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© Юй Вень Ли
УДК 101
ПЕДАГОГИКА ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ В АНАЛЕКТАХ КОНФУЦИЯ: КРИТИЧЕСКАЯ ПЕРСПЕКТИВА
Юй Вень Ли (Пекин, КНР)
В данной статье автор раскрывает наследие политической образовательной педагогики в конфуцианских Аналектах. Аналекты Конфуция воспринимались и воспринимаются до сих пор как классика воспитания характера и морали, проект обучения конфуцианству, влияющие на широкие круги общественности, чтобы вести себя так, как подобает человеку или, иными словами, жить по-джентельменски. Автор отмечает важность данного сборника для современной педагогики политического образования, так как Аналекты Конфуция вобрали в себя огромную информацию по обучению и воспитанию уважению и ответственности, формируя нравственный порядок в обществе, что помогало сохранять его устойчивость. Некоторые из моральных кодексов, например, Три Кардинальных Направляющих и Пять Постоянных Добродетелей (доброжелательность, справедливость, соблюдение этических норм, знания и искренность), стали жизненно руководящими положениями, закрепленными в китайском менталитете на протяжении веков и охраняются до сих пор. Однако, занимая позицию политической перспективы, необходимо учитывать особенности той эпохи и принимать во внимание сложные межличностные отношения феодального Китая; с политической точки зрения можно ясно увидеть идеологическую подоплеку в тех нравственных сообщениях. Тем не менее, автор доказывает эффективность педагогических методов для современного политического образования. Выжившая мораль -политическая борьба, перспектива конфуцианской педагогики политического образования будет оправдана как образовательными, так и социальными потребностями. В статье приводятся различные точки зрения западных ученых, раскрывается понятие «политическое образование». Статья будет интересна тем, кто интересуется педагогикой, философией, китайской культурой, а также широкому кругу читателей.
Ключевые слова: политическое образование, педагогика, педагогика политического образования, диалог, мораль.
Introduction and morality, designing to teach Confucians and
CONFUCIAN ANALECTS has long thus influencing the general public to behave as
been taken as a classic of educating for character nice human beings, or lead gentlemanly lives.
Юй Вень Ли - профессор философии образования, директор центра политического образования Школы Марксизма, проректор Института социальной экономики и культуры, Пекинский университет.
E-mail ywl1972@126.com
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It is no doubt that Confucian Analects has passed information on teaching respect and responsibility, helping to forge the unbeatable castle of hierarchical ethical order existing in feudal China for over 2000 years. Some of these moral codes, such as the Three Cardinal Guides (ruler guides subject, father guides son and husband guides wife) and Five Constant Virtues (benevolence, righteousness, propriety, knowledge and sincerity), became the life guideline fastened in the Chinese mentalities over centuries even up to now. However, taking the stance of political perspective and judging the complicated interpersonal relations of feudal China with an eye of politics, one might clearly read out the political indoctrination in those moral messages. From Confucian Analects, it’s also easy to generalize the pedagogical method bearing strong connotation for political education. However effective these methods are in the history of education, defects can always be found. In this paper, some ideas will be presented relating to the politics of education in Confucian Analects and critical sound maybe heard to alarm the long-established but stereotyped pedagogy in political education of Confucius, especially the deeply-rooted educational psychology of imperial authority domination, the opinionated prejudice on innate inequality of human beings and the idolatrous reverence to god supremacy and the narcissistic syndrome for elite training. In some way, the analects reflect the teachings of doctrines helping the formation of feudal social system, with the gradual dramatization of political psychology and development of servility culture.
A book of political education: its content and context
Political education, as defined in the broadest sense, may bear a totally different meaning from what modern scholar can
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perceive. Rather diverging with the disciplinary characteristics and scholarly tunes of today’s definition which involves such keywords as knowledge, attitude and skill, also apart from the modern academic terminology frequently used, such as identity, representation and participation, political education may find a specialized area relating to the pedagogical training of political figures and political personalities. Therefore, topics or matters relating to state, government, aristocracy, official, power, right and even law may all fall into the category of political education. It is well known that the great classic of Confucian Analects, a record of Confucius’s dialogue with his disciples, even though deals with the pervasive morality among interpersonal relations and tells the widespread life principle of conduct, is no less than a book of political education. In general, not only the political doctrines of Confucius permeate the whole book, but the central theme of this analects is to train statesman with both inner virtues and outer merits so that he can be “internal saint and external king” with all his political behaviors. The attainment of the perfect virtue, symbolize the true aim of living but highlight the political supremacy. Since a book is appropriately defined by its context and content, so I will try to explain the political of Confucian Analects from these perspectives and thereby reveal the blemish hidden in the feudal ingratiation with worldly politics.
