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ISSN 2518-1521 (Online), ISSN 2226-2830 (Print) В1СНИК МАРГУПОЛЬСЬКОГО ДЕРЖАВНОГО УН1ВЕРСИТЕТУ _СЕР1Я: 1СТОР1Я. ПОЛ1ТОЛОГ1Я, 2017, ВИП. 18
The historiographic review of M. Hrushevsky 's sociological researches emphasized the many-sided nature of the prominent historian's scientific heritage. Especially it concerns the representatives of the emigrant and contemporary Ukrainian historical science. The historians of diaspora (L.Vynar, S. Zabrovarny, O. Pritsak) proved that the sociological-comparative method used by M. Hrushevsky in the historical research as social, economic and cultural synthesis of the nation's history enhanced the capabilities to study it more systematically. It was stated that the outstanding scientist popularized the social history of Ukraine in the West-European scientific community with the help of his public lectures on historic and sociological topics.
The contemporary Ukrainian historians (V. Bilodid, O. Kopylenko, V. Telvak, L. Chugaevska, I. Shostak, O. Yas and others) analysed the historian's sociological works and stated world outlook evolution of Mykhailo Hrushevsky from the romantic narodnik movement to the critical rethinking of sociology.
The analysis of M. Hrushevsky's sociological heritage defined the interrelation of "public and national" and the state system as well as the main issues of sociology as a science and sociological ideas in Ukrainian national studies. The contemporary historians traced rethinking the historian's research strategies.
Key words: sociological works, emigrant period, historiographic analysis, Ukrainian historians, historians of diaspora, contemporary scientists.
УДК 355.48(358)
V. Sazonov
SOME REMARKS ON THE ORIGIN OF IDEOLOGY OF DIVINE WARFARE IN
EARLY DYNASTIC LAGAS
Current article discusses the problem of origin of ideology of divine warfare and theology of war of Ancient Mesopotamian rulers in the Early Dynastic Lagas (26-24th centuries BCE). Author suggests that ideology of divine warfare emergences first time in Sumerian city-state Lagas, ca 2400 BC.
Rulers in Ancient Mesopotamia (Sumer, Akkad) often used ideological and theological justification for their military campaigns and the aggression against other countries. In written sources and iconography we can find evidence for the theology of war in Mesopotamia from as far back as Early Dynastic Sumer (2800-2335 BC).
The ideology of war in Ancient Near East was a very old and very traditional phenomenon, which was continually changing, developing, transforming with each new epoch or new term of rule and even yet still ideology of war in the modern Middle East retaining some similarities with its earlier manifestations.
Key words: divine, warfare, war, Ancient Near East, Mesopotamia, Lagas, ruler, theology, ideology, justification, Ur-Nanse, E-anatum, Stele of Vultures.
Introduction3
As we know ideology, religion and politics in Ancient Near East have always been very closely connected. According to Espak [7, p. 127]: "It can be stated that in Ancient Near Eastern, Old Testament and later Christian understanding, religious warfare or the theology of war was mostly in service to a desired political goal. When there was a political need to attack someone, theological reasoning was used to justify, explain or motivate the war."
3 This article was written with the financial support of the grant of Estonian Research Council (PUT500).
129
The ideology of divine warfare4 very often served political goals not only in Ancient Near Eastern but in Old Testament and Christian ideologies too [16].
This remains the case even today in the post-modern and high-tech world of the Middle Eastern region at the beginning of the 21st century where the influence of radical political-religious movements and organizations - especially within radical Islam - has become significantly influential and religion is still very closely related to politics, to such an extent that politics and theology often cannot be separated. Ideology and theology are used even now by religious fundamentalists and extremists for their political goals and for the justification of wars, terror, genocide, etc. — for example, the so-called Islamic State in Syria and Iraq [28].
In this short article I would like to provide an overview of the emergence of the concept of the ideology of divine warfare in Early Dynastic Lagas.
