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Статья поступила в редакцию 16.11.19
УДК 801.8 DOI: 10.24411/1991-5497-2019-10209
Ameen Rizgar, postgraduate, Department of Germanic Languages Theory and Intercultural Communication, School of Philology and Language Communication,
Siberian Federal University (Krasnoyarsk, Russia), E-mail: [email protected]
THE MINORITY LANGUAGE SITUATION IN IRAQ (FOCUSING ON 1991 TO PRESENT DAY).The article is dedicated to understanding the minorities' language situation in Iraq focusing the period from 1991 to present times. It is shown that the only official language of the country was Arabic since its demarcation by the British mandate in 1920s until 1991 when a new linguistic era for minorities appeared in the northern part of the country. The minorities like the Kurds, Turkmen, Assyrian, Chaldean and Armenian were not happy with the country's linguistic policy and their languages faced different situations due to ethnic, political, religious, and geographical reasons. This paper aims to describe their language situation with an emphasis on what happened to them in the past. Providing a diachronic view on the issue, it shows the trends of minorities' languages development in Kurdistan region.
Key words: minority language, language situation, linguistic policy.
Амен Ризгар Мухаммад, аспирант, Сибирский федеральный университет, г. Красноярск, E-mail: [email protected]
ПОЛОЖЕНИЕ С ЯЗЫКОМ МЕНЬШИНСТВ В ИРАКЕ (С 1991 ГОДА ПО НАСТОЯЩЕЕ ВРЕМЯ)
Статья посвящена пониманию языковой ситуации меньшинств в Ираке с 1991 по настоящее время. Показано, что единственным официальным языком страны был арабский с момента его демаркации британским мандатом в 1920-х годах до 1991 года, когда в северной части страны появилась новая языковая эра для меньшинств. Меньшинства, такие как курды, туркмены, ассирийцы, халдеи и армяне, не были довольны лингвистической политикой страны, и их языки сталкивались с различными ситуациями по этническим, политическим, религиозным и географическим причинам. Эта статья направлена на описание их языковой ситуации с акцентом на то, что произошло с ними в прошлом. Представляя диахронический взгляд на эту проблему, статья показывает тенденции развития языков меньшинств в Курдистане.
Ключевые слова: язык меньшинства, языковая ситуация, языковая политика.
Introduction
While language for majority people groups is a symbol of nation, for minority communities it is a representation of ethnic identity and it provides autonomy for those who are actively utilizing their native language. Therefore, minorities have a great motivation to keep their languages alive and transfer them to new generations. In some multi-ethnic countries, minorities haven't felt comfortable with the linguistic policy in the past, because the only spoken and accepted language was the majority one, for instance-Arabic in Iraq.
In Iraq, the minorities' language status was an issue for all the various regimes and each of them dealt with it differently. In some time periods, the minorities weren't even allowed to express themselves in their mother tongue. Minorities of Iraq have sacrificed a lot to protect their ethnic language from death. Thousands of Kurds, Assyrians, Turkmen and Armenians were executed and exiled due to criticizing the authorities for not giving them their linguistic rights.
In the twentieth century, reforms in linguistic rights resulted in the development of multilingual policies by numerous countries, which formerly had exclusive nationalistic language policy backgrounds. Many countries started to change their present policies which were threatening to minority languages, while some others are still continuing with monolingual policies like "one state, one nation, one language" (e.g. Brazil, and Turkey) [1, p.17].
Linguistic reforms in Iraq were delayed until the beginning of the 21st century when the Ba'ath party was removed from power and the new constitution confirmed the linguistic rights of minorities in 2005. Today the linguistic situation of the country has changed and the people of Iraq speak at least four languages. According to the new constitution, Arabic and Kurdish are the official languages of the country, while other minorities have the right to study and educate in their own mother tongue.
The paper aims at analyzing the situation of the minority's languages under the Kurdish self-rule in Kurdistan region while tracing the course of its historic development during the previous regimes in Iraq. It fills in the gap of the lack of materials on the language situation in this country. Moreover, the paper points out at the pressures that have been exerted in the last ten decades by the regimes of Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq the information being non-available to non-native researchers [2], [3], [4]. Thus, the paper expands the scope of current international research by introducing the language situation in the region that has long been a blank space on the "map of social and linguistic sciences".
