Научная статья на тему 'SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CONCEPT OF "GEOSTRATEGIC INTERESTS"'

SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CONCEPT OF "GEOSTRATEGIC INTERESTS" Текст научной статьи по специальности «Экономика и бизнес»

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concept / geostrategic interests

Аннотация научной статьи по экономике и бизнесу, автор научной работы — Cebotari Svetlana, Budurina-Goreacii Carolina

The article examines some considerations on the concept of «geostrategic interests».

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Текст научной работы на тему «SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CONCEPT OF "GEOSTRATEGIC INTERESTS"»



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SCIENCE TIME

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SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CONCEPT OF "GEOSTRATEGIC INTERESTS"

Cebotari Svetlana, Budurina-Goreacii Carolina, Moldova state university, Chisinau

E-mail: carolina.gor@hotbox.ru

Annotation. The article examines some considerations on the concept of «geostrategic interests».

Keywords: concept, geostrategic interests.

During the last three decades of the 20th century, the high degree of complexity of social interests and relationships has led to some active theoretical debates about the essence of these forms. Although there is an increasing trend in international relations, much is said about this reality; in the theoretical constructions, the term "geostrategic interest" has not been formulated explicitly. At present, the first attempts to be expressed and to be given a definition are made. For this reason and because this phenomenon has evolved over time, it was necessary to present it beyond the definition. In the literature of analysis there is the notion of "national interest", which was introduced in circulation in 1935, by including in the Encyclopaedia of Political Sciences published in Oxford [4, p.71]. The multitude of definitions, more or less developed, more precise or more confusing, has led to a number of positions on the definition of the national interest dimension in the context of foreign policy.

Changes in the USSR area since the late 1990s have contributed to changing views on the national interest of emerging states. Under such circumstances, the notion of "national interest" is defined not only through the value content, but also through the factor of pragmatism, of the state's ability to propose and achieve certain goals. Currently, in the literature, we are pursuing new positions in the approach of the national interest, the main ones being those with a national-conservative and nationalliberal character. For the first position followers (D. Rogozin), "national interest" is identical to "state interest". They consider the state as a major factor in expressing national interests. The national-liberal position is distinguished by a strict terminological delimitation of the categories "national interest" and "state interest". The second constituent of "geostrategic interest" refers itself to geostrategy. Thus, the

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first part of the term "geo" relates to a concrete coordinate (space; location; position; zonal, regional, climate, evolution, historical coordinates ...).

In researches dedicated to space analysis, F. Ratzel considers that space is not equivalent to the territory of a state; it does not have a physico-geographical sense. Space designates the natural boundaries between which the expansion of the people is occurring; the area they tend to occupy, considering it to be natural, shaping the existence of the peoples who live in it. According to Ratzel, space is conditional not only on the physical limits of the expansion of a community but also on its mental attitude towards the surrounding world and represents the most eloquent sign that a nation is on the rise but does not necessarily mean the state power that lies in relation to its population, more precisely, it expresses the correlation of the two factors: space and population. A strong state tends to ascend, occupying advantageous natural positions [1, p.74-75]. Also, in his researches, F. Ratzel uses the term "geospace", which means the expansion of the civilization force of a civilization on a continent level (American geospace). In this context, the author formulates a series of laws of space:

- the space of a state increases with the development of its culture.

- spatial growth of states accompanies other manifestations of their development, such as the force of ideas, the intensity of trade, the activity carried out in different spheres.

- states expand themselves by assimilating or absorbing less important political units.

- the frontier is the peripheral body of the state and thus it serves as a witness to its growth, strength or weakness, as well as changes in its body.

- in its growth, the state tends to encompass the most valuable elements of the surrounding physical environment: coastal lines, riverbeds and rivers, areas which are rich in different resources.

- the first impetus of territorial growth is received by the undeveloped states from the outside, from the more advanced civilizations.

- the general tendency of assimilation or absorption of the weaker nations is self-sustaining by the inclusion of new territories or by the expansionary movements [2, p. 76].