It is well-known to all the later rulers after Song Dynasty that “with mastery of half Confucian Analects, you can manage the country well.” This famous ejemplos tells nothing but the political significance of Confucian Analects in ruling a country and extols its function in political management. To assert without any slight of exaggeration, Confucian Analects had indeed covered a wide cluster of topics on politics, ranging from government management
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to political affairs, from political personality to political behaviors. Lionel Giles, in his new translation of Confucian Analects, categorized the political dialogues between Confucius and his students. All these dialogues expounded on the state rules, administrative strategies, political reputation and authority, political justice, civil managerial ethics, governing art and governmental behaviors, systems of ruling, etc. The frequenting of political topics actually mirrored the chaotic social order during Confucius’ lifetime, also the Spring and Autumn Period, and the great anticipation for good politics in the mind of this intellectual saga. The time when Confucius lived was a time of constant warfare among the states. What Confucius worried and taught were mostly targeted at the illness of the society happened when people forget their place in life and the rulers lost their virtues. Therefore, the panoramic background of Confucian Analects was actually the restoration of political conformity and governance of chaotic social-political order. This fact throws light on both on the character and design of the philosophy of this book. Liang Qichao once championed the view on Confucianism, believing hat in traditional Chinese culture, politics and ethics intermingled and state politics is the extension of family ethics. In fact, inseparable ties always exist in between individuals and collectives, family and state, politics and morality. Due to the ultimate worship of perfect virtue for good politics, even Confucius himself sought to perfect his political philosophy by preaching ethics. According to him, good virtues make good politics. He believes that “he who governs by his moral excellence may be compared to the pole-star, which abides in its place, while all the stars bow towards it.” (William Edward Soothill, 5)
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designing to persuade the ruling class to behave in benevolent ways and make people good mannered and grateful, make pure virtue the moral fiber of gentlemen and elites. In fact, the core value of Confucianism highlighted in Confucian Analects, the Ritual(/i $L ) and Benevolence(ren T), are all endorsed for politics, because virtue, morality and ethic code are merely the instrument of building social hierarchy, which in turn good for political ruling and social orders. Patricia Buckly Ebrey stated in his book entitled The Cambridge I//ustrated History of China that even being a moral philosopher, Confucius still endeavored to bury his political ideals in his moral teachings to the public for he believe that society itself can in no way be harmonious until behaviors of all are controlled and directed by institutional laws, especially that of politics. Bell also showed some of his analysis as to believe that “in the Chinese conception, the importance of politics lies not in collective participation in collective decisions, but in its promotion of the highest moral good in individual lives (ren), and its accompanying moral order, a harmonious order of social relationships.”(Bell, 70) But contrast to what Bell claims that politics is “an instrument to promote the moral order.”(Bell, 71)I believe contrarily that politics exalts and decides moral order, and this can be proved by the inner cause of why Confucianism serve as the established ruling doctrine over thousand of years throughout China’s imperial reign and despotic dynasties. Like John H. Barrows mentioned, “his aim was political; the reestablishment of strong, imperial government. Against anarchy he found it necessary to lay the greatest stress on authority and subordination. In his moral teaching man is principally a political being on a basis of social relations. Development of personal character is subordinated to social and political duties.” (John Henry Barrows,1350)
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The noticeable facts concerning the formation of Confucian Analects and the family background of students in the Master-disciple dialogue may also explain why it dealt with politics and political education. As to the formation of the book, it is commonly believed that the analects were collected and compiled by several generations of disciples of Confucius. But authentic evidence shows that most of the emperors and political elites of every dynasty in Chinese history had been very supportive and dominative to the compilation and popularization of Confucian Analects. Some even took leading roles in promoting the indoctrination of the analects as the training curricula for ritual officials and the Heir Apparent through decrees. As to the background of his disciples, Masayuki Sato believes that “Confucius taught two kinds of students: young aristocrats and the people of the shi class. The former would automatically become rulers once they had attained the right age or when their family leader (generally the
father, or elder brother) died...........The people
called shi often came from somewhere in the middle between the hereditary aristocrats and the general populace. A large part of them were presumable the offspring of ‘royal’ family or hereditary aristocrats of Spring and Autumn countries. Although they could not enjoy the prerogatives that the member of the ruling class could, as the successors or hereditary fiefs, the new style of education by Confucians enabled the shi to reascend to their individual social position. Successful learners become administrator, in many cases, of local governments.” (Masayuki Sato, 94-95) Even though what Sato mentioned is not true-to-fact because many disciples of Confucius are from very poor grass-root families, such as Zi zhang and Yanhui etc., and Confucius himself advocated no discrimination to all in education, Yet Sato discloses a secret of Confucian
educational purpose. That is, the ideal and supreme goal of education to all lie in the training of suitable personnel for governing and taming the public, at least cultivating good political personalities for those talented. Therefore, it is absurd to deny the political significance of Confucian Analects, because no matter how much one emphasized the ethical connotations, he can never neglect the political value bury in the context and content of the book.