Many ideas from the Early Dynastic Lagas were adapted later by Akkadian kings (23342154 BC) such as Sargon of Akkad or Naram-Sin (2254-2218 BC), or Neo-Sumerian kings (20122004 BC) like Sulgi (2093-2046 BC) who tried to implement the Akkadian and Neo-Sumerian kings in their aggressive politics as a tool for justifying war; theology even helped them to create a first centralized despotic states like Akkadian 'empire' or Neo-Sumerian kingdom.
Ur-Nanse
In Sumerian royal inscriptions and iconography (see Fig. 1. Stele of Vultures) we can find evidence for the ideology of war in Ancient Sumer from as far back as Early Dynastic Period5 IIIb (2500-2335 BCE). The one the earliest evidence for war6 comes from Early Dynastic Lagas (End of ED IIIa7 a or ED IIIb8), the ancient city-state Lagas from which we have managed to gather the largest number of Early Dynastic Sumerian royal inscriptions, including over 50 from the reign of Ur-Nanse and numerous royal inscriptions from other rulers - e.g., E-anatum, En-anatum, Uru-kagina and others.
Almost all of these inscriptions from ED III (a-b) Lagas describe building or rebuilding temples for important gods [concerning gods in Lagas see 29] of Lagas such as Ningirsu, Nanse, Bau (Baba) or Ninhursag. And there is only one fragment among the inscriptions of Ur-Nanse (reigned ca 2500 BCE) (Ur-Nanse E1.9.6b) in which war of Lagas with Umma and Ur are mentioned. This text comes from a destroyed stele fragment which had been repurposed as a door socket in one house in Lagas [5].
The first section of the text Obverse describes the construction of temples in Lagas, walls and canal digging by Ur-Nanse. The second part of the text Reverse, mentioning a battle with the city-states of Umma and Ur, and it is more interesting:
Reverse, Col. i-1 - v-5:
[Ur-Nanse, king] of Lagas went to war against the leader of Ur and the leader of Gisa (Umma). The leader of Lagas defeated and [captured] the leader of Ur. He captured admir[al]. He captured Ama-barasi and Kisibgal, lieutenants. [He captured] Papursag, son of U'u'u. He captured[PN, the lieut]enant (and) buried (his own casualties with honour) in tumuli. He defeated the leader of Gisa (Umma). He captured Pabilgatuk, the [ru]ler of Gisa (Umma). He captured Ur-pusag, the lieutenant. He captured Hursagsemah, the chief of the merchants (and) buried (his own causalities with honour) in tumuli. [20, Ur-Nanse E1.9.1.6b.]
4 Different aspects of the ideology of war, divine warfare and justification of war in Ancient Near East have been discussed by many scholars [34; 12; 8; 15; 11; 1; 6, 7; 27; 23].
5 The Early Dynastic period (2800-2335 BC). All dates here are used in Middle Chronology.
6 2013 P. Steinkeller published an article "An archaic "prisoner plaque" from Kis" - this is an edition of one archaic stele from city of Kis (dated Ealy Dynastic II or Ealy Dynastic I period, ca. 2700-2600 BC) and this inscription is a list of prisoner of war. It is the earliest known historical document from Sumer and it gives some very limited information about wars between Kis and other cities [32].
7 ED IIIa - 2600-2500 BCE.
8 ED IIIb - ca. 2500-2335 BCE.
As my colleague Peeter Espak points out, this inscription is probably the earliest known longer description of an historical event in Mesopotamian history (war between Lagas, Umma and Ur) and presents the first written records of warfare [7, p. 118, 120]. All the previous texts from Early Dynastic Sumer were only very short statements about building temples or sometimes digging canals, or simply named the ruler at the time, or sometimes with his titular [20, EN.ME-barage-si E1.7.22.1; Mes-Ane-pada E1.13.5.1]. In this Ur-Nanse inscription the city-ruler of Umma, named Pabilgatuk, was killed or captured. In addition, there is also a list of enemy officers from Ur and Umma (Ama-barasi, Kisibgal, Lupa, Bilala, Ur-pusag) and officials (chief of the merchants Hursagsemah in Umma) who were taken as prisoners by Ur-Nanse [20, Ur-Nanse E1.9.1.6b, reverse, i 8-iv 5].