The notion of geopolitical space can be attributed to any territory, under the condition where all relations between geographic, socio-economic and political components are analysed. The specific properties of geopolitical space derive from the quantitative and qualitative variability of local, regional or global relations between the components of the natural, social, economic and political environment. The results of the multidimensional formal researches on geopolitical space must be constantly confronted with objective reality, because on the one hand, many variables are omitted in the theoretical calculations and, on the other hand, a given geopolitical space is not identical to itself. There is the possibility, under certain circumstances that a particular geopolitical space overlaps with a geographic or socio-economic space but it must always be taken into account that the geopolitical space involves a variable geometry

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that knows continuous cyclical changes. Any geopolitical space is characterized by both quantitative particularities and qualitative aspects, which result from the differentiated interaction between the components of the geopolitical environment. Thus, quantitative and qualitative properties are distinguished.

Quantitative properties refer exclusively to the measurable characteristics of space, expressed by surfaces, distances, volume, etc. Due to the permanent dynamics of relations between the components of the geopolitical space, these dimensions are relative. Some of the peculiarities are fixed a priori by administrative boundaries or objective delimitations, which are generated by the need to study a certain geopolitical phenomenon. Qualitative properties aim at multidimensionality, continuity, coherence, organization, all expressing topological and morphological aspects that ensure the geopolitical space functionality. On the basis of these general considerations it can be admitted that the notion of geopolitical space is attributed to territorial units of variable size, from the smallest geopolitical units (sub-state geopolitical spaces) to the planetary geopolitical space. The geopolitical space, as a systematically structured territorial-political reality, is characterized by a number of distinct features.

Complexity is the main feature of geopolitical space. Geopolitical space is a systemic reality in which many subsystems coexist and interact. They are subsequently composed of elements with specific behaviour. In this respect, at a macro level we can identify a global system that integrates regional subsystems, also made up of national systems. Its entire internal, structural and functional organization shows a strong resemblance to an open thermodynamic and informational system, in which the variability of input streams produces changes and requires reconfiguration of the system. Open character explains its internal self-regulation possibilities. The disappearance of one of the blocks of the bipolar organization of the global system has demonstrated the possibility of self-regulation through a structural and functional reconfiguration. The systemic organization of the geopolitical space makes it react to any change based on chain-diffusion processes (the domino principle). Thus, the initial impulse which was generated by the Reformist M. Gorbachev in the Soviet Union involved, in the process of decommunization, the entire regional space system.

Polarity is another feature of the geopolitical space. Functionally, the geopolitical space has numerous power centres, of varying ranks, that dynamizes the entire system. The development of these power centres depends on the nature of the relationships between them and the properties of the adjacent areas. The geopolitical space can be conceived as a unitary whole, which has resulted from an incidence of natural, historical, economic, demographic, social and political factors. This characteristic is applied especially to power centres, which, through genesis and the nature of the relations, that were generated in the space of influence and in the international environment, are individualized.

The geopolitical space has a dynamic character, which is generated by both internal mutations and the intervention of political, economic, social, cultural, etc. external factors. External actions impose a permanent vertical dynamics of the geopolitical space, causing permanent changes in the hierarchy, reorientations of

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material flows, energy and information, shaping new spatial subsystems, which are generated by the restructuring of the previous network. All these changes are also reflected horizontally, where the geopolitical systems and subsystems can be narrowed. Or the processes of restriction and expansion of space systems are elements of functional continuity and discontinuity, under which, by their compensatory character and by their location every time above the previous level, they ensure the functional specificity of that system. An eloquent example of the manifestation of all these features is provided by the analysis of NATO enlargement and the EU extension. These organizations bring a new reconfiguration of the Balkan region as well as the eastern area.

In order to ensure consistency of scientific approaches, in the sphere of information on space, there have been individualized concerns over a true spatial system. There was an attempt to adopt a scale of analysis that would take into account the particularities of each territorial system. At the same time it would generalize their features in order to facilitate synthesis. The unequal distribution of geopolitical elements and phenomena, the quantitative and qualitative differences that occur in the territory, the level and the way of approaching and different solutions lead to the necessity of delimiting the geopolitical regions in the planetary system, serving in the practice of geopolitical analysis. Geopolitical regionalization is emerging as an objective process that aims to delimit geopolitical spaces with particular conditions for the geopolitical phenomenon, taking into account the quality (characteristics) of the geopolitical elements and the geopolitical profile of the different spaces.