The object matter of this paper is the scope of the minority language usage in different sectors in the whole country. The focus of attention is given to both the present days of the language functioning and its depressed periods in Iraq. As previously stated, this paper explains the minorities' language situation of Iraq over the last ten decades with particular focus on 1991 to the present. It intends to clarify the challenges that the various sub groups faced and their resistance in order to keep their languages alive. Being the first sociolinguistic work that opens a dialogue on this issue, the paper suggests fellow scholars partake in covering various aspects the issue might prompt.
Historical background of the Kurdish language in Iraq
Kurdish is a Western Iranian language, with two major dialects and about four minor ones. It is thus related to Persian (though not a dialect of Persian, as some popular sources have claimed) and unrelated to Turkish or Arabic. Unsuccessful attempts to prove that it is a debased 'mountain' dialect of Turkish (various examples of which appeared during the twentieth century) were undertaken for the purposes of Turkish propaganda, and should not be taken seriously [5, p.133].
Since the foundation of Iraq by the British mandate, the Kurdish language has had a variety of ups and downs in the country. At the beginning, the Mandate refused to give the Kurds their linguistic rights, but its policy on the Kurdish language changed over the period of the Great War and the subsequent Mandate. Indeed, Hassanpour distinguishes a period of encouragement (1918-26) and discouragement (1926-32). During the War, it was in the British interest to encourage nationalism amongst the Kurds, as a subject people of the Turks.
The political officer C.J. Edmonds commented in 1925: "One of the devices adopted by the British Officers in Kurdish territory for consolidating Kurdish national sentiment was the introduction of Kurdish as the official written language in place of the Turkish of government offices and the Persian of private correspondence [6, p.85].
After Iraq was admitted into the League of Nations in 1932, Kurdish has been accepted as an official language side by side with Arabic in the territories with a majority of Kurds, and side by side with the Turkish language in the regions where a majority Turkmen reside [7, p.1347].
The overthrow of the monarchy in 1958 changed the political landscape of Iraq entirely, and Article 3 of the provisional Constitution described the Kurds as 'co-partners with the Arabs'. However, there was no concrete progress from the Kurds' point of view on the issues of language 'officialization' and Kurdish language education.
The Constitution of 1970 recognized the official status of the Kurdish language, but the Treaty of Algiers in 1975, which reconciled the Iraqi and Iranian governments, resulted in the exile of Kurdish leaders, scholars and educators who were then no longer able to exert direct pressure on the government.
In the late 1970s and 1980s, arabization of existing Kurdish areas, and movement and concentration of Kurdish populations became an important feature of government policy-with many notorious episodes such as Anfal genocide.
However, Kurdish was still taught in schools, in the Sulaimaniya area at least, and studied at University level in a Kurdish facility in Baghdad and at the Salahaddin University, which was moved from Sulaimaniya to Erbil. Moreover, Kurdish cultural construction in Iraq has been very lively, especially in times of greater autonomy, with the production of prose, poetry, journalism and theatrical plays [8, p.143].
From 1991 to present
The announcement of the self -Kurdish rule in the northern part of the country in 1991 can be seen as a great achievement in releasing the Kurdish language from its stagnant situation in Iraq. It finally gave the Kurds a chance to take more care about their heart language.
At the time of the first Kurdish elections in 1992, plans for Kurdish education were in place, though a lack of Kurdish-language learning materials prevented their immediate implementation. By the early years of the new millennium, Kurdish was the medium of instruction in schools in the autonomous zone in general, at primary and secondary levels. A great change during the period of Kurdish autonomy has been the difference in the status of Arabic; it has been reduced to the status of 'foreign language' rather than a major medium of instruction, and the younger generation has grown up without great fluency in Arabic.
The situation of the Kurdish language stepped forward in the whole of Iraq after the process of freedom in 2003, when the Kurds returned to Baghdad and wanted to identify their native language as an official language through the new constitution of Iraq.
In Iraq under the new order, the Kurdish language moves from strength to strength. The status of Kurdish was set out in the law of administration for the state of Iraq for the transitional period, published on 8 March 2004:
The Arabic language and the Kurdish language are the two official languages of Iraq. The scope of the term "official language" and the means of applying the provisions of this Article shall be defined by law and shall include:
1 Publication of the official gazette, in the two languages;
2 Speech and expression in official settings, such as the National Assembly, the Council of Ministers, courts, and official conferences, in either of the two languages;
3 Recognition and publication of official documents in the two languages;
4 Opening schools that teach in the two languages, in accordance with educational guidelines;
5 Use of both languages in any other settings enjoined by the principle of equality (such as bank notes, passports, and stamps);
6 Use of both languages in the federal institutions and agencies in the Kurdistan region.[9]
For Kurds, the 7th of January, 2013; is a great moment when the Iraqi parliament quietly voted on a law regulating official languages and local official languages. Article 4 of the Iraqi Constitution, which was ratified by a popular vote in 2005, stipulates that Arabic and Kurdish are the official languages of Iraq.