Ur-Nanse also mentions the construction of burial mounds [20, Ur-Nanse E1.9.1.6b, reverse, iii 8-9, v 4-5.]. In Espak's opinion these burials were meant for fallen soldiers (and they could also be enemy soldiers). The interesting fact is that no gods are mentioned in the text, no divine force at all. Actually, we have no evidence from the inscriptions of Ur-Nanse or any earlier king for any divine warfare. According to P. Espak [7, p. 120]: „Maybe this indicates that the concept of "holy war" or "theology of war" was not fully developed in the minds of the ancient Mesopotamians and warfare was seen as a fight between human forces. Since the early city deities were mostly gods of fertility and "benevolence ", and not mighty war lords, this idea seems plausible. Although divine advice and approval was most certainly requested of the gods by priests in various ceremonies and rituals before and during the war, the direct involvement of gods in violence between human armies might have been unusual thinking." E-anatum
Actually, the ideology of divine warfare was developing all the time and, as early as c. 2450 BCE, E-anatum (ca. 2450-2425 BC) [34, 35], a powerful ruler of Lagas and successful conqueror, tried to justify his military campaigns and battles [9, 10] using ideology and religion (divine forces and gods). First time in Ancient Mesopotamian history E-anatum utilized divine elements as justification for his aggressive politics against Sumerian city-states, thus using theological justification for his aggressive politics and war.
Here I will present a few examples of text from the wars between E-anatum of Lagas and the leaders of Umma and Aksak.
xi 24 - xii 4) E-an[atum] restored to the god Ningirsu's control [his] belov[ed field], the Gu'eden[a] [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 132].
xi 21-23) E-[anatum] destroyed the foreign lands for the god Ningirsu [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 132].
xvi 12-17) E-anatum gave the great battle net of the god Enlil to the leader of Gis[a] (Umma), and made him swear to him by it [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, 132-133].
xvi 18-24) The leader of Gisa (Umma) swore to E-anatum: "By the life of the god Enlil, king of heaven and earth! I may exploit the field of the god Ningirsu as an interest-bearing loan" [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 133].
iv 20-v 8) All the foreign lands trembled before E-anatum, the nominee of the god Ningirsu. In the year of the offensive of Aksak E-anatum, nominee of the god Ningirsu, crushed Zuzu, king of Aksak, (all the way) from Antasur of Ningirsu to Aksak, and killed him. [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.5, p. 147].
ii' 1-5) [The god Ningirsu] ordered E-anatum and he destroyed Gisa (Umma) [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.3, p. 143].
As we have seen, E-anatum of Lagas used different gods (Enlil9, Ningirsu and other gods of Lagas [9, 10] to justify his military activity (battles, etc.). E-anatum's military campaigns were undertaken by divine order given by the gods or divine powers. The king claims in his royal
9 See more about Enlil - [33].
inscriptions that he was led by god Enlil or god Ningirsu; he was the chief or commander of the army of Lagas but was always supported or commanded by great gods. He (E-anatum) "subjugates the foreign lands for the god Ningirsu" [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.7a, col. i 5- ii 1], "all the foreign lands trembled before E-anatum, the nominee of the god Ningirsu" [20: E-anatum E1.9.3.6, col. v 5-9.], he was "E-anatum, granted strength by the god Enlil/ Ningirsu" [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.9, col. i 4-5; E-anatum E1.9.3.8, col. i 7-8.] and "E-anatum, who has strength, declares the foreign land belongs to him" [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 130, col. v 20-22]. In Peeter Espak's opinion the inscriptions of E-anatum can be considered to be the first recorded evidence of "holy war" or "theology of war" in human history [7, p. 126].
Moreover, E-anatum was the first among rulers of Lagas, and as far as our evidence goes among rulers in the whole Sumer, to claim to be of divine origin [31]. In one of the dedicatory inscriptions E-anatum claims:
[The godNi]n[gir]su [imp]lanted the [semen] for E-[a]natum in the [wom]b [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 129, col iv 9-12].
In the same inscription we can read:
The goddess Ninhursag [offeredhim] her wholesome breast [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1: p. 129, col iv 27-29].