In literature, the concept of "national interest" is often approached in connection with the state's strategy, considering that states materialize their national interests by applying certain strategies. Through some strategies geopolitical actors (states, international organizations, transnational corporations, etc....) realize their interests in certain spaces on the international arena.

The use of the concept of strategy in the usual vocabulary became present, crossing a multitude of spaces of social, political, economic and organizational life, far exceeding the boundaries of reserved use, including the military domain. In today's language, the term "strategy" is no longer a quality circumscribed solely to the military interaction or the interaction between states at the global level. It is rather used to express the idea of an organization, or planning. It can be used in business or politics at local, national or international level. The "strategy" derives from the Greek stratos, which involved the army. The other term agein signified to lead. According to Webster's New Encyclopaedic Dictionary, the strategy designates the science and art of using political, economic, psychological, military forces [7, p. 1021]. In the Political Dictionary, the Institutions of Democracy and Civic Culture, S. Tamas, analysing this term, considers it to be the term that came from military practice. Also it was used in other fields, such as political, economic, management to name the way of action, so as to achieve success in a competition in which two or more wills meet, each pursuing the same goal in circumstances where it is impossible to win all the involved parties [6].

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In this sense, the strategy is the science and art of using the political, economic, psychological and military forces of a state or a group of states to provide the maximum support for the successful implementation of policies adopted in time of peace or war. In the literature, it is used the "military strategy" term, which requires science and art to use the forces of a (economic, demographic)nation including the armed forces, in order to achieve the goals set by politics in order to effectively promote the vital interests against actual or potential enemies. Any strategy involves a duel of wills between opponents who use the force to resolve the conflicts that exist between them, each aiming to make the opponent accept the conditions he wants to impose.

Thus, according to the New Universal Dictionary of Romanian Language,a "strategy" is 1) the most important part of the military art that deals with the preparation, planning and conduct of the war; 2) the military discipline studying the great war operations, preparing the plans of the great battles [5, p.1400].

Generally speaking, the strategy now refers to the process of achieving objectives by turning military action into political outcomes. On the one hand, according to K. Clausewitz's supporters, the strategy has been defined in numerous wording as having the objective of concentrating military power on a political goal, beyond these dimensions. Gray considers the strategy as the use of force to achieve the government's goals. Hence it is examined the second consequence in defining the strategy, namely: its rational-linear nature. The strategy includes the process of setting goals, developing concepts, and calculating the risks and benefits of engaging resources (existing or created) in actions aimed at establishing a more favourable environment. In today's literature, the tripartite definition of the strategy is also present as a combination of final or objective goals, ways of achieving these goals, and means or resources that can be mobilized to achieve these selected objectives in terms of methods of aggression [3, p. 124-125] Power strategies are plans that actors use to develop and obtain power capabilities to achieve their goals. Strategies also include the extent where a state is willing to use its power capabilities.

According to the opinion of Z. Brzezinskii the strategy is to manage geostrategic interests. Also, for the author, geostrategy is not equivalent to geopolitics. The concepts of geostrategy and geopolitics can be considered as a totality and as a part. The author argues that geostrategy is part of geopolitics.

Secondly, it would be good if the geostrategy analysis were not limited to the positions and possibilities of the military force use in a certain space. This is because in the post-war period it is noticed a process of diversification of methods and forms of control on space. Thus, military force can be considered as an important factor, but not the only component of the geostrategy. Thirdly, the geostrategy assumes the longstanding nature of planning and action, which is conditioned by the quality of space, which is the basis for the elaboration of the geostrategic conception. Also, the geostrategy implies the state's activity on the international arena in relation to certain units and spaces. Depending on the quality and particularities of the space, the geostrategy can be categorized/divided into terrestrial, maritime, aerianand cosmic.

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The impact of geostrategy can be global, macroregional on states. At the basis of the strategy there are fixed the following aspects: the choice of territory as a space of extension or expansion, the imposition in some forms of control over the space (the building of military bases, annexations, imposing the sphere of influence, economic domination, cultural domination), determination of threats from real or potential allies or opponents by creating alliances, unions, coalitions.

Thus, the geostrategy can be considered as an important part of the geopolitics, which characterizes the activity of the state in the international arena. The geostrategy is directed towards creating, maintaining and expanding the power through the possession of a wider space, a goal which is achieved by both military and nonmilitary means. Geostrategy is the basis of the foreign policy of the state that determines its direction and priorities in a certain space [8, p.5-7].

