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0Partitive or genitive plural? Use and formation of the partitive case in Kildin Saami1
Elisabeth Scheller
Tromso, Norway scheller.elisabeth@gmail.com
The paper presents research results on the partitive case in the Kildin Saami language. For this purpose, modern standardized and non-standardized literary texts and example sentences in dictionaries written by authors who are native Kildin Saami speakers have been analysed.
With the help of abundant examples, the use and functions of the partitive case in Kildin Saami are described. The large number of partitive forms found in the analysed material, as well as partitive generation within new loanwords, show that the partitive is still a living and productive case in Kildin Saami.
The present analysis confirms the hypothesis about two different suffixes that generate the Kildin Saami partitive depending on the word stem. In contrast to the opinion of other researchers, who assume that the partitive appears as a single form used to express both singular and plural referents, the present analysis shows that a certain group of nouns and pronouns has different partitive forms for singular and plural referents.
Thereafter follows argumentation against the hypothesis about the replacement of the partitive with the genitive plural due to Rus-
The manuscript of the paper was submitted for publication in November 2023. The article is partly based on materials presented at the International scholarly conference on "The Saami languages of Russia: Synchrony and diachrony", organized and carried out by the Institute for Linguistic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Institute of the Peoples of the North, Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia in St. Petersburg 11.-12.05.2023. All presentations were live streamed via the Internet; the presentation abstracts were published in advance both digitally and on paper [Gaidamashko 2023; Scheller 2023].
sian interference. Instead, examples are presented showing the replacement of the partitive with the genitive and other cases due to semantic and syntactic reasons.
Keywords: Kildin Saami language; partitive; formation, use and functions of the partitive case; genitive plural; Kildin Saami standardized and non-standardized texts; language revitalization
Acknowledgements: I thank my colleagues Trond Trosterud and Trond Tynn0l for reading, commenting on, and improving the English text of the final manuscript of the article.
For citation: Scheller E. Partitive or genitive plural? Use and formation of the partitive case in Kildin Saami. Rodnoyyazyk, 2024, 1: 70-130. DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2024-1-70-130
Партитив или генитив множественного числа? Употребление и образование разделительного падежа в кильдинском саамском языке
Элизабет Шеллер
Тромсё, Норвегия scheller.elisabeth@gmail.com
В данной работе представлены результаты исследований о разделительном падеже (партитиве) в кильдинском саамском языке. Для этого были проанализированы современные стандартизированные и нестандартизированные художественные тексты и примеры предложений в словарях, написанных авторами, которые являются носителями кильдинского саамского языка.
С помощью множества примеров описаны употребление и функции партитива в кильдинском саамском языке. Большое количество найденных в проанализированном материале форм партитива и его образование новыми заимствованными словами показывает, что партитив является живым и продуктивным падежом в кильдинском саамском языке.
Проведенный анализ утверждает гипотезу о двух разных суффиксах, с помощью которых, в зависимости от основы слова, образуется кильдинский саамский партитив. В отличии от мне-
ния других исследователей, которые предполагают использование одной и той же формы партитива для выражения как единственного, так и множественного числа, настоящий анализ показывает, что определенная группа существительных и местоимений имеет разные формы для выражения партитива единственного и множественного числа.
Затем следует аргументация, которая опровергает гипотезу о замене партитива родительным падежом (генитивом) множественного числа из-за влияния русского языка. Вместо этого представлены примеры для замены партитива генитивом и другими падежами, которая происходит из-за семантических и синтактических причин.
Ключевые слова: Кильдинский саамский язык; разделительный падеж (партитив), образование, употребление и функции партитива; родительный падеж (генитив); стандартизированные и нестандартизированные тексты на кильдинском саамском языке; языковая ревитализация
Для цитирования: Шеллер Э. Партитив или генитив множественного числа? Употребление и образование разделительного падежа в кильдинском саамском языке. Родной язык, 2024, 1: 70-130. DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2024-1-70-130
1. Introduction
The partitive case has historically been used in all Saami languages, especially in the eastern Saami varieties [Kont 1967, 1968; Itkonen 1973]. In this paper the focus is upon the partitive case in the Kildin Saami language.
No comprehensive description of the Kildin Saami partitive has been published yet. I. Halasz [1883], A. G. Endyukovskiy [1937], R. D. Kuruch [1985] and M. Rießler [2022]2 mention the partitive case in their grammar sketches. A superficial description of the Kildin Saami partitive can be found in Koivunen's comparative study of partitive use in different Eastern Saami languages [2022]. More detailed information is presented by
2 Rießler has held oral presentations about his ongoing research work on the Kildin Saami partitive, which the author of this paper has not had the possibility to listen to. No scholarly publications from Rießler about this topic are available yet.
G. M. Kert in his Kildin Saami grammar [1971: 141, 162, 167, 171, 244] and grammar sketch [1975: 208, 220-222, 228, 242]. So far, the most comprehensive description of the Kildin Saami partitive can be found in L. Szabo's article from [1984], where the partitive functions and use are discussed. K. Nielsen's [1928], K. Kont's [1967] and E. Itkonen's [1973] publications about the history of the partitive in Finno-Ugric languages are an important complement to Szabo's and Kert's descriptions3.
When it comes to the inclusion of partitive forms in grammatical paradigms, there has been a difference between the Finnish-Hungarian and Soviet-Russian research traditions. Whereas Halasz [1883] and Szabo [1968] include the partitive in the paradigms in their grammar sketches and grammatical notes, we do not find partitive forms in the paradigms of nouns, pronouns and numerals in Endyukovskiy's [1937], Kert's [1971] and Kuruch's [1985] grammars and grammar sketches, although they can be found in example sentences in the same publications, and the partitive is included in the table with Kildin Sa-ami case marking suffixes in Kert's grammar [1971]4. Sammal-lahti and Khvorostukhina5 [1991] again present the partitive in the paradigms in their dictionary between Kildin Saami and North Saami, as does RieEler in his grammar sketch from [2022].
The mentioned grammatical materials are primarily of interest to linguists. But for Kildin Saami language learners and teachers the available information about the partitive case is not sufficient, because no precise morphological information about the formation of the partitive case is given, and the descriptions of partitive use and functions are fragmented, spread
3 For a more comprehensive description of the history of the partitive, see [Nielsen 1928; Kont 1967, 1968; Itkonen 1973; Korhonen 1981: 214-216; Sammallahti 1998: 70-71].