Legacy of political education pedagogy in Confucian Analects
It is not until centuries later that Confucianism won the recognition in both palace and street. It is not until the birth of educational insight of Master Zhu (zhuxi) that the pedagogical characteristics of Confucius Analects found and then exalted. Even though the prominent teaching methods of Confucius existed for thousand of years only as practical crafts instead of schools of learning, it is not surprise at all that the pedagogy exhibited in Confucian Analects can pass on till today as the essence of Confucian educational philosophy. To generalize the teaching methods of political education shown throughout the Confucian Analects, I have to mention quite a few of the obvious pedagogical features exemplified by Confucius in his political educations.
The first one is to conduct the theoretical indoctrination through dialogues and conversations. It is not hard at all for readers to find out that the standard unit of Analects either a quotation or a dialogue. The conversational style embodies an interactive pedagogical paradigm created by Confucius and carried out in his teaching of political knowledge, attitude and skills. Prevailed with questions and answers in the course of teaching, the interaction model
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was set up as to ease the solemnity of teaching atmosphere and invite student participation. The disciples were able to ask, answer or even argue with the Master, sharing their political ambitions and ideal for governing the country or devoting to one certain political career. In this process, not only the political status quo of states but also the imperial notions were discussed in the “class”, conveying the political knowledge and theory in a non-theoretical but conversational form. Through the dialogues, perfect virtue and good deeds of the overlords were justified and praised, and the ugliness of overlord’s rulings was disclosed and identified through scolding and accusation of their unjustified behaviors, thus helping the disciples understand the true meaning of benevolent governance and good politics. Dialogue is a bridge for minds. The conversations happened in that Master-disciple mode invites an ongoing visit of sagacious minds of Confucius and encourage the disciples to participate as the real players in this active teaching game. The most striking feature of this conversational platform is the seeming equality of both sides in teaching-learning relations. But, I believe the absurdity of this form of equality is a frequent nominal supposition and barely true in pedagogical loops because in most cases, Confucius justified the answers of almost all the questions, serving as the one who’s always seize the “truth” even thought he admitted there exists even better masters and teacher for himself. His correction and rectification symbolize his dominant authority in this nominal equal relation.
The second one is the heuristic elicitation with analogical evocation. In the Master-disciple dialogue, Confucius usually raised a question, encourage the disciples to provide with satisfactory answers. Or, when the disciples asked questions, instead of providing direct answers, Confucius answered back with a © 2011-2013 Вестник НГПУ
rhetorical question by analogical evocation, designing to encourage the disciples to answer his question on himself. In this way, students will all have to find answer for their questions by analogical support or refute their evidences. This heuristic elicitation with analogical evocation builds the confidence and capability of students. As Hall and Ames suggested, “education as evocation cannot be merely an exercise in drawing out from an individual the same feelings and ideas already housed in the teacher. Evocation means the stimulation of novel responses in the individual to be educated.” (David L. Hall, Roger T. Ames, 302). The advantage of this method is students learn to think independently while the drawback is the diversified opinions may collide with the unified aims of political education. In the case of Confucian Analects, we may well observe that “Confucius adopted a heuristic method of instruction to improve his student’s ability to think independently by encouraging them to draw inferences about other cases from one instance.” (Asiapac Editorial,15) Taking the pedagogy of heuristic evocation in political teaching, students are easily let go to think on their own but not easy to persuade in forming unified political opinions, especially to breed ideas in conformity with same political belief. In the Analects, we may read out the difficulties Confucius encountered when he tried to explain diversified governing ideals. That also explains in some way why Confucius resorted to universalistic moral and supreme ethic conformity to trump the cruelty of practical politics because good politic and benevolent governance exist only in the utopian kingdom of Virtue and under the reign of Sagacious paragon.