The god Ningirsu rejoiced over E-anatum, semen implanted in the womb by the god Ningirsu [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 129-130, col v 1-5.].
The phrases from this long inscription devoted to E-anatum, and from another inscription of the king [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.5: p. 146, col i - col iii 1-3.], show E-anatum's pretensions concerning his divine origin. The king claimed that he was procreated by god Ningirsu, emphasising that his power was legitimized by the gods Enlil, Ningirsu and Inanna [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.6: col i 10 - col ii 2; E-anatum E1.9.3.1, col iv 18-19.]. Additionally, in an inscriptions referring to E-anatum different universalistic expressions such as all foreign lands that he had destroyed, conquered are used:
All the foreign lands trembled before E-anatum, the nominee of the god Ningirsu [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.5. p. 147, col iv 20-v8].
E-anatum, who has strength, declares the (all) foreign lands belongs to him [20, E-a natum E1.9.3.1, p. 130, col v 20-22.].
E-anatum destroyed (all) foreign lands for the god Ningirsu [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 132, col xi 21-23.].
E-anatum, who subjugates (all) foreign lands for Ningirsu[20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, p. 140, Cartouche A, 1-3].
This emphasis on subjugation, destruction and conquest of (all) foreign lands by the ruler of Lagas for the god Ningirsu is a new ideological phenomenon invented probably by E-anatum. Before him this motif never appeared in Sumerian history (we have no evidences). This idea was clearly connected to E-anatum's expansionistic policy and shows the connection between the postulation of divine origin of the ruler, his universalistic aspirations and the justification of the wars by referring to the divine support, thus by using the theology of war [23, 24, 25].
It is important to note that E-anatum began to use universalistic titles and epithets in association with the main Sumerian gods such as Enlil and Ningirsu. E-anatum attributed to his personal god Ningirsu ambitious universalistic titles that can be associate with E-anatum's wishes to be the deified ruler over the whole universe. Thus, although E-anatum used universalistic epithets, he did not attribute them directly to himself, but to the gods, particularly Ningirsu whose appointee E-anatum was and whom the king represented on the earth [20, E-anatum E1.9.3.1, Cartouche A; E-anatum E1.9.3.2, col iv 11-12].
Additionally we have some iconographic evidences of ideology of war from Late Early Dynastic Lagas (ED IIIb) (see below Fig. 1. Stele of Vultures), especially from E-anatum.
Fig. 1. Fragments of the Stele of the Vultures (E-anatum) [36]
„The Stele of the Vultures" [35] was found in Telloh (ancient Girsu, capital of state of Lagas) in 1881. Now it is located in the Louvre (Paris). From this stele are remained only some fragments. It was made during 25th century BC for glorifying the victory of E-anatum, ruler of Lagas over city-state of Umma, which was long-time enemy for Lagas.
On this stele [Fig 1.] are represented the war scenes from period of E-anatum. E-anatum, ruler of Lagas stands in his chariot with a weapon in his right hand and E-anatum is leading army of Lagas into the battle. Ea-natum's warriors are represented with helmets and lances in their hands and marched behind the ruler of Lagas. On the other side of „the Stele of the Vultures" [34; 20, pp. 126-140]. is represented god Ningirsu, who was protector of Lagas and god Ningirsu is holding the captive from city-state of Umma in a big net. This is a good illustration of E-anatum's aggressive politics and his state propaganda.
„ The Stele of Vultures" and „ the Victory stele of Naram-Sin" from Sargonic period (originated from 23rd century BC) are the first triumph steles from Ancient Mesopotamia which are remained until nowadays.
They both are probably one of the best examples of state propaganda from Ancient Mesopotamia from III millennium BC, where the king was represented as a valiant, well-muscled, mighty man, invincible hero, who killed his enemies and who are supported by main gods. Victory stele of Naram-Sin is even more propagandistic than the Stele of Vultures, it is more bombastic. It
was fashioned from sandstone and stands approximately two meters high. It was taken by the Elamite king Shutruk-Nakhunte from Sippar to Susa in the 12th century BC.