4 In S. N. Tereshkin's Ter Saami grammar [2002] the partitive is not described at all, nor is it included in the paradigms. In P. M. Zaykov's Akkala Saami grammar [1987] the partitive is described and presented in some paradigm tables for nouns.
5 Anastasiya Khvorostukhina is a native Kildin Saami speaker living in Norway.
over various publications and presented in at least four languages.
Some of the reasons why the partitive has not been included in most of the prescriptive Kildin Saami language teaching materials (among these also [Sharshina, Scheller 2008]) could be the absence of the partitive in the paradigms of the descriptive grammatical materials available to the Kildin Saami community, incomplete descriptions, as well as the hypotheses about the partitive as a "disappearing case in the Kola Saami languages" [Szabo 1984: 145; Itkonen 1973: 303] and its substitution by the genitive plural, due to influences from the Russian majority language [Kert 1971: 162; Szabo 1984: 145; Kuruch 1985: 545; Rießler 2022: 226]. Apart from studies at the university level, the partitive most probably neither has been taught at Kildin Saami lessons at school nor in language courses.
Kildin Saami is a severely threatened indigenous minority language with fewer than 200 speakers today. Intergenerational language transmission has been interrupted and no domains are left where the language can be learned in a natural way through everyday communication6. Therefore Kildin Saami language teaching on courses and at school with the help of analogue and digital teaching materials and learning tools is an important measure within the ongoing language revitalisation process.
In 2021 a Russian — Kildin Saami and Kildin Saami — Russian dictionary for language learners, teachers and others who are interested in practical Kildin Saami language revitalisation was published on the internet [Antonova, Scheller 2021] 7. Although the dictionary is still under development, it provides the most comprehensive grammatical paradigms for Kildin Saami
For a more detailed description of the language situation see [Scheller 2013, 2015; Scheller f.c.].
The digitalization of the lexicographical and grammatical materials was carried out by the programmers and computational linguists at Giellatekno and Divvun — Saami language technology at University of Troms0 — The Arctic University of Norway [https://sanj. oahpa.no/about/].
verbs and nouns so far, including partitive forms for most of the nouns and for some pronouns. Both Kildin Saami language learners and the grammatical analyser need to know precisely which word stem gets which suffix and in what positions. This concerns all the grammatical forms, not only the partitive. The grammatical analyser used in the dictionary from 2021 is based on comprehensive research work which resulted in a prescriptive Kildin Saami grammar specially designed for language learners and teachers [Antonova, Scheller: in preparation]. With the help of this grammar, a functioning grammatical transducer could be built within two months8.
In this paper I present some of the research results that lie behind the chapter about the partitive in the prescriptive Kildin Saami grammar. The formation and use of partitives in Kildin Saami will be described with the help of abundant examples from the analysed materials. Furthermore, I show that the partitive is a living and productive case in Kildin Saami and argue that the hypothesis about the frequent substitution of the partitive with the genitive plural by younger speakers due to Russian interference is a misinterpretation.
1.1. Research material
The main materials analysed are standardized and non-standardized literary texts and example sentences in dictionaries, written by native first- or second language users of Kildin Saami published in a period from 1985 to 2022. Earlier research
8 There have been attempts to develop a Russian-Kildin Saami dictionary and a grammatical analyser (automaton) since 2005, but without success [Rießler 2013: 209-213]. Instead of focusing on basic research on Kildin Saami grammar and vocabulary, it was decided to digitize existing incomplete lexicographic and grammatical materials and to train native Kildin Saami speakers without experience and education in computational linguistics to use complicated database structures and XML technology in the hope that they would do the linguistic part of the work. This has not been a realistic approach and no digital dictionary or analyser have yet been published by the researchers involved.
on the Kildin Saami partitive was mainly based on oral folklore, collected at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, written down, transcribed and analysed by researchers with a limited knowledge of Kildin Saami, often with help from native speakers who did not write in Kildin Saami themselves and who were not schooled in phonetic or phonologic transcription techniques. The use of modern standardized and non-standardized literary texts written by native Kildin Saami speakers may help to get results that can fill some of the gaps left by the earlier research. As a second language learner and speaker of both Kildin Saami and Russian, I have also had the possibility to make my own observations when using Kildin Saami in oral and written communication with Kildin Saami first- and second language users, which has been very helpful for my analysis.
The analysed literary and dictionary texts are written in the three variants of the Kildin Saami orthography that have been used during the last 40 years. Because there have been very few persons with mastery of the official written language, most of the literary texts were written without, or with only partial consideration to the orthography, and have been corrected by the few specialists before publishing. Most of the published Kildin Saami literary texts are written with the alphabet developed by Kildin Saami language teacher and specialist A. A. Antonova, and many of them have been corrected according to the orthography that is based on this alphabet. However, the investigation of the characteristic features of the partitive form is not affected by the differences between the alphabet variants, since the orthography shows the same rules for the generation of partitives independent of the alphabet used9.
[TKS 2013] has been edited by E. Scheller in near collaboration with the translator A. A. Antonova, who also approved the
9 For more information about the development of the Kildin Saami alphabet and orthography and the differences between the variants see [Agranat 2021; Bakula 2018, 2020; Overland, Berg-Nordlie 2012; Rießler 2013; Siegl, Rießler 2015; Scheller 2004, 2013, 2015; Scheller f.c.].
final version of the manuscript before publication. [MPE 2022] as well as some parts of [TOL 2017] and [ASL 2019] have been corrected by Scheller according to Antonova's orthography before publication. All these texts I had at my disposition both in the uncorrected (unstandardized) original manuscript form and in the corrected (standardized) published form. In my analysis I compared the non-standardized texts with the standardized texts and investigated especially if and how the authors use the partitive case. In the examples published in this paper, the spelling has been taken from the published cited source including possible orthographic mistakes.
Apart from some poetry and a few folklore texts, most of the Kildin Saami literature consists of translations from Russian into Kildin Saami. Before publication, the manuscripts are usually given for proofreading to one of the few specialists with knowledge of the written language. The main reason why the Kildin Saami authors prefer to write their texts in Russian first and translate them into Kildin Saami afterwards is because they are not used to writing in their native language. Translated text materials can be considered as problematic for the analysis of the grammar of a language. Still, for the analysis of endangered minority languages such texts constitute an important source of material. In addition, translations of modern literary texts stimulate the development of the minority language and its modernisation. The Kildin Saami language is today rarely used in spontaneous oral conversations about more complex modern topics, consequently there is only restricted room for development and modernization of the spoken language. Therefore, translations of written modern literary texts, as for example [TKS 2013], represents an important domain in which the modern Kildin Saami language may develop. There is no doubt that the Kildin Saami translations are influenced by the Russian originals, which is primarily noticeable in the vocabulary and in the syntax, and to a lesser extent in the morphology. However, the study of the partitive case has not been especially affected by this.