The third one is the teaching in accordance with individual aptitude (yin cai shi jiao). As a very noticeable trait of effective education, Confucius adopted the flexible way of
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individualization in political pedagogy according to his categorization of students. Uncountable examples can be found in the classics on the suiting instruction to student’s aptitude. With the adjustment of teaching methods in light of the student’s diverse characters and capabilities, Confucius planed his request upon his disciples and supported them to pursue after different political ideal. He advocated in his political education to the disciples in a differential career dreams, as some can be trained to be political sages, some can only be clerks and ordinary officers, even some has to be political hermits. A fine example in the following may explain how he views his students differently as to fit for even the same career in governance.
Chi K’ang Tzu asked, “Is Chung yu good enough to be given office?”
The Master said, “Yu is resolute. What difficulties could there be for him in taking office?”
“is Ssu good enough to be given office?”
“Ssu is a man of understanding. What difficulties could there be for him in taking office?”
“Is Ch’iu good enough to be given office?”
“Chi ’iu is accomplished. What difficulties could there be for him in taking office?”’(VI.8) (Dim Cheuk Lau, 180)
Due to the discernment of aptitudes and talents, Confucius adopted a combination of praising and scolding in passing messages, especially those on governance and politics. An incomplete estimation shows that in Confucius Analects, Confucius had scolded his disciples much less than he praised them, both in the occasions when they gave answers to his © 2011-2013 Вестник НГПУ
questions, of course in accordance with his estimation upon their performance and aptitude. As to the pedagogical principle of differential teaching, it sounds in general a correct strategy to adjust to individualized aptitudes. But there are still doubts about the misplacement of teaching or training practice upon responses to political education because “it is difficult or impossible to classify individual students into the right professions where they would potentially succeed.”(Yi lin, 139) For instance, in the judging of personalities, it might be too hasty and simple to make assertion like “Ch’ai is simple, Shan is dull, Shih is specious, Yu is coarse” (Confucius, 62), as contrast to the complexity and variability of human characters.
Confucius' political philosophy is rooted in his belief that a ruler should learn self-discipline, should govern his subjects by nice means and treat them with love and concern. As he mentioned, “if the people be led by laws, and uniformity among them be sought by punishments, they will try to escape punishment and have no sense of shame. If they are led by virtue, and uniformity sought among them through the practice of ritual propriety, they will possess a sense of shame and come to you of their own accord.” (The Analects, 2.3) Therefore, Confucius’s pedagogy of political teaching also involves the teaching method of “role modeling” and “reputation ruling”. Since Confucius believed that politics is only the extension of morals, provide that the ruler is benevolent to people, the government will naturally work on peaceful and smooth track. To Confucius, the best politics exist in good virtues, setting role models in morality and personality will thus pave the way for governing and politicizing. At the same time, good politics come from good reputations, if a government enjoys good reputation among the general public, people from all over the world may turn
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to and accept the governance of his ruling. Among the uncountable consulting from both his disciples and officials, examples are frequently provided to the questioner, in a good way to convey his interpretations of good politic and good government. In some way, the exemplification also features the educational techniques of Confucius in all his teaching practices relating to political affairs.