Historical background of the Turkmen language in Iraq
Turkmen, the spoken language of the Turkmen people is closer to the Turkish language in both Urfa in southeastern Turkey and Azerbaijan. The Iraqi Turkmen language is drawn from two major sources. The first and foremost is the language and local dialect spoken in Kurkuk, Altunkopru, Tuz Khormatu, Telafer, Erbil, and other main Turkish areas.
In general, these belong to Azeri Turkish. Although local Turkish dialects show degrees of similarities, differences are found in local dialects spoken in different cities, towns, villages and, even, neighborhoods. This can be attributed to the fact that different Turkish clans settling in Iraq from the 11th Century and onwards have slightly different dialects.
Spoken language is the foundation of Iraqi Turkmen culture, folk literature, group identity, ethnic consciousness and world outlook. The spoken mother tongue is naturally passed on to new generations and this, as expected, creates a strong bond uniting the Turkish-speaking people of Iraq. With the coming to power of the Ba'ath party in Iraq in 1968 the situation of minorities digressed in general and the Turkmen language followed suit. Since the Arabization policy that was introduced by the Saddam Hussein to Arabize the Turkmen populated area and dilute the Turkmen influence by assimilating them into the Arabic society, consequently the Arabic language was forced on the Turkmen as the official language in Iraq. The Turkmen in Turkmeneli were even prevented from utilizing their own language as a mean of education.
A spoken Turkmen dialect is regularly used throughout the Turkmeneli, but compulsory education in Arabic has led to the weakening and deterioration of the spoken Turkmen language from generation to generation. In fact, the older generation with no formal education speaks relatively purer and more correct Turkmen than the younger generation who were educated in Arabic during the Saddam Hussein regime.
Formal written Turkish is the second major source of the language in Iraq. Local dialects have not found their place in written literature. Turkmen have formally adopted Anatolian Turkish for their written language. Up until the 16th Century, the literary works of Turkmen were in an Azeri dialect and this can, perhaps, be named old Anatolian Turkish; but from the second half of that century and onwards, the written literature of the Turkmen has come under the influence of the rising Ottoman language, a western Turkish dialect.
The Turkmen have continued with their preference for Anatolian Turkish by using Arabic characters in their education and literature. Turkmen writers have followed the simplification movement in Turkish literature. Although it was already lagging behind, it came to a halt in 1975 when the Iraqi government banned all publications, even newspapers and magazines, from Turkey. This forced Turkmen writers to work self-suf-ficiently, relying solely on Turkish radio broadcasts.
From 1991 to present
Nothing changed for years in terms of the status of the Turkmen language in Iraq during the rule of the Ba'ath regime. However, after removing those from power in the northern part of the country (Today's Kurdistan Region), the situation of the Turkmen language changed positively.
The Turkmen culture and languages actually started to revive and on the 19th of August, 2003; Turkmen broadcasting started and a year later, the first newspaper was published under the names of AlJHuda, Turkmeneli, Al_Qala_ Kerkuk, Somer, Isek, Kardeslik, Safak and so on. Gradually hundreds of books in the Turkish language were published in the writing world and many of these started to appear on the internet, and have played tremendous roles in reviving and promoting the Turkmen language and literature. Furthermore, broadcasting of the Turkmen language by Turkmeneli Television, training Turkmen teachers and educating Turkmen students in Turkish universities has helped tremendously to revive the Turkmen culture, education and language again after being subjected to neglect by the Saddam Hussein regime for 35 years.
Today, most Turkish speakers in Iraq are bi- or tri-lingual, which is characteristic of speakers of a so-called low-prestige language variety. At least the older generations grew up with Turkmen as their mother tongue. At a very early age, most learn Kurdish or Arabic as a second language in their neighborhood. Arabic is also acquired through mass media and at school. [10, p.166]
Historical background of the Syriac language in Iraq
The Syriac language is the written form of one of the Aramaic dialects, the root of which goes back to the old Aramaic language once known as the lingua franca in the Near Eastern region. Syriac appeared in the first century at the advent of Christianity when the Aramaic-speaking people changed the name of their language to distinguish themselves from those pagan Assyrians who spoke Aramaic dialects too. It has since been the language of most Christian Churches and the language of religious philosophy in the Fertile Crescent region [11, p. 47].