Kildin Saami language skills, knowledge of the orthography variants used in the text materials, and a critical approach to the
research material have been crucial for my analysis. 20 years of sociolinguistic research in the Kildin Saami language community, a deeper understanding of the language situation, experience from correcting written Kildin Saami literary texts as well as from teaching native speakers about Kildin Saami grammar and orthography, have given me important background information for the analysis: Which writers master the written language and to what extent? What orthographic and grammatical mistakes and errors are usual among Kildin Saa-mi speakers who write in their native language? Which writers are active speakers? Who has passive language knowledge and on which level? And so forth.
Most transcriptions of oral Kildin Saami language materials have been carried out by non-Saami researchers with a limited knowledge of the Kildin Saami language, which is a challenging factor for the analysis of these materials. On the other side, written texts from native speakers who do not have mastery of the written language have also been a challenging factor — both must be checked against observations of the use of partitives in oral speech. Because only a few Kildin Saami speakers use their native language naturally in everyday communication, it is not easy to elicit grammatical forms, for example by asking the native speakers to translate isolated Russian sentences into Kildin Saami. A good solution for this problem was active communication with native speakers in Kildin Saami and observing partitive forms which appear in spontaneous conversations and discussions about more advanced topics.
1.2. Transliteration of Kildin Saami examples
The Kildin Saami examples are given both in the Kildin Saami orthography used in the published texts, and in a Latin transliteration that is based on an adaption of ISO/R 9 1968. For special Kildin Saami letters which are not included in the Russian alphabet, additional signs are used to facilitate understanding for readers familiar with other Saami languages and Finno-Ugric transcription methods.
Transliteration of special Kildin Saami letters
Long Cursive Adaptation Cursive
vowels to ISO/R 9 1968
Ää Ää Ä а Ä а
Й й й а Ï I I i
Öö Öö Ö ö о о
У у Уу Ü u ü а
Ээ Ээ E e E e
Palatalised vowels at the beginning of a word
and after a vowel
Ёё Её Je je je je
Ё ё Ё ё Jo jo Jo jo
Юю Юю Ju ju ja ja
Я я Я я Ja ja Ja ja
etc.
Vowels following palatalised consonants
E е 'e 'e
e е 'e 'e
Я я 'a 'a
я я 'а 'а
etc.
Vowels following half-palatalised consonants
Ä ä 'a 'a
э э 'e e
Voiceless consonants
Д А 1 l
Щ M in m
Ч Ц n n
p P r Г
Nasal consonants
U У ч ]
Dividing sign
ъ ъ " "
Palatalisation sign
Ь
Half-palatalisation sign
Ь
2. Use and functions of the partitive in Kildin Saami
Kert [1971: 162], Itkonen [1973: 298-300] and Szabo [1984: 145-148] mention four functions of the partitive in Kildin Saami:
(1) use with numerals over six,
(2) use with an indefinite quantity,
(3) use with some pre- and postpositions and
(4) use in comparison. Halasz [1883: 13] and Itkonen [1973: 291, 292] also mention the use of the partitive
(5) with numeral attributes that determine nouns in the locative. The great number of examples for these functions in the
modern literary texts, confirmed by my own observations of the active use of the partitive in spontaneous oral speech, shows that the partitive is still a frequently and actively used case in Kildin Saami. In addition to the above-mentioned five functions, I found even more. Below I will show the partitive functions found in my materials and illustrate each of them with at least three examples from several texts.
In the investigated modern literary texts, the partitive is used with:
2.1. Numerals over six
With a few exceptions, the partitive in the analysed material is always used with numerals over six.
(1) Кудтэй лоагкь минутадтэ.
Kudtej loagk' minutadt'e.
remain.PST.3SG ten.NOM minute.PART.SG
'Ten minutes remained.' 'Осталось десять минут.' [TKS 2013: 197]
(2) (Сонн) вуэллькэдЬ наххпа кыджемь сахар кусськэ. (Sonn) vuell'ked' nahhpa kydz'em' sahar kuss'ke. 3SG.NOM throw.PST.3SG cup.ILL.SG seven.NOM sugar piece.PART.SG '(She) threw seven pieces of sugar in the cup.'
'(Она) бросила в чашку семь кусков сахару.' [TKS 2013: 82]
(3) Я коадчесьт куххтэмплоагкь оххпнуввъедтэ Йжесь. Ja koadc'es't kuhhtemploagk' ohhpnuvv"jedt'e He's'.
And call.PST.3SG twelve.NOM disciple.PART.SG REFL.3SG.GEN
'And (he) called His twelve disciples.'
'И (он) призвал двенадцать учеников Своих.' [MPE 2022: 10, 1]
(4) Розая танна ляйй каххц ыгке. Rozaja tanna l'ajj kahhc ygk'e. Roza.ILL.SG then be.PST.3SG eight.NOM year.PART.SG 'Roza at that time was eight years old.'
'Розе тогда было восемь лет.' [ASL 2019: 36]
(5) лаййнэдъ мыннэ лоагкь марръкэ lajjned' mynne loagk' marr'ke lend.IMP.SG 1ILL.SG ten.NOM ruble.PART.SG 'lend me ten rubles'
'одолжи мне десять рублей' [SRS 1985: 161] 2.2. Distributive numerals
Both the partitive and the genitive are used with distributive numerals, as for example: эфтэ efte 'one by one, one at a time, one of each', кутэ kut'e 'two by two, two at a time, two of each', колмэ kolme 'three by three, three at a time, three of each' etc.