In the opinion of realists, the strategy is often associated with the neoconservative vision that supports the cause of exclusive national sovereignty. The strategy is focused on the development of military capability as the main device for organizing the balance of power against opponents. On the other hand, according to the liberal trend, the strategy represents the institutional development of the international cooperation mechanisms [3, p.117-118]. Thus, the term "strategy" is far from being a static concept, being constantly transformed not only by the evolution of war technologies but rather by the complexity of societies.

All these variables also have an international dimension, which is necessarily reflected in the way geopolitical actors. Especially the states, as big powers, see their role in world politics. The size of territory, its geographic location and resources, all have a relative value in relation to other countries, and reach the general development criterion, which must also be related to international indicators. All infrastructure variables are valued in the formation and realization of interests. Each state has as support the economic, demographic, military, technical-scientific, cultural potential. The geopolitical position of the state during the historical evolution has dominated the state's choice of partners and the development of relations with its opponents. The conditions of geographic space are considered as basic causes, whose presence implies a certain political orientation of the state. The correlation of a geo-political space, under the rule of causality, allows, in the conception of the researchers, the possibility of some generalizations, the formulation of laws and principles of universal validity, which will help to the theoretical foundation of geopolitics.

Nowadays, it appears the question on the triadic correlation of type: interest -space - strategy. For a better understanding of the nature of this report, it is necessary, firstly and foremost, to determine the correlation between the concepts of "geostrategic interest" and "space". The content of these concepts does not remain unchanged, as the situation in the world is in a continuous transformation. If at the beginning of the XXth century there were 52 independent states, then in the middle of the XXth century their number reached 82. Now there are more than 200 independent countries. All these states and people cooperate with each other in different political, economic and social activity spheres. At present, however, the international

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community is formed not only by the independent states but also by various economic, commercial, military unions -blocks and structures that have been formed on the basis of bi- or multilateral activity. It is becoming increasingly obvious that integrationist tendencies are not limited to Western Europe, but they are actively developing on other continents as well. Thus, the Common Market of the Central America(MCCA); Caribbean Community (CARICOM); the Common Market of the Southern Cone (MERCOSUR)successfully operates on the American continent. A particular interest in integration processes is observed in the African continent - the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA); the Economic Community of African States (CESAC). The South-Western Asian States (ASEAN) operates more than a quarter of a century. In the Middle East the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) are among the most active organizations.

So, from the above we can conclude that between the notions of "interest", "space" and "strategy" there is a complementarity relationship and the notions complement one another. No interest can be achieved outside and without the involvement of states that have a certain space or interests in a certain space that they achieve through a strategy.

Even though the term of "geopolitical interest" has not explicitly been formulated in the theoretical constructions, much is said about this reality, especially in the conditions of the enlargement of the European Union to the East, the US involvement in solving the conflicts on the international arena, Russia's tendency to maintain influence in the former union states. The usefulness of introducing the concept of geostrategic interest, but also its impact on international relations, will make possible to correctly assess the situation on the globe, the tendencies of the geopolitical actors, the role that they can hold in a global context, a certain space. All these will also lead to the emergence of more complex approaches in the future, addressing this phenomenon - the geostrategic interest.

References:

1. Brucan S. Dialectica politicii mondiale. - Bucure§ti: Nemira, 1997. - p. 182.

2. Dobrescu P. Geopolitica. - Bucuresti :Comunicarero, 2008.

3. Ghica L., Zulean M. Politica de securitatenationala. Concepte, institutii, procese. -Iasi: Polirom. - 2007. - p. 117-118.

4. Juc V., Spinei T., Stan, V., Andrie§, V. Interesulna^ional al Republicii Moldova. - In: Moldoscopie. - p. 71.

5. Noul Dictionar universal al Limbii Romane. - Bucuresti: Litera International, 2006.

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6. Tamas S. Dictionar politic.Institutiile democratiei si cultura civica. - Ed: II, Bucuresti: Casa de EditurasiPresa, 1996.

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7. Webster's New Encyclopaedic Dictionary. - Germany, Koneman, 1994

8. Юрченко С. Геостратегические императивы во внешнеполитической традиции США (от первых поселении до второй мировой войны). - Севастополь: Флот Украины, 2001.

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