The Syriac language started to spread through various missionary campaigns that were held throughout the Middle Eastern region as far as Egypt and Persia. Later, imposing itself over the mother tongue (Aramaic language) Syriac became the official and liturgical language for many Eastern and Western Christian Churches. In addition to that, after the expansion of Christianity in Iraq, Arameans were called Syriac, claiming that it is originally derived from (Assyria) / (Assur) that has come from Iraqi Nineveh city [12, p. 37].
The Syriac language flourished and took a major role in contributing to the development of Islamic-Arabic cultural civilization in Baghdad especially during the Abbasid period when many scientific books were translated from Greek and Persian into Syriac and Arabic. The Assyrians had a major role in bridging Greek philosophies and knowledge into Arabic through Syriac translation services in multiple disciplines. One of the prominent Syriac Christian translators at that time was Hunain Bin-Isaac, a physician who translated numerous books in philosophy, logic and mostly in medicine from Greek into Arabic and Syriac.
Old Syriac translations and the Syriac literary productions made a significant contribution to the Arabs. This relationship between Syriac and Arabic speakers was a strong one as they both stood side by side during the course of the historical development of the Islamic-Arabic Civilization. Together, they made significant contributions to the scientific and social progress of mankind in such fields as religion, philosophy, and the sciences in general, as well as in politics and administration [13, p.43].
After the fall of Baghdad by the Mongol which ended the Abbassid Caliphate in Mesopotamia, more recently know as Iraq, the Syriac language declined significantly because of many ordeals that faced the Syriac speaking people (Assyrians) including the massacres committed by the Mongols which affected the Syriac language and its speakers.
The first Iraqi constitution after its foundation in 1932, declared Arabic as the official language to be used in all governmental institutions and to be taught at schools and universities, thus there was no chance for Assyrians to practice their native language in the formal educational process. Finally, after the independence of Iraq in 1968, the Assyrians were allowed to open private schools to teach the Syriac language. Later, in 1970, the Iraqi government approved establishing a separate department for the Syriac language in the Iraqi Academy of Sciences in Baghdad along with other departments like the Arabic and Kurdish languages. According to Matar many primary and secondary schools which teach Syriac language have been established in Iraq especially in Northern Iraq since 1991 and in 2004 the Iraqi government opened a separate department of the Syriac language at Baghdad University [12, p. 38].
From 1991 to present
For Assyrians, the announcement of the Kurdish self-rule in the north was important as well because the status of their language has become an ongoing issue for the authorities like other minorities.
Tove Skutnabb-Kangas and Desmond Fernandes, Academics who visited the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in March 2006 to research its educational language policies, found that "Minorities Such as Assyrians have their own schools in their own languages [14].
The first Syriac primary school was opened in March of 1993. Since 1991, within the KRG-area, more than 30 Assyrian language schools (consisting of almost 10,000 students and more than 500 teachers) have been supported by government funding[15]. They also noted that as well as having schools for minorities who wish to learn in their mother tongue, the KRG Ministry of Education has dedicated departments and Director Generals for them: "Assyrian children in the region are taught through Assyrian / Syriac. They learn Kurdish and English as second/foreign languages.
Syriac is also one language now used in media and publication in the Kurdistan region of Iraq and there are many local and satellite channels today which broadcast in this native language. One of the Assyrian satellite channels which broadcast in Syriac is Ishtar TV. It was established in 2005 in Ainkawa, a large town on the outskirts of Erbil which is home to a substantial Christian community. Several Syriac newspapers are published in the capital city of the region, including Quyamn and Bet Nahren, and the Ainkawa magazine. The Ainkawa Cultural Centre also has a small arts institute to preserve and promote Assyrian and Chaldean arts and culture.
After the Iraqi freedom process, the situation of the Syriac language in Iraq improved greatly, when it was recognized as an ethnic language and was officially declared in the New Iraqi Constitution in 2005.
Historical background of the Armenian language in Iraq
The Armenian language is an Indo-European language spoken primarily by the Armenians. It is the official language of Armenia. Historically being spoken throughout the Armenian Highlands, today, Armenian is widely spoken throughout the Armenian diaspora.