(6) Кудэ-кыджьме алкнедтэ саесьт,
Kude-kydz'm'e alkn'edt'e sajes't,
six-seven.DISTR.NUM cub.PART.SG instead of
'Instead of six or seven cubs' 'Вместо шести-семи детёнышей' [KL 2003: 138]
(7) Кудтэ Kudte
two.DISTR.NUM
кыррьйнэссэ
kyrr'jnesse
рйвънэ мйллътэ лее кудэ
rlv'ne mïU'te lev kude
side.GEN.PL on.POSTP be.NPST.PL six.DISTR.NUM
колмэ- угглэ- налла нядтма.
kolme- uggle- nalla n'adtma.
decoration.PART.SG three.DISTR.NUM corner.PART.SG shaped sew.PTCP.PST
'There are 6 triangular-shaped decorations sewn on both sides.' 'По обеим сторонам пришиты по 6 украшений треугольной формы.' [SU 2011: 69]
(8) сыйй войллътэнЪ пувлэ эл югкьенч сйнэнЬ syjj voall'ten puvle el jugkjenc sinen 3PL.NOM take.PST.3PL knee.GEN.PL on.POSTP every 3PL.LOC кутэ парна
kut'e parna
two.DISTR.NUM children.DIM.GEN.SG 'they took two children each on their knees'
'они взяли к себе на колени по двое детей каждый' [TKS 2013: 192]
2.3. Indefinite quantity
In the analysed texts, the partitive, as a rule, is used with an indefinite quantity, which is expressed in many ways, for example: ённэ jenne '(how) many, (how) much', эйй еннэ ejj jenne 'not much, not many; some, a few', ванас vdnas 'few', ёнамп jenamp 'more', енмушша jenmussa 'a little bit more', янаш janas 'most, majority', тэннверьт tennv'er't 'so many, so much', мэннверьт mennv'er't 'how many, how much', мэнн-ляннч верьт menn-l'annc v'er't 'a few, some', югке jugk'e 'all sorts of', куэммерь kuemm'er' 'a handful', оммп паххьк ommp pahh'k 'a whole mountain', тйвт tivt 'full of', нялльм тйвт n'all'm tivt 'a mouth full', пель p'el' 'half of something', альт al't 'around, about' etc.
(9) Еннэ лоаннЬтэ кырьтэ соннэ вуэсста. Jenne loannte kyr'te sonne vuessta. many bird.PART.SG fly.3PST.SG 3SG.ILL against 'Many birds flew towards him.'
'Много птиц летело ему навстречу.' [ASL 2019: 70]
(10) Еннэ тёууъкэ бнэ Густав? Jenne teqq'ke one Gustav? how much money.PART.SG spent.3PST.SG Gustav.NOM 'How much money did Gustav spend?'
'Сколько денег потратил Густав?' [TKS 2013: 38]
(11) леййп суййнэ ли ённэ, а чуххпъедтэ ли ванас l'ejjp sujjne li jenne, a c0.hhp"jedte li vanas harvest.PART.SG 3NPST.SG many but cradler.PART.SG be.3NPST.SG few
'the harvest is plentiful, but the workers are few' 'жатвы много, а делателей мало' [MPE 2022: 9, 37]
(12) мэнэ эйй ённэ минутадтэ mene ejj jenne minutadte pass.3PST.SG NEG.3SG many minute.PART.SG 'a few minutes passed'
'прошло несколько (не много) минут' [TKS 2013: 54]
(13) сонн пыйель йджясь каррьюэдта оммп пакь sonn pyj'el' idz'as' karrjuedta ommp pak' 3SG.NOM put.3PST.SG REFL.3SG.ILL plate.ILL.SG whole mountain.ACC.SG нялксэдтэ
n'alksedt'e sweets.PART
'she put a whole mountain of sweets on her plate'
'она наложила себе на тарелку целую гору сластей' [TKS 2013: 82]
(14) Горшхкэсьт тйввт шэннтэ чадзе. Gorshkest tlvvt sennte pot.LOC.SG full be.3PST.SG 'The pot filled with water.' 'Горшок заполнился водой.' [ASL 2019: 134]
(15) Чадзе тамьпе оччтэдэ Cadz'e tam'p'e occtede water.PART.SG there turn up.PST.3SG 'The water there was waist deep.'
'Воды там оказалось по пояс.' [TKS 2013: 58]
(16) пёлъ кессе мэнэ p'el' k'ess'e mene
half summer.PART.SG pass.PST.3SG
'half of the summer has passed' 'прошла половина лета' [SRS 1985: 252]
(17) А порръедтэ ляйй альт A porr'jedt'e l'ajj al't
but eater.PART.SG be.PST.3SG about.PREP
выдтэ тоафант оллмэдтэ
vydte toafant ollmedt'e
five.PART.SG thousand person.PART
'But there were about five thousand persons eating'
'А евших было около пяти тысяч человек' [MPE 2022: 14, 21]
cadz'e.
water.PART.SG
роауък райя.
roaq'k rajja.
waist.GEN.SG to.POSTP
2.4. Together with some prepositions
Most pre- and postpositions are used with nouns in the genitive. However, I found at least nine prepositions which are used with nouns in the partitive:
школэдтэ skoledt'e
school.PART
a) альт al't 'nearby, near' — about place
(18) сонн Ялл альт sonn jall al't 3SG.NOM live.NPST.3SG near.PREP 'he lives near the school' 'он живёт около школы' [SRS 1985: 24]
(19) Алльт палаткэдтэ All't palatkedt'e near.PREP tent.PART 'Near the tent'
'Около палатки' [TKS 2013: 168]
(20) алльт руввьт чуххкэ станциедтэ all't ruvv't cuhhke stancijedt'e near.PREP railway.ADJ station.PART.SG 'near the railway station'
'у железнодорожной станции' [TKS 2013: 131]
b) альт al t 'around' — about time
(21) альт ажян al't az'an about.PREP father.GEN.SG.POSS.1 'around my father's age'
'примерно в возрасте моего отца' [VP 1996: 47]
(22) Тэйта пассьпийвэ алльт Tejta pass'pijve all't this.ACC.PL sunday.GEN.PL around.PREP ланнЬ, коашштэдэ, ногкэ
lann, koasstede, nogke
city.NOM.SG seem.PST.3SG doze.INF
'In these Sunday night hours, the city seemed to be dozing'
'В эти воскресные предночные часы город, казалось, дремал'
[TKS 2013: 92]
ыге yge
year.PART.PL
ыи
yj
night
йиикэ ajjke
our.PART.SG
(23) Я аввта выйтэ альт кудант я
Ja avvta vyjte al't kudant ja
and again leave.PST.3SG around.PREP six.ORD and
аххцант чассэ ahhcant casse nine.ORD clock.PART.SG 'And (he) again left around six and nine o'clock'
'И (он) опять вышел около шестого и девятого часа' [MPE 2022: 20, 5]
с) вусьт vus't 'opposite, against'
выррьтэ
vyrr'te
flow.PART.SG
who.NOM.SG вусьт vüs't
тэдт tedt
that.NOM.SG
ли И
be.NPST.3SG
муннэ munne
(24) вуйе вусьт vuj'e vus't swim.INF against.PREP 'to swim against the flow' 'плыть против течения' [SRS 1985: 58]
(25) Кё элля МунэнЬ, K'e ellja Munen
be.NEG.NPST.3SG 3SG.COM Муннэ Munne against.PREP 3SG.PART 'Whoever is not with Me is against Me' 'Кто не со Мною, тот против Меня' [MPE 2022: 12, 30]
(26) Сбнн ыштэ скамейка эл вусьт Sonn yste skamejka el vus't 3SG.NOM sit.PST.3SG bench.GEN.SG on.POSTP opposite.PREP 1SG.PART 'She sat down on the bench opposite me'
'Она села на скамейку напротив меня' [TKS 2013: 215]
d) вэсьт ves't 'near, against, on' — about place
(27) сойе вэсьт стеннэ soj'e ves't st'enne lean.INF against.PREP wall.PART.SG 'lean against the wall' 'прислониться к стене' [SRS 1985: 325]
(28) мудта вэсстэнЪ Сон вэсьт каййпэ mudta vessten Son ves't kajjpe other.NOM.PL hit.PST.3PL 3SG.ACC on.PREP chin.PART.SG 'others hit Him on the chin'
'другие же ударяли Его по подбородку' [MPE 2022: 26, 67]
(29) Чйдзъ мйлкнесьт ляшкэнЬт вэсьт рыннтэ.
