: 371). Horn 1893, 13; H^schmann 1985: 9: AIW: 943; Xaleqї 1977: 6164; EWAia II: 251-52.

avar3 [Nasir Xusrav] ‘account-book, register’, also avara, either dialect variants of amar or < *ahi-varda-, SW correspondence to *ahi-varza-, Indo-Ir. Vvardz- (v. va^dan): so Nyberg 1964-74: 73.

avaz [Nasir Xusravj ‘voice’, also ava, avah, MPrs. avaz [’p’c] <

*a-vaca-, cf. Av. a-vac- ‘heranrufen, anrufen’, Vvak-, OInd. VAC- ‘to say, to speak’. Horn 1893: 13: 19G1: 49; AIW: 1331; Nyberg 196474: 73; Henning 1977, I: 4G8; MacKenzie 1971: 13; Xale^ 1977: 64-65; EWAia II: 489-9G; Kellens 1995: 48-49.

aves [Nasir Xusrav] ‘marjoram, oregano’, also avёsa, avёsam, avёsan, avёsana < *a-vaisa- and suffixes; cf. hёsa, which has noteworthy cognates: Sogd. Buddh. wysh, Yaghn. wes, ways ‘herb, verdure, vegetables’. Benveniste 1929: 237: Bailey 1979: 291a.

avextan [LabiM] ‘to hang, to suspend’, praes. avёz-, avang and avangan ‘hanging, suspended’ are usually quoted as derived from this verb with -i- alter -v-. though LN (I: 214-15) has -a-vocalization, which would require a more sophisticated phonetic explanation; Osset. awynjyn, MPrs. awЇxtan [Farahvasr FPP 12] < *a-vaij-aya, *a-viNj- ‘to throw upwards, to suspend’, cf. Av. vaёg-‘to throw’, OInd. VEJ- ‘to rise’; cf. hёxtan. Horn 1893: 14; 19G1: 127, 134; mbschmann 1985: 1G; AIW: 1313; Xa^ 1977: 65-68; Samadi 1986; Bailey 1979: 398ab; EWAia II: 577-78;

axal [Farmx^ ‘any kind of rubbish’, also axar; probably a very old and popular borrowing from Arab. axlat, pl. of xilt ‘melange, chose qui se mele a une autre’ (Biberstein-Kazimirsky 186G, I: 615); for the phonetic adaptation an intermediate form *axalt is to be assumed; but cf. also ayardan.

axiac/j [Abu Sukur] ‘opposite, contrary’, also ax^k, v. ах$ё/.

axtan [Asad!] ‘to draw out’, an abbreviation of a-hlxtan. cf. hixtan and ahaji Їdan, MPrs. ahixtan [’hhtn, Man. ’hxtn]. Horn 19G1: 96; Nyberg. 1964: 1G; MacKenzie 1971: 6.

axund [Algar (1984: 731) indicates that “the word first enters currency in the Timurid period”] ‘theologian, preacher’ < *a-xvand, -the second component being either related to xvandan (Pйrdavйd apud Mom BQ) or abbreviated xudavand (Radloff and Dehxoda considered a- to be abridged aya); less probable to derive axйnd from Turk. anyйn ‘a pre-Islamic Nestorian priest’ (also arxun, from gr. apxwv, IA, I: 228); also axйn, axavand [Shakespear, Richardson]; Algar, ibid. 731-32; cf. Horn 1893: 3; XaleqЇ 1977: 1G and EI I: 249.

axur [Fird.] ‘stable, stall’, Kurd. ajir ‘Krippe, Futtertrog, Fresstrog’ (Omar 1992: 3; Socin 1898-19G1: 261), MPrs. axwarr [’hivl], cf. Sogd. ’’ywyr- ‘to eat’, Av. avo.xva^na- ‘Tranke’ ^ *‘Wasser-genuss bietend’; the Avestan word can be related to the other words only by assuming phonetic irregularities (*ava- > a-), otherwise it is possible to reconstruct *a-xvarna- as the source of axur and its cognates; v. xurdan. Horn 1893: 4; Hubschmann 1985: 5-6; AIW: 357; Henning 1977, II: 52; Nyberg 1964-74: 39; MacKenzie 1971: 14; Bailey 1943; Xaleqi 1977: 1G.

ayasa [BQ] ‘spy, flatterer’, also ayistina, ayisna [BQ], seems to be an Indian borrowing (if not simply adopted by BQ), ultimately connected to OInd. adhi-sthayaka- ^ber etw. stehend, etw. beaufsichtigend’, Botlingk 1855, I: 154; cf. also BHS adhisthanika ‘government men’, Edgerton 1953: 95; cf. ayasa. Henning 1977, I: 83, 131.