The history of the Armenian language in Iraq relates to its appearance in the latter half of Babylonian times. However, the general roots of the contemporary Armenian community in Iraq can be largely traced to Shah Abbas's forced relocation of the Armenians to Iran in 1604, some of whom subsequently moved on to settle in Iraq. [16, p.427]
Since their existence in Iraq, Armenians seriously tried to protect their language from oblivion and consistently pushed the authorities to give them their linguistic rights. Having approved education in their mother tongue was one of their demands.
The first Armenian school in Baghdad opened in 1852 under the name "St. Tark-mantchats" and the first Armenian school for girls "Zabelian" was established in 1901. The teaching language of both these schools was Armenian.
During the Ba'ath's regime rule in Iraq, Armenian was not forbidden like other minority languages because the Ba'ath's leaders believed that the Armenian community didn't wish to be involved in the political issues of the country.
From 1991 to present
Unlike other groups, changing the political system of the country didn't affect the Armenian language situation very much because they were a small, closed community and stayed far away from any political issues. Therefore teaching the Armenian language has never stopped and every Armenian in Iraq learns their native language from early childhood.
However, Kurdish self-ruling in the northern part of the country opened another gatefor the Armenian native language to progress further. The first Armenian primary school was opened in the March of 1993 in the region. In the last fifteen years, over 60 primary and preparatory Armenian and Syriac schools have been founded in Erbil and Dohuk.
Today in Iraq, Armenians have their own schools, the Armenian private school in Baghdad holds more than 700 students, and they have their own kindergarten. In 2005 the Iraqi constitution formerly acknowledged that the Armenian language can be used as a mother tongue.
Conclusion
Minorities of Iraq have suffered a lot to keep their mother-tongues alive. The language situation has always been the foundational symbol of defense for minorities and a serious matter for the Iraqi authorities during the last ten decades. Kurdish, the spoken language of the second biggest ethnic group in Iraq, was not in a stable situation for a long time due to the Kurds continued involvement in political issues. The Turkmen language was basically in the same situation as the Kurdish language and for a period of time Turkmen were not even allowed to express themselves in their native language. Certainly, the Authorities pressure on Assyrians and Armenians was to a lesser degree than that placed on Kurdish and Turkmen because the first two groups were not generally involved in the political issues of the country.
The researchers conclude the fact that spring of 1991 was the best moments ever for minorities of the country to plan to take their languages into a better situation. Today Kurdish alongside with Arabic is the official language of the country. Turkmen, Syriac and Armenian are also identified by the Iraqi permanent constitution. Children are learning in their mother tongue, thousands of newspapers and magazines are
published in these recognized languages daily, and hundreds of local and satellite channels are broadcasting.Afterdecadesof sacrificing, minorities of Iraqcannow recognize their own mother tongue as one of the official languages of the country. Appearing ISIS terrorist groups on the ground in 2014 forced thousands of Iraqi people
to leave their home which affect their language status this causes serious jj^ reco mmendations for urgent researches.
Reviewed by Kathleen L Queen (USA); Project Manager; WINKRI V0N 8/2018
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Статья поступила в редакцию 16.11.19
УДК 811.161.1' 282.2 DOMO .24411/195S-55-Cr2312-10210
Belenkevich E.V., Cand. of Sciences (Philology), senior lecturer, Altai State Technical University n.a. I.I. Polzunov (Barnaul, Russia),
E-mail: [email protected]
LINGUISTIC AND MOSOAOPOmTRAITOFA DIA7ECTAL LINGUISTIC PERSONALITY IN THE DIRECTION OF LINGUOPERSONOLOGY. In this article, the author attempts to describe the linguistic personality of the dialect bearer as a typical representative of the Russian peasantry, a carrier of folklore wealth. The researcher desirAey an approuch ta tPentudy of-ialectlengoage .nrsotal Itpnthacenfet yOnogponnrssnelFgoitheoPa oi consiOeratio t 5f lip-maFa aaFmeytal, or cognitive, portraiture through the consideration of an idiolect. The analysis is subjected to such type of a language personality as a dialectal linguistic personality. Language feat uper-fsReechpfholKctlKnouagepersemaiityin Alta ¡ate soasifarpdOte з^-огогопотеААтепАииие conceptosphere in the language picture of the world of Altai old-timers, including universal basic concepts, describes their content and significance for the national culture.
Key word: АП7110persoeolAgyrF¡alectlannuagк9ereongl¡tR9¡a IecC,¡d¡orec5JangecgтoтrmF¡tlpontal /conme pteO piOraF, cancepOOspFnTe, langoage picture of the world.