Cadz' mllkn'es't l'askent ves't rynnte.
water.NOM.SG quietly.ADV splash.PST.3SG against.PREP shore.PART.SG 'The water quietly splashed against the shore.' 'Вода тихо плескалась о берег.' [TKS 2013: 171]
серр, serr
play.NPST.3SG.
гу gu like
e) вэсьт ves't 'before' — about time
(30) Мэйт-ляннч мун роаууьк Mejt-l'annc mun roarr'k somehow 3SG.GEN body.NOM.SG вэсьт туаррэ?
ves't tuarre?
before.PREP fight.PART.SG
'Somehow my body is acting like it's before a fight?'
'Что-то тело моё играет, будто перед боем?' [TOL 2017: 39]
(31) вэсьт нагъруввмэдтэ ves't nag'ruvvmedt'e before.PREP falling asleep.PART 'before falling asleep'
'перед сном' [TKS 2013: 186]
f) мавда maqqa 'after'
The preposition marra is usually used with nouns and numerals in the locative:
роавасмэ roavasme
be stronger.PST.3SG
(32) сонн маууа кэбэсът sonn marra kebes't 3SG.NOM after.PREP illness.LOC.SG 'he got stronger after his illness'
'он окреп после болезни' [SRS 1985: 293]
However, in the analysed material marra also appears with nouns in the partitive.
(33) маууа лоссесь кэбпэ сонэсът кассв marra loss'es' kebpe sones't kassv after.PREP serious.ADJ illness.PART.SG 3SG.LOC face.NOM.SG еммьнелувэ
jemm'n'eluve
be like earth.PST.3SG
'after a serious illness his face became sallow'
'у него после тяжёлой болезни лицо стало землистым' [SRS 1985: 80]
(34) Нымьп пейв, ку ёадт маууа Nym'p p'ejv ku joadt mayya next.GEN.SG day.GEN.SG which.NOM.SG come.NPST.3SG after.PREP пётнэц пеййвэ
p'etnec p'ejjve
Friday.ADJ day.PART.SG
'The next day, the one following Friday'
'На другой день, который следует за пятницею' [MPE 2022: 27, 62] Se also examples (57) and (80).
g) мадельт mayel't 'behind'
The partitive is also used together with the preposition mayel't.
(35) мауельт муннэ чуэннчель mayel't munne cuennc'el' behind 1SG.PART stand.IMP.SG 'stand behind me'
'встань позади меня' [SRS 1985: 183]
(36) Оакка мауельт муннэ вэннсэсьт чунче Oahka mayel't munne vennses't cunc'e grandmother.NOM.SG behind.PREP 1SG.PART boat.LOC.SG stand.PST.3SG 'My grandmother was standing behind me in the boat.'
'Бабушка сзади меня в лодке стояла.' [CJU 2017: 35]
h) окромя OKrom'a 'except, besides, in addition to'
In Antonova's translation of Pippi Longstocking [TKS 2013] into Kildin Saami there are 19 examples with the Russian loanword o^om'a, which also is represented in older texts translated by Antonova from Russian into Kildin Saami.
(37) окромя Айлэдтэ мыннэ никенн йбе okrom'a Ajledt'e mynne ni-k'enn Ib'e
except Ajla.PART 1SG.ILL NEG-who.ACC.SG need.NEG.NPST.3SG
'I don't need anyone except Ajla'
'кроме Айлы никого не надо мне' [KL 2003: 119]
(38) Купасьт эллий нике, kupas't ellij nik'e compartment.LOC.SG be.NEG.PST.3SG NEG-who.NOM.SG окромя муннэ
okrom'a munne
except 1SG.PART
'nobody was in the compartment except me'
'в купе не было никого, кроме меня' [TKS 2013: 215]
(39) Тамьпе нике Tam'p'e nik'e
NEG-who.NOM.SG эйй ejj
NEG.3SG
эллиннче, окромя пйррнэдтэ
ellinnce, okrom'a parrnedt'e
be.NEG.FUT.3SG except children.PART ённэ нызнэдтэ
jenne nyznedt'e
many woman.PART
'Nobody will be there, except the children and some women.' 'Там никого не будет, кроме детей и нескольких женщин.' [TKS 2013: 262]
There я ja and
(40) А A
and
школая
skolaja
school.ILL.SG
окромя
okrom'a
besides
ябпаш
jabpas
horse.GEN.SG
тэннэ, tenne,
this.PART.SG
альн.
al'n.