„ The Victory stele of Naram-Sin" [Fig 2.] with his inscription was found by archaeologists in Susa in South-West Iran and is now located in Paris in the Louvre. Naram-Sin was represented as towering above his soldiers, 1.5 times taller than his warriors. On the stele Naram-Sin is shooting his enemies with arrows from a bow and he wears a horned crown - this was a typical symbol of the deification of divine creatures in Mesopotamia. This horned crown was used only by gods and demons, and also defied rulers. This important attribute or sign of deification attests to the '' ' ' x ' ' ' ' 1 ' ' ' 'ng his reign [25, 34].
Fig 2. the Victory stele of Naram-Sin [37]
If we compare, for example, the Narmer Palette from Egypt (31st century BC) [Fig 3.] with the Naram-Sin [Fig 2.] stele we find many similarities (1, pp. 110-119).
Fig. 3. The Narmer Palette [38]
All three steles - Narmer Palette, Stele of Vultures and Victory stele of Naram-Sin are propagandistic steles. Although the Narmer Palette is ca eight hundred years older than the Victory stele of Naram-Sin and hundred years older than the Stele of Vultures, they have a some similarities. On these steles a king (Narmer, E-anatum, Naram-Sin) is represented killing enemies, depicted as a hero, larger than his enemies and his warriors. For example Narmer [Fig 3.], a king of Upper Egypt, is bigger than his soldiers and enemies, killing a defeated enemy kneeling in front of the Pharaoh. This is static motif.
E-anatum [Fig 1.] is also bigger than his warriors and enemies, leading his army, who are supported by Ningirsu. This is also static motif. In the Victory Stele of Naram-Sin [Fig 2.] the king is represented as physically very strong, dominating over all men.
Both King Narmer of Egypt and King Naram-Sin of Akkad are deified during they life-time, and this is very important from an ideological point of view.
As we know from the Sumerian sources E-anatum could be deified, at least he had divine origin - many phrases from a long inscription devoted to E-anatum (E-anatum E1.9.3.1), and from another his inscriptions, show E-anatum's pretensions concerning his divine origin, claiming that he was procreated by god Ningirsu. In Egypt the pharaoh was represented as a living god, it is Egyptian tradition, but not from the point of view of theological aspects.
On the Victory stele of Naram-Sin [Fig 2.] there is a divine emblem incorporating: the sun disk of is representing the sun-god Samas; a star which is probably the goddess Istar, who was a protector of Akkad dynasty; and the king Naram-Sin wearing a horned crown, a symbol of deification.
Some Concluding Remarks
As we can see, ideology and religion played a significant role in warfare and especially in the justification of wars in Mesopotamia already since ca. 2450-2425 BCE (or even earlier).
If the inscription of Ur-Nanse of Lagas, where warfare was mentioned first time, does not document the use theology to support his wars against Umma (at least we have no evidence for this) then his grandson E-anatum certainly did use theological argument and lot of relevant ideas appear already quite well developed in his inscriptions [20: 125-167]. The tradition that was
started by E-anatum, was continued by his successors - En-anatum I, En-metena, Uru-kagina and others.10
From later periods of Mesopotamian history, beginning with the Akkadian empire [21], we have already hundreds of pieces of evidence about ideology of war where the ruler used ideological (theological) justification for his military campaign or the invasion of another country. Many ideas from the Early Dynastic period, which were invented and used by E-anatum, En-metena, Lugal-zagesi, etc. were adapted later by Sargon of Akkad (2334-2279 BCE) or Naram-Sin (2254-2218 BCE), or later by the Neo-Sumerian kings (Ur-Namma, Sulgi) who tried to implement theology more effectively than their predecessors.
Ideology of divine warfare was used by Sargonic and Neo-Sumerian kings in their aggressive politics as a tool for justifying war and conquest; this helped them to create centralized states as the Akkadian 'empire' and the Neo-Sumerian kingdom. Later during the dominance of Ur III Dynasty (2112-2004 BCE) we find many texts (especially king Sulgi's hymns [19; 12; 13; 5], but also other texts—royal inscriptions, etc.) in which theology was often used very masterfully for propagandistic ends, and it seems that at that time the ideology of war was already quite well-developed.