Е.В. Белеm-вtp, га^.Ашпоп.таутт. доц., Алтайский государственный технический университет имени И.И. Ползунова, г. Барнаул,
E-mail: [email protected]
ЯЗЫКОВОЙ И МЕНАП\ЛЬНЫЙ ПОА^ЕТ ДИАЛЕКТНОЙЯЗЫКОВОЙЛИЧНОСТИ В РУСЛ ЕЛИ НГВОПЕРСОНОЛОГИИ
В настоящей статье предпринята попытка системного описания языковой личности носителя диалекта как типичного представителя русского крестьянства Сибири. П ридз.гается поаход кдзсдепиюдпалектной языковой личности в русле лингвоперсонологии: план содержания - языковое и ментальное, или концептуальное, портретирование через рассмотрение идиолекта. Анализу подвержен такой тип языковой личности, как диалектная языковая личность. РассматриваютсяятыковыеоЕоРемопотрери flo^^^'^nTTflnTe^ii^k^aTOC^MeaAonamT^i^eKm традтоикена мтeтa9ы^m-цтsaocтyaa KTHpemoccpeee a языковой картине мира носителя диалекта, включающая универсальные базовые концепты, описано их содержание, актуализация и значение для отечественной культерп.
Ключевые слова: лингвоперсонология, диалектная языковая личность, диалект, идиолект, языковой портрет, ментальный / концептуальный портрет, концептосфера, языковая картина мира.
Широко распространенное в лингвистике, коммуникатологии, семиотике, антропологии, психологии понятие «языковая (также: дискурсивная, текстовая, топонимическая и др.) личность» (ср. также понятия «языковой портрет» личности, говорящего, индивида) представляет собой, как известно, многомерное и объемное понятие, нередко трактуемое как совокупность образов сознания, формируемых при помощи языковых средств - слов, свободных и устойчивых словосочетаний, предложений, дискурсивных практик, текстов и ассоциативных рядов и полей. При этом определяющая роль в словосочетании «языковая личность» принадлежит, естественно, языку, словесному знаку, который «скрывает за собой различные оттенки выражения мысли (в значении mens, mentis), и не только символы, но такжеобразы,понятия,мифыит.п.»[1,с.15].
На современном этапе развития науки о языке превалирующий вектор исследования направлен непосредственно на человека говорящего, как следствие, выделились и самоопределились отдельные отрасли языкознания, исследующие его с различных ракурсов: когнитивистика, коммуникативная лингвистика, психолингвистика, этнолингвистика, лингвокультурология, коммуникативная стилистика и т.п. Следуя логике внутреннего развития, языкознание подошло к новому витку в спирали развития - оно нуждалось в новой дисциплине, аккумулирующей лингвистические исследования с единым объектом познания -языковой личностью (далее по тексту - ЯЛ). Так, исходя из специфики объекта
исследования, целей, задач, методологии и языкового материала, по словам Е.В. Иванцовой, постепенно «выкристаллизовалась» молодая многозадачная и многомерная область современной русистики - лингвоперсонология [2]. Отличие лингвоперсонологии от других отраслей языкознания заключается в том, что в фокусе ее внимания - персона, индивид, рассматриваемый с позиций индивидуального языка - идиолекта. Предтечей данной отрасли языкознания Е.В. Иван-цова называет ряд зарубежных и отечественных лингвистов, как то: Э. Сепир, Л. Вайсгербер, И.А. БодуэндеКуртенэ,Э. Бенвенист, В.В. Виноградов, М.М. Бахтин, Н.С. Трубецкой и др. В настоящее время обобщающая работа по лингвоперсонологии принадлежит перу томского ученого Е.В. Иванцовой [2].
На сегодняшний день в рамках данной дисциплины представлена типология ЯЛ, выработаны методы анализа, определен языковой материал исследования и методы его сбора, очерчен терминологический аппарат - базовым термином является, безусловно, термин «языковая личность» (Н.Д. Голев, Е.В. Иванцо-ва, В.И. Карасик, Ю.Н. Караулов, К.Ф. Седов, Т.К. Сироткина, О.Б. Сиротинина, А.Ю. Коровина, М. Пикхарт, Н.А. Тупикова, Е.С. Шойсоронова, С.К. Башиева и др.). Обращаясь к типам ЯЛ, отметим, что носитель диалекта как языковая личность занимает лидирующие позиции среди прочих в лингвоперсонологии.
Диалектная языковая личность - понятие объемное и многомерное, требующее системного описания не только языковой среды (фонетического, морфо-