on.POSTP
мунн munn 1SG.NOM
ёадтъя ëadt"ja
ride.NPST.1SG
'And besides, I will ride to school on horseback.' 'А кроме того, я поеду в школу верхом.' [TKS 2013: 36]
i) кэскэсьт keskes't 'between, among(st)'
The preposition keskes't is usually used with the genitive:
(41) кэскэсьт тон
keskes't ton
between.PREP 2SG.GEN 'between you and me' 'между тобой и мной' [TKS 2013: 208]
я ja and
мун mun
1SG.GEN
But, together with numerals over six and in other partitive functions, keskes't is used with the partitive:
(42) кэскэсьт тоафант роаввкэ
keskes't toafant roavvke
among.PREP thousand ghost.PART.SG
'among a thousand ghosts'
'в окружении тысячи привидений' [TKS 2013: 105]
The preposition keskes't is also used with the partitive when it is implied that the text is about an indefinite quantity:
(43) Мунн вулкхэла тинэтЬ, гу ламмпсэтЬ Munn vulkhela tinet' gu lammpset' 1SG.NOM send.NPST.1SG 2PL.ACC like sheep.ACC.PL кэскэсьт паллтсэдтэ
keskes't palltsedt'e
among.PREP wolf.PART
'I am sending you out like sheep among wolves'
'Я посылаю вас, как овец среди волков' [MPE 2022: 10, 16]
(44) Кэскэсьт израильскэ нурр паррнэдтэ keskes't izrail'ske nurr parrnedt'e among.PREP Israelite.ADJ young.ADJ children.PART 'Among the Israelite youth'
'Между израильскими отроками' [PB Daniil 1:3-20]
2.5. In some stable constructions with
the postposition мйлльтэ mlll'te 'by, according to'
Although the postposition mill'te, as a rule, is used with nouns in the genitive, there are some stable constructions where mill'te requires nouns in the partitive case.
(45) парръшэнч нэммэ мйлльтэ
parr'senc nemme mill'te
boy.DIM.NOM.SG name.PART.SG by
'a boy named Momo'
'мальчик по имени Момо' [TKS 2013: 251]
Momio Momo Momo
мйлльтэ mill'te
according to
ли? li?
be.3NPST.SG
(46) Сонн тоннэ миллэ Sonn tonne mllle 3SG.NOM 2SG.ILL mind.PART.SG 'Do you like him?' 'Он тебе нравится?' [KL 2003: 99]
(47) Йммьле эфт ли Imm'l'e eft li God.SG.ILL one.GEN.SG be.3NPST.SG 'God alone has the power to do this'
'Богу одному (это) по силам' [MPE 2022: 19, 26]
2.6. In comparison
As a rule, the partitive is used together with the comparative forms of adjectives and adverbs.
вйгкэ vigke
power.PART.SG
мйлльтэ mill'te
by
(48) сонн sOnn 3SG.NOM вyлльгa vull'ga low.CPR
суэна suena quiet.CPR
шэнтэ sente
become.PST.3SG рассе rass'e
grass.PART.SG 'he became quieter than water and lower than grass; 'он стал тише воды, ниже травы' [TKS 2013: 159]
(49) тин tin
2PL.GEN мун mun
чадзе cüdz'e
water.PART.SG
я ja and
шaлльт sall't
floor.NOM.SG
шалльmэ
sall'te
элля ell'a
be.NEG.NPST.3SG
нюэзя n'uez'a bad.CPR
1SG.GEN
floor.PART.SG 'your floor is not worse than my floor' 'ваш пол не хуже моего пола' [KL 2003: 127]
(50) (сбнн) айка муннэ вйджьмэнЪ пудэ
(sonn) ajka munne vidz'men pude
(3SG.NOM) early.CPR 1SG.PART run.GER arrive.PST.3SG '(he) arrived running earlier than me' '(он) раньше меня прибежал' [SRS 1985: 368]
2.7. Agreement between numerals and nouns in the partitive
Even in modern Kildin Saami texts numerals often agree with nouns in the partitive.
(S1) минэнЬ minen 1PL.LOC выдmэ-кудmэ vydte-kudte
элля вана
ell'a vân'a
be.NEG.NPST.3SG few.CPR
тэста луэмэсьт testa luemes't
here cave.LOC.SG
литрэдтэ кащъче litredt'e kall'c'e
pearl.PART.SG
'we have at least five to six litres of pearls here in the cave'
'у нас здесь в пещере не меньше пяти-шести литров жемчужин
[TKS 2013: 266]
five-six.PART.SG litre.PART
(S2) А A
but
выдmэ möафанm
порръедтэ pOrr"jedt'e eaters.PART öллмэдmэ
ляйй l'âjj
be.PST.3SG
aльт al't
almost.PREP
vydte toafant ollmedt'e
five.PART.SG thousand person.PART
'But there were almost five thousand persons eating'
'А евших было около пяти тысяч человек' [MPE 2022: 14, 21]
(53) альт коллмэ чассэ
al't kollme casse
around three.PART.SG clock.PART.SG 'around three o'clock' 'около трёх часов' [MPE 2022: 20, 3]
2.8. Determination of nouns in the locative
As already mentioned by Halasz [1883: 13] and Itkonen [1973: 291, 292, 297], also in modern written Kildin Saami, the partitive is used with numeral attributes that determine nouns in the locative.
набпанЬ куххт вэсьт муррэ
nabpan kuhht ves't murre
cup.DIM.LOC.PL two.NOM at.PREP tree.PART я мурртъенЬ
ja murrt"jen
and break.PST.3PL 'of three cups two hit the tree and broke.'
'из трех чашек две ударились о ствол и разбились.' [TKS 2013: 49]
(55) лбссэ ли пыйнэ, коллмэ каруселесьт
losse li pyjne, kollme karus'el'es't
decide.INF three.PART.SG carousel.LOC.SG быдт кадтъедтэ bydt kadt"jedte
which carousel.LOC.SG need ride.INF
'it's hard to decide which of the three carousels you need to ride' 'трудно решить, на какой из трех каруселей надо кататься' [TKS 2013: 150]
(54) кддллмэ kollme
three.PART.SG поабпхэнЬ poabphen hit.PST.3PL
hard.ADV be.NPST.3SG манЬтэ каруселесьт mante karus'el'es't
(56) маууа коллмэ пейвэсът mayya kollme p'ejves't after three.PART.SG day.LOC.SG 'after three days I will revive'
'после трех дней воскресну' [MPE 2022: 27, 63]
(57) маууа кудтэ пейвэсът mayya kudte p'ejves't
яллъя jalV'ja
revive.NPST.1SG
after six.PART.SG day.LOC.SG
'after six days'
'по прошествии дней шести' [MPE 2022: 17, 1]
3. The formation of the partitive case in Kildin Saami
So far, no description about the morphological formation of the partitive has been given. Halasz [1883: 7, 8] mentions the partitive singular suffixes -d, -etted, -etted and the partitive plural suffixes -ijt, -it, -ij, -ij, -j in his grammar sketch. He gives examples from Genetz's translation of the Gospel of Matthew [1883: 7, 8], which was the only source for his analysis10.