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ayam [Fiyam] ‘easiness’, from ayan ‘comer; anything that presents itself readily to the mind or comes easily to hand’, participial derivates from ay-, present base to amadan.

ayift [Daqiq^ ‘wish, need’, also ayujt, MPrs. ayajt [’dypt, Man. ’’ypt] ‘boon, favour, gift’, Av. aiiapta- ‘guristiger Erfolg, Gluck; Almosen’, from *ahi-ap-ta- (Vap-) with labial dissimilation (as Khwar. yj- ‘erreichen, emholen, finden’ < *ayaja- < *ahi-aja-, Samadi 1986: 256-57), cf. Av. avi ap- ‘einholen’, Vap- ‘atteindre’; v. yajtan. AIW: 71, 332-33; Nyberg 1964-74: 4G; MacKenzie 1971: 15; Kellens 1995: 11-12.

aym [RйdakЇ] ‘manner, custom, rite; common law’, also aylna [VR], ayina [Daq^i]; the (probably secondary) meaning ‘beauty, ornamentation’ is attested for a more archaic form aSln [Nasir Xusrav, Sozarn]; MPrs. ёwёn(ag) [’dwyn(k), Man. ’ywyn(g)], Parth. aвSёn ‘custom, way’ < *ahi-dayana(-ka)-, Vdai- ‘to see’, cf. dldan. Horn 1893: 15-16; H^schmann 1985: 11; Henning 1977, I: 559, II:

2G; Nyberg 1964-74: 12; MacKenzie 1971: 31; Xaleq 1977: 78-82; Boyce 1977: 5.

ayma [Nasir Xusrav] ‘mirror’, also ayina; Bal. aden, adenay [Gibertson 1925, II: 426], Osset. aydan, MPrs. ёwёnag [’dwynk], Parth. ’’dyng, Sogd. ’’d’yn’k, Khot. ayana- (LS atina) - all to *a-day(a)na(-ka)-, Vdai- ‘to see’, cf. didan. Horn 19G1: 45; H^schmann 1985: 11-12; Henning 1977, I: 559; Абаев I: 11; MacKenzie 1971: 31; Bailey 1979: 19b; Xa^ 1977: 82-83.

az [Fird.] ‘desire, avarice, lust’, frequently in compounds azmand, azvar/azй^ MPrs. az [’c, Man. ’’z] ‘greed, lust’, Sogd. ”z ‘greed’, Av. azi- ‘Gier, Begierde’; Bartholome (1895: 43) considered this word to contain a ‘Hochstufe’ as compared to the verb iziieiti ‘requires’ with a ‘Tiefstufe’ (cf. OInd. EH- ‘to desire’ or OInd. aji-‘competition’, Schmeja 1976: 1G1). Horn 1893: 6; AIW: 343; Nyberg 1964-74: 41; Gershevitch 1954: 2 §4; MacKenzie 1971: 15; Xa^ 1977: 22-23; EWAia 16G, 273.

azadan [Manucihn] ‘pierced; coloured’, v. azadan. azar [BQ] ‘trouble, grief; cross-tempered’, cf. azar, azardan. azardan [Abu Sukur] ‘to injure, to trouble, to aggravate’, also azardan, azurdan; the present base azar- produced already in MP a secondary past azard, the old past base with the reflex of Indo-Ir. *-r- has a variety of vocalisations: -ar-, -ur-, -ir- (in Man.); MPrs. azardan [’cltn, Man. ’’zyrdn], Sogd. ’’z’r, ’’z’yrt ‘to inflict’, Av. a zar- ‘erz^nen’, an-azardta- ‘nicht erzumt’, to Vzar1- ‘irriter’ (Kellens 1995: 67-68), also Afgh. zordl ‘to vex, to coerce’ (<*zaraya-), Khot. ysara, ysurra ‘anger, hate’ (<*zr-nu-), OPrs. darzanaya ‘im Zorne’, cf. OInd. hrmte ‘to be angry’, Indo-Ir. *dzhar-. Horn 19G1: 141; Horn 1893: 6; H^schmann 1985: 6; AIW: 125, 1669-7G; Nyberg 1964-74: 41; Brandenstein&Mayrhofer 1964: 115; Gerschevitch 1954: 84 §541; MacKenzie 1971: 15; Bailey 1979: 35Ga, 354a; KEWA III: 6G4.

azarm [Avhad^ ‘pain, wrath, shame; dignity’, also azar [Nasir Xusrav], to azardan; MPrs. azarm [’clm, Man. ’’zrm] ‘harm, injury; honour, respect’, Sogd. ’’zrm ‘harm’, zrm zrmh ‘distress’: it seems that only Persian and Sogdian have here the suffix *-ma(n)-: that would probably indicate that at least the words with the “negative” meaning are Sogdian borrowings. Horn 1893: 6; Henning 1977, I: 99 (azar), 467; Gershevitch 1954: 166 § 1G93; MacKenzie 1971: 15; Xaleqi 1977: 24-26.

azax [Kisa^] ‘wart, twig’, also azax, azax, zax, azuy, azanj etc., Khwar. ’zx ‘Warze’, all to *(a)-zaya- < *(a)-znga-: cf. also Kurd. ёzimk ‘Ekzem im Kindersalter’ (Omar 1992: 199); by assuming a

more general meaning of ‘something attached to’ these words can be compared to Osset. zang, MPrs. zang [zng], Av. zanga-, OInd. jangha- ‘ankle, shank’, also jamhas- ‘wing’. MacKenzie 1971: 98; Benzing 1983: 134; Абаев 1958-90, IV: 297; EWAia I: 562, 564.