As aforementioned, in the broad sense, the political education of Confucius refers to the educational and pedagogical activities of Confucius on spreading his political ideals and ideas on ruling and governing. Confucius himself, unlucky as not being able to be accepted by many states as appointed senior officials, therefore unable to carry out his understanding of politics and his pedagogical practice in an institutionalized education system. I assume that this failure come largely from his presumptive ideal of morality domination instead of putting forward practical political strategies. It is no doubt that the pedagogy of political education in Confucian Analects can also be interpreted in many different ways, in accordance to diversified scholastic perspectives. However, the above mentioned enlightening method of dialogue may feature Confucius’s contribution to educational methodologies, in ideological and political indoctrinations. In fact, most of the aforementioned pedagogy of political education highlights the outstanding creations of Confucius through educational practice. In my opinion, the dialogue-teaching is similar to Socratic Method of “teaching by asking instead of telling” (even though there indeed involves telling, but mostly in an analogical evocation form). This is a method a primitive pedagogy instead of “advanced methodology” even though it involves interactions between all parties in educational relations. It symbolizes the tentative effort in pedagogical formats with an easy access © 2011-2013 Вестник НГПУ
and casual organization. This inadequacy of institutionalization in conducting dialogue teaching is by no means the most democratic way of teaching because of the hidden subjectivity of the Master. As Wei-Ming Tu once explained, “dialogue is used to show Confucius in thought and action, not as isolated individual, but as a center of relationships. Actually the saying of the Analects reveals the inner person of Confucius-his ambitions, his fears, his joys, his commitments, and above all, his self-image.”(Walter H. Slote, George A. De Vos, 10) The answering and replying between the masters and students and even the group discussion among the learner, though taking the form of an equalized partnership in “role play” model, but represents only the formalized and normative relations in educational rounds. Argumentative explanation and oral defense will finally turn to the arbitration of the Master, who in that educational relation, represent the truth teller. Therefore, the so-named “equality” in the pedagogy of political education, even though can be taken as legacy for modern teaching, modeled by modern education, but by no means the unbeatable master of present equalities and democracies in modern education.
Prospect of Confucian political education and its pedagogy in China
Confucian Analects is a miracle in human culture. Some people believes that no other book in the entire history has exerted a greater influence on a larger number of people over a long period of time than this slim volume. Timothy G. Reagan even claimed that “the closet analogy that one could draw to the role of the Analects in the Western tradition would probably
be the role of the Bible.........The Analects, in
short, have played a comparable role in Chinese culture.” (Timothy G. Reagan, 139) Patricia Ebrey also believes that Confucian Analects has
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significant meaning to Chinese psychology, both in social-political perspective and in cultural paradigm. He asserted that “it influenced the value and habits of thought of Chinese for centuries.” (Patricia Ebrey, 17) In fact, even up to now, it is impossible to discuss the Chinese educational thoughts without repeatedly reference to Confucian Analects. But in the past century, Confucius and his Confucianism tumbled their ways in history, trying to survive the drastic changes in social-economic and political cultures. There existed seemingly two extremist attitudes upon Confucianism and its pedagogy on political education in the year of changes: one is the excessive exalting and the other is the excessive degrading of Confucian cultures As a result of ideological manipulations, Confucianism was associated with the feudal tyranny and the Confucian doctrines became synonymous with obscurantism and oppression when revolutionary was putting on in stage. During the changing years, the staunchly anti-Confucian movement turns the pro-Confucian legacy upside down.
History always repeats itself in some similar ways as it goes by. The pedagogy of political education in Confucian Analects, even though enriched by the subsequent Confucianism scholars but firstly highlight the origin and mainstream of political teaching approach in Confucianism, toddles its way in a long running of years and days along with the fluctuating fate of Confucian philosophy. It is true that some people claim Confucian Analects belong to the past and present, with past in the sense of chronological years and present of the essence of its educational and pedagogical significance. In recent years, some Chinese scholars and researchers put forward a proposal to invite Confucianism back to the ruling doctrine of the country, demanding the urgent adaptation of Confucian classics to classroom pedagogical © 2011-2013 Вестник НГПУ
curriculum. Some claimed that Confucius has created the most advanced teaching pedagogy in Chinese history, second to none in Chinese educational history. I’m not against the proposal of adopting Confucianism curricula. But to me, it’ always an absurdity when someone overstates that Confucius conducted his teaching of politics in a way more modern than the pedagogy of present education.