Most of the examples for Kildin Saami partitive forms in It-konen's article [1973] are taken from Halasz [1883] and Genetz [1878], but Itkonen also presents some examples from Kert and Szabo, as well as from his own Kildin Saami informant who spoke the Shonguy dialect, recorded in 1943-1944 [Itkonen 1973: 307]. All these informants use the partitive suffixes -e / -je and -edt'e / -jedt'e.
10 Compared with the partitive suffixes -e / -je and -edt'e / -jedt'e, used by Kildin Saami speakers from Shonguy, Voron'ye, Lovozero and other places, nearer to the central Kola peninsula, the suffixes -d, -etted, -edted in Genetz's and Halasz's publications are more similar to the partitive suffixes used in Skolt Saami, which is spoken in the western part of the peninsula [for examples see Feist 2010: 249, 250]. As already noted by Itkonen [1973: 302], Genetz does not give any information about the place of origin of his informant, who translated the Kildin Saami part of the Gospel of Matthew and who also was his Kildin Saami language teacher. Genetz only writes that his informant was "a real Kildin Lapp" ("ein echter Kildi-nischer Lappe"), who understood the Russian language quite well but was not used to writing in Russian. Because of his low salary as community leader in the town of Kola, the work teaching Genetz and translating the Gospel was quite lucrative for him [Genetz 1891: XVIII]. It is possible that Genetz's informant spoke a more western dialect of Kildin Saami with some influences from Skolt Saami, or was a speaker of Skolt Saami who also knew the Kildin Saami language.
According to Endyukovskiy [1937: 143] only some Kola Sa-ami nouns can generate the partitive case, other nouns generate genitive plural forms, which fulfil partitive functions but are not partitive forms. Endyukovskiy assumes that the partitive case is generated with the suffix -e(Hfe or -adjLfe, whereas the suffixes -e, -э, -ej, -aj, -aj mark the genitive plural forms. Genitive plural forms that fulfil partitive functions are considered by Endyukovskiy to be a mixed "genitive-partitive case". Kert [1971: 162] takes a similar position and denominates nouns that fulfill partitive functions and have the suffixes -je, -e as genitive nouns, which are mixed up with the partitive.
(58) k'i^em pantsedde cud'd' p'e^'e seven wolf.PART hundred pine.GEN.PL 'seven wolfs' 'hundred pines'
'семь волков' 'сто сосен' [Kert 1971: 171]
Both Szabo [1984: 143-146] and Kuruch [1985: 545] assume that the partitive and the genitive plural are used with numerals higher than six:
(59) bidD miije koppce cudD kersedDe i need 1PL.ILL gather.INF hundred sledge.PART and cudD jerke
hundred bull.GEN.PL
'We need to gather a hundred sledges and a hundred bulls.' 'Нам нужно собрать сто керёж и сто быков.' [Szabo 1984: 146]
(60) каххц паллтсэдтэ кыджемь куссе kahhc palltsedt'e kydz'em' kuss'e eight wolf.PART seven guest.GEN.PL 'eight wolves' 'seven guests'11
'восемь волков' 'семь гостей' [Kuruch 1985: 545]
Itkonen [1973], on the other hand, interprets the forms with the suffix -je(d), -e(d) as partitive forms.
(61) tsuDl- tsusyvest leai - - jienna tieqGe Chud chief.LOC.SG be.PST.3SG a lot money.PART
In Kuruch's grammar sketch KbidweMb Kycce (kydz'em' kuss'e) 'seven guests' is wrongly translated as 'seven spruces' — KHfl^eMt кyссэ (kydz'em' kusse) and vice versa.
'the chief of the Chudes had a lot of money'
'у вождя чуди было много денег' [Itkonen 1973: 305]
Sammallahti and Hvorostuhina [1991: 79-82] as well as Rießler [2022: 225] follow Itkonen's interpretation and show nouns with the suffix -je, -e in their grammatical paradigms as partitive forms.
My own studies on the partitive in modern Kildin Saami literature confirm Itkonen's position about two different partitive suffixes in Kildin Saami and contradict Endyukovskiy's and Kert's hypothesis about a "mixed genitive-partitive case", as well as Szabo's and Kuruch's assumption about the use of the genitive plural to fulfil partitive functions.
In the analysed Kildin Saami text material the two partitive suffixes -edt'el-'edt'el-'edt'e and -e/-'e/-'e are used depending on the word stem. In earlier research it has been stated that the Kildin Saami partitive appears as a single form that is used to express both singular and plural referents [Kert 1971: 162; Sza-bo 1984: 143; Koivunen 2022: 84]12. However, my analysis shows that both singular and plural forms of the partitive are used in modern Kildin Saami.
3.1. The partitive suffix -e/-'e/-'e (-э/-э/-е)
Mono- and disyllabic consonant stems that end with one long consonant or two consonants (either one long + one short or two short consonants) in the nominative singular as a rule take the partitive suffix -e/-'e/-'e (-э/-э/-е) and have different forms for singular and plural referents. The partitive stem that expresses singular referents is identical with the nominative singular stem. The partitive stem that expresses plural referents is identical to the genitive stem (see Table 1).
According to Nielsen [1928: 168] and Kont [1967: 2] the historical eastern Saami partitive plural form became an accusative plural form and is used with accusative plural functions, while the historical partitive singular form is used to express partitive functions for both singular and plural referents. Halasz [1883: 7, 8] describes the forms with the suffixes -ijt, -it, -ij, -ij, -j and partitive functions in Genetz's translation of the Gospel of Matthew [1883] as partitive plural forms. They partly coincide with the accusative plural forms used in the same text.
12
Table 1. Mono- and Disyllabic nouns ending with one long or two consonants in the nominative singular
Nom. Sg. Gen. Sg. Gen. Pl. Part. Sg. Part. Pl.