azad [Fird.] ‘free-born, noble’, MPrs. azad [’c’t, Man. ”z’d], Sogd. ’’z’t, Khot. aysaza-, Av. a-za-ta-; Vzan-, v. zadan; the semantics of what literally is ‘born hither’ was explained by Bailey as ‘born into the noble house, noble family’. Horn 1893: 6, 1901: 21; AIW: 343; Benveniste 1929: 212; Henning 1977, II: 23; Nyberg 1964-74: 41-42; MacKenzie 1971: 15; Bailey 1979: 20a-21b; Xaleql 1977: 23-24.

azfandak [AsadI] ‘rainbow’, also azfandak, azfanak, the unusual cluster -zf-, -zf- seems to signalize a morphological juncture in a compound: its first component could have a root akin to OInd. ANC-‘to bend, to curve’ (EWAia I: 52, in Iranian attested e.g., in Av. aka-‘hook’) and be a word for the bow: the meaning ‘bow’ for *az/*az is almost obligatorily predicted by the second component, which is identical to Khwar. fiynd’k ‘Lord’ (Amarat&MacKenzie 1990: 107, considered to be a derivative of QM fiynd, MA fynd ‘husband’, which is explained by connecting it to Av. fsuyant-), — ‘rainbow’ is frequently considered as a bow of a deity, cf. Arab. Qaws Allah, Qaws Rasul Allah, Qaws Qazf, as well as the general idea of including the rainbow among supernatural phenomena - «a6ar al-ulwiyya» (EI, IV: 803-805). azln, v. aSTn, ayin.

azmudan [Fird.] ‘to try, to prove’, praes. azma-, MPrs. azmudan, uzmudan [’(w)zmwtn, praes. ’(w)zm’d-], Sogd. Chr. zm’y-; Nyberg assumes *avis-may- as the source or these verbs and postulates different contractions for NP (*auzma-, a syncope) and BP (*ozma-), the root being Vma- ‘to measure’; Sogdian has a different type of contraction or simply the prefix *uz-; v. amadan, paimudan. Horn 1893: 6, 1901: 129; AIW: 1165-66; Nyberg 1964-74: 147; MacKenzie 1971: 16, 85; Xaleql 1977: 26-27; Gershevitch 1985: 262.

azux [FS] ‘a rotten and empty nut’: could be a vocalisation variant of azax, the meaning could be derived from ‘wart’.

azvar ‘avaricious, lewd’, also azar, derivatives of az. Horn 1901:

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azadan [Fird.] ‘to sew, to pierce’, also ajadan, ajidan, azidan, praes. azin-, MPrs. Z. aznay-, MPrs. T. abzen- [’bzyn] ‘to sew’, abzin [’bcyrc] ‘cloth, material’, Khwar. bcn2- ‘to mend, to patch’, Khot. aca ‘she sew’, all to Vcay- ‘to cut, to pierce, to sew’ with different prefixes (NPrs., MPrs., Khot. *a-, MPrs. *abi-, Khwar. *pati-), cf.

OInd. kinasa- ‘ploughman’, BHS cimara- ‘metal: iron or copper’; cf. also zana ‘point of the needle’. Horn 1901: 128; Geiger 1938: 214; Henning 1977, II: 18, 350; Boyce 1977: 8; Bailley 1955: 67-69, 1979: 1; Samadi 1986: 14; EWAia?

azang [FarruxI] ‘wrinkle’, also ajing [FZT] < *a-cina-ka-‘upheaping (of skin)’, cf. cm ‘id’. and cidan ‘to gather, to heap up’.

azix [BQ] ‘gummy exudations from the eyes’, the same word family as azax, azux. Cf. Horn 1901: 182.

azlr [Fird.] ‘intelligent’ < a-ciOra-, cf. Av. ciOra1- ‘(1c) Vision, Erscheinung’ (AIW: 586), v. cihr, cihra. Horn 1901: 92.


Afgh. Afghani Lith. Lithuanian

Arab. Arabic Man. Manichean

Aram. Aramaic MEng. Middle English

Arm. Armenian MPrs. Middle Persian

Assyr. Assyrian MTurk. Middle Turkish

Av. Avestan NPrs. New Persian

Bactr. Bactrian NW North West Iranian

Bal. Balochi OEng. Old English

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Buddh. Buddhist OInd. Old Indic

Chag. Chagatai OPrs. Old Persian

Chr. Christian Osset. Ossetic

Elam. Elamite Parth. Parthian

Germ. German Prs. Persian

Gk. Greek Sogd. Sogdian

Goth. Gothic Sugh. Sughnan

IE Indo-European Syr. Syriac

Indo-Ar. Indo-Arian SW South West Iranian

Ir. Iranian Turk. Turkish

Khot. Khotanese Uigh. Uighur

Khwar. Khwarezmian Yaghn. Yaghnobi

Kurd. Kurdish Yazg. Yazgulami

Lat. Latin Wax. Waxan


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The second part of the Persian etymological dictionary has words beginning with A. The first part (letter a) was published in Herzenberg 2011.

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Key words: Persian etymological dictionary, Indo-European languages, Iranian languages.