Political education is still a necessary dose for today’s politics in the world, no matter in what form, what kind of attention it receives, or how it struggles its way under changing circumstances. As in China today, the transforming society is crying for renovating legacies in political education. But it is known that for the past century, political education in China has been following a Marxist approach clearly different from the traditional political education which rooted in China for thousand of years. Will the Confucian political education and mainstream pedagogy reflected in Confucian Analects survive in a battling world of renovation and restoration? What is the dilemma and what are the favorable elements for this seemingly old-fashioned approach of teaching in presence while adopting Confucian pedagogy in present political education? I believe the biggest battle for Confucian political education and its pedagogy surviving in China now is the combat of cultural collisions, especially the political culture interior and exterior of one ethnic type, inside and outside of one nation. Even though cultural wars can be so confusing in disguised miscellaneous forms, it can always be reduced to the agreement and concord of morality and political. To simplify and narrow down the question, one may find the problem arises from the fact of whether harmony can be kept or not between the Confucian political education as cultural legacy and the transiting socialist political socialization.
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It is known that politics is not merely politics but a combination of political personality and ethic practice. Political education, therefore, will have to bear the spiritual incarnation of wakened political awareness as a principle to any applicable teaching skills. Therefore, any pedagogy of political teaching will observe, intentionally or unintentionally, the social-political and ethical principles. Gert J. Hofstede believes that Confucian teaching abides by four principles, as of the following: One, the stability of society is based on unequal relationships between people. Two, the family is the prototype of all social organizations. Three, virtuous behavior towards other consists of not treating others as one would not like to be treated oneself. Four, virtue with regard to one’s tasks in life consists of trying to acquire skills and education, working hard, not spending more than necessary, being patient, and persevering.( Hofstede,208-209) These principles testify the Confucian belief of pursing ethic excellence and cultivating moral fibers may surpass thus exalt political practice. Evidence can also be found in the story that when someone addressed Confucius, saying “Sir, why are you not engaged in the government?” Confucius then answered “What does the Shu-ching say of filial piety? You are final, you discharge your brotherly duties. These qualities are displayed in government. This then also constitutes the exercise of government. Why must there be THAT-making one be in the
government?”(Confucius, 16) It is no doubt that Confucius himself exaggerated the function of morality compared to his emphasis on the fulfillment of politics. But it is also fair enough to say that morality may live beyond politics in spiritual life yet sojourn it in secular world.
Pedagogy is the externalized product by apply in practice the educational principles. As also the art of deployment of educational psychologies and cultures, the pedagogy finalize its restaging and reconstructing by the essence and vitality it adapts to the educational needs, justified by the status quo social requests. The Confucian political education pedagogy, highlighted in Analects in the form of dialogue, including conversations, questions and answers between Confucius, his students and others, reflected the pristine educational performance and social requests. But as Sor-hoon Tan has asserted, the dialogue pedagogy is a record “of social inquiries in which everybody participates according to their abilities rather than one-directional transmission of knowledge, as
witnessed in the reciprocity between learning and teaching... Though not always practiced with equal effectiveness, this method of acquiring knowledge persists as an ideal throughout the long history of Confucian domination of education in China.”(Sor-hoon Tan, 97) If the aforementioned battle is going on today, then this Confucian pedagogy of political education will speak loud if real educational democracy and equality is needed tomorrow.
NOTES:
1. Confucius, The Analects (Lun Yu), translated by Dim Cheuk Lau, Penguin Group (1979).
2. Confucius, The Analects, by William Edward Soothill, Dover Publications, inc. (1999).
3. Confucius, The Analects, 1st World Library-Literary Society (2004).
4. Confucius, The Analects of Confucius, Biblio Bazaar, LLC.(2008)
5. John Henry Barrows, The World’s Parliament of Religions, Chicago: The Parliament Publishing Company(1893).
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6. Lionel Giles, The Sayings of Confucius: a New Translation of the Greater Part of the Confucian Analects, New York; E.P.Dutton and Company (1910).
7. David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames, Thinking Through Confucius, Albany: State University of New York Press (1987).
8 Daniel A Bell, Beyond Liberal Democracy: Political Thinking for an East Asian Context, New Jersey: Princeton University Press (2006).
9. Patricia Ebrey(ed.), Chinese Civilization, New York: The Free Press(1993).
10. Masayuki Sato, The Confucian Quest for Order: the Origin and Formation of the Political of the Political thought of Xun zi, Koninklijke Brill NV, leiden, The Netherlands: (2003).