Later in Assyria and Babylonia as far back as the late second millennium (the Middle Assyrian / Middle Babylonian period) and the first millennium BCE during the Neo-Assyrian period (900-610 BCE) the ideology of war became a very important part of state ideology, one of the fundamental pillars of state propaganda [2, pp. 43-59; 26], and was used for justifying wars, annexation of territories, deportations, mass killing of people [17, 18; 22].
Last but not least, I think that ideology of divine warfare in Ancient Lagas was closely connected to Early Sumerian kingship. I think that emergence ideology of divine warfare in Late Early Dynastic Lagas was tidily connected with development of theology in Lagas, but also with formation of universalistic ambitions of ruler (claim on universalism, universalistic aspirations) and claim of divine origin (divine childhood of ruler) [31; 3] in Lagas at the same period. These processes took place during the reign time of E-anatum and his successors.
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Стаття надшшла до редакцп 10.05.2017 р.
В. Сазонов
ПРО ПОХОДЖЕННЯ 1ДЕОЛОГ11 В1ЙНИ В РАННЬОДИНАСТИЧНОМУ
ЛАГАШУ
В дант cmammi обговорюеться питания про виникнення теологи або iдеологи втни i ii легiтимiзацii в стародавньому Шумерi в третьому тисячолiттi до н. е. 1дея про теологiчне обгрунтування втськового конфлтту вперше (якщо вiрити наявним джерелам) виникла саме в шумерському мiстi-державi Лагаш в другт половит Ранньодинастичного перюду (2800-2335 рр. до н. е.). УXXV столiттi до н. е., як показав у свогй статтi доктор П. Штайнкеллер (2013) перше, хоча i непряме згадка про втну в Шумерi, ми маемо вже з ранньодинастичного м^та-держави Кш (бл. 2700-2600 до н. е.). Але перший, що збер^сяся, опис втни мiж двома державами в Шумерi, та й в усьому Стародавньому Близькому Сходi, був задокументований в царському напиЫ лагашського правителя Ур-Нанше (володарював бл. 2500 р. до н.е. ). На це звернув увагу в свогх роботах мт колега доктор П. Еспак (2010 i 2011 рр).
Однак щкавим фактом е те, що найпершим правителем в wтори МесопотамИ, який спробував обгрунтувати втськову агресю проти суЫдшх держав, був войовничий завойовник i правитель Лагашу Еанатум (володарював 2450-2425 рр. до н. е.), Онук Ур-Нанше. Для додання легiтимностi свогм завойовницьким походам проти таких м^т-держав як Умма або Акшак, Еанатум в свогх царських написах не раз звертався до головних богiв Шумеру - до таких, як верховний шумерський бог Енлыь або бог-покровитель Лагашу Шнгирсу, що вважався сином Енлшя. Крiм царських тдпиЫв збереглася (в зруйнованому стат) також вiдома Стела коршутв - це переможна стела Еанатум, на якт зображений бог Нингiрсу, що зловив ворогiв Лагашу в величезну стку, а також i сам завойовник Еанатум зi свогми вогнами. Даний феномен зустрiчаеться в тонографи i текстах МесопотамИ вперше. Шсля смертi Еанатум практика звернення правителiв до богiв для отримання згоди для ведення втни стае поширеним явищем i навть вельми звичайною практикою. З тих тр цар великог держави або правитель м^та для обгрунтування своег агресивног полтики i експансютзму посттно вдавався до теологiчного обгрунтування збройних зткнень з суЫдами, стверджуючи, що на це було дано санкци певним богом або богами. Таким чином, правитель отримував як би тдтвердження законностi свогм агресивним дiям.
Клю^о^^ слова: iдеологiя, теологiя втни, Лагаш, Ранньодинастичний перюд, Шумер, втна, Ур-Нанше, Еанатум, легiтимiзацiя, втськовий конфлтт, агреЫя, бог, Енлшь, Шнгирсу, Стела коршутв.