11. Wei-Ming Tu, Confucius and Confucianism, Walter H. Slote and George A. De vos(ed.), Confucianism and the Family, Albany; State University of New York Press (1998).
12. Timothy G. Reagan, Non-Western Educational traditions: Indigenous Approaches to Educational Thought and Practice, third edition, New Jersey:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.(2005).
13. Geert Hofstede and Gert Jan Hofstede, Cultures and Organizations: Software of The Mind, USA: Geert Hofstede BV.(2005).
14. Daniel A Bell (ed), Confucian Political ethic, New Jersey: Princeton University Press(2008).
15. Yi Lin, Grey Information: Theory and Practical Applications, Springer-verlag London Limited (2006).
16. Sor-hoon Tan, Confucian democracy; a Deweyan reconstruction, Albany: State University of New York Press (2003).
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Электронный журнал «Вестник Новосибирского государственного педагогического университета»
6(16) 2013 www.vestnik.nspu.ru ISSN 2226-3365
© Yu Wen Li
UDC 101
PEDAGOGY OF POLITICAL EDUCATION IN CONFUCIAN ANALECTS: A CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE
Yu Wen Li (Pekin, P. R. China)
Judging both from its content and context, Confucian Analects is a book of political education.
Due to Confucius's outstanding creation and contribution, the pedagogy of political education reflected in Confucian Analects highlights the features of dialogue-teaching, heuristic elicitation with analogical evocation, teaching in accordance with individual aptitude. Surviving the morality-politics battle, the prospect of Confucian pedagogy of political education will be justified by both educational and social needs.
Keywords: political education, pedagogy, pedagogy of political education, dialogue-teaching, morality.
REFERENCES
1. Confucius, The Analects (Lun Yu), translated by Dim Cheuk Lau, Penguin Group (1979).
2. Confucius, The Analects, by William Edward Soothill, Dover Publications,inc. (1999).
3. Confucius, The Analects, 1st World Library-Literary Society (2004).
4. Confucius, The Analects of Confucius, Biblio Bazaar,LLC.(2008)
5. John Henry Barrows, The World’s Parliament of Religions, Chicago: The Parliament Publishing Company(1893).
6. Lionel Giles, The Sayings of Confucius: a New Translation of the Greater Part of the Confucian Analects, New York; E.P.Dutton and Company (1910).
7. David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames, Thinking Through Confucius, Albany: State University of New York Press (1987).
8 Daniel A Bell, Beyond Liberal Democracy: Political Thinking for an East Asian Context, New Jersey: Princeton University Press (2006).
9. Patricia Ebrey(ed.), Chinese Civilization, New York: The Free Press(1993).
10. Masayuki Sato, The Confucian Quest for Order: the Origin and Formation of the Political of the Political thought of Xun zi, Koninklijke Brill NV, leiden, The Netherlands: (2003).
11. Wei-Ming Tu, Confucius and Confucianism, Walter H. Slote and George A. De vos(ed.), Confucianism and the Family, Albany; State University of New York Press (1998).
12. Timothy G. Reagan, Non-Western Educational traditions: Indigenous Approaches to Educational Thought and Practice, third edition, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.(2005).
13. Geert Hofstede and Gert Jan Hofstede, Cultures and Organizations: Software of The Mind,
USA: Geert Hofstede BV (2005).
14. Daniel A Bell (ed), Confucian Political ethic, New Jersey: Princeton University Press(2008).
15. Yi Lin, Grey Information: Theory and Practical Applications, Springer-verlag London Limited (2006).
© 2011-2013 Вестник НГПУ Все права защищены
Электронный журнал «Вестник Новосибирского государственного педагогического университета» 6(16) 2013 www.vestnik.nspu.ru ISSN 2226-3365
16. Sor-hoon Tan, Confucian democracy; a Deweyan reconstruction, Albany: State University of New York Press (2003).
Yu Wen Li - Professor of Educational Philosophy, Director of Center for political education, School of Marxism, Peking University, Assistant dean of Institute of Social Economy and Culture, Peking University.
E-mail: ywl1972@126.com
© 2011-2013 Вестник НГПУ Все права защищены