пэррт përrt пэрт pert пэртэ perte пэрртэ pêrrte пэртэ perte
ёгк jogk ёг jog ёгэ joge ёгкэ jogke ёгэ joge
ланнЬ lann' лань lan' лэнэ lene ланнэ lann'e лэнэ len'e
паххьк pâhh'k пакь pak' поаке poak'e паххькэ pâhh'ke noâKe poâk'e
аджь adz' ажь az' эже ez'e адже adz'e эже ez'e
поррмушш pôrrmuss поррмуж pörrmuz поррмужэ pörrmuze пбррмушшэ pörrmusse пбррмужэ pörrmuze
канЬцвудт kân'cvudt каньцвуд kan'cvud каньцвудэ kän'cvude канЬцвудтэ kän'cvudte канЬцвудэ kän'cvude
кусс kuss куз küz кузэ küze куссэ küsse кузэ küze
куссь kuss' куссь küss' куссе kuss'e куссе küss'e куссе küss'e
векьхэй vëk'hej вёкьхэй vëk'hej векьхэе vëk'heje векьхэе vêk'heje векьхэе vêk'heje
торт tort торт tort тортэ torte тортэ, тoрртэ torte, torrte тoртэ torte
комод komod комод komod комодэ komode кoмoдтэ komodte кoмoдэ komode
Except for some loanwords and other nouns without consonant gradation, the partitive singular form has the strong grade and has no vowel changes. The partitive plural form has the weak grade and can have vowel changes. Both partitive singular and partitive plural forms are used in typical partitive functions (see Table 1).
On the other hand, the genitive plural form, which is morphologically identical to the partitive plural form, serves typical genitive functions.
The suffix -e/-'e/-'e can either be a partitive suffix that generates partitive singular and partitive plural forms, which are used with typical partitive functions (see 62, 63, 64a, 67, 70a, 70b, 71a, 71b, 72a, 72b), or a genitive plural suffix that generates genitive plural forms, which are used with typical genitive functions (see 64b, 70c, 71c, 72c).
The partitive singular form is used exclusively with numerals over six, with distributive numerals and with indefinite quantity:
(62) валлътэ лоагкь марръкэ vall'te loagk' marr'ke take.INF ten.NOM ruble.PART.SG 'to get ten rubles'
'получить десять рублей' [SRS 1985: 184]
(63) Пэре ённэ ли мугка кёддЪкэ Per'e jenne ll mugka k'edd'ke very many be.NPST.3SG such stone.PART.SG 'There are many such stones in the tundra' 'Очень много таких камней в тундре' [TOL 2017: 64]
See also examples (6) and (7).
Partitive singular and genitive plural forms are morphologically only identical in some loanwords and derivations which have no consonant and vowel gradation.
(64) a. ённэ тортэ
jenne torte
many cake.PART.SG
'many cakes'
'много тортов' [TKS 2013: 190] b. тортэ лэгк
torte legk
cake.GEN.PL smell.NOM.SG 'the smell of the cakes' 'запах тортов'
Disyllabic nouns ending with -j (-й) in the nominative singular and which are derived from derivative verbs that end on a combination of a consonant and a vowel, like -he, -se, -ne, -se (-хэ, -сэ, -нэ, -шэ) etc., also take the partitive suffix -e (-э):
чарэсът cares't
tundra.LOC.SG
(65) векъ-хэ > vek'-he > help.INF > 'to help' 'ммогать'
(66) вуэпь-сэ vuep'-se teach.INF 'to teach' 'воспитывать'
векъ-хэ-и
vek'-he-j
helper.NOM.SG
'helper'
'помощник'
вуэпь-сэ-U
vuep'-se-j
teacher.NOM.SG
'teacher'
'воспитатель'
ённэ векь-хэ-е
jenne vek'-he-j-e
many helper.PART
'many helpers' 'много помощников'
еннэ jênne many
вуэпь-сэ-е vuep'-se-j-e
teacher.PART
'many teachers' 'много воспитателей'
An example from the texts:
(67) паиила кырьйхэе я фарисее
pajjla kyrjheje ja farisee
high.CPR teacher of the law.PART.PL and Pharisee.PART.PL 'higher than the teachers of the law and the Pharisees' 'выше книжников и фарисеев' [MPE 2022: 5, 20]
Native speakers don't use the partitive suffix -edt'e/-'edt'e/ -'edt'e with the kind of nouns presented in Table 1.
(68) мунн munn 1SG.NOM
сон son
3SG.ACC
эссьтэ ëss'te
catch up.PST.1SG
вэсьт
ves't
by.PREP
'I caught up with him by the house' 'я догнал его около дома'
(69) Пэре еннэ ли мугка кёддЬкэдтэ*
Per'e jenne ll mugka k'edd'kedt'e*
very many be.NPST.3SG such stone.PART 'There are many such stones in the tundra' 'Очень много таких камней в тундре'
пэрртэдтэ* perrtedt'e*
house.PART
чарэсът cares't
tundra.LOC.SG
If the partitive forms of this kind of noun once had the suffix -edt'el-'edt'el-'edt'e, and this suffix had been replaced with the genitive plural suffix -e|-'e|-'e due to influences from Russian, then we would find relicts of this. But I could not find such relicts either in modern Kildin Saami texts or in transcriptions of older records.
Together with comparative as well as with pre- and postpositions which require the partitive, both partitive singular and partitive plural forms are used.
>
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(70) a. Мунн кид чузхэ вэсьт кеддЪкэ
Munn kid cuzhe vest k'ëdd'ke
1SG.NOM hand.ACC.SG hurt.PST.1SG on.PREP stone.PART.SG 'I hurt my hand on a stone' 'я ушиб руку о камень' [SRS 1985: 401]
b. Нэмп вэсьт кйдЬкэ мурртсэлленЬ nemp vest k'ld'ke murrtsell'en wave.NOM.PL on.PREP rock.PART.PL crash.PST.3PL 'the waves crashed on the rocks'
'волны о камни разбивались' [ASL 2019: 314]
c. Кырьйнэз кйдЬке альн Kyr'jnez kld'k'e al'n painting.NOM.PL stone.GEN.PL on.POSTP 'The paintings on the stones'
'Рисунки на камнях' [ASL 2019: 308]
(71) a. кэллт рэвэ вэсьт
kêllt rêve vest
log.NOM.SG bounce.PST.3SG into.PREP 'the log bounced off onto the leg' 'полено отскочило в ногу' [SRS 1985: 307]
b. коазя пуэрхадт вэсьт koaz'a puerhadt vest kitten.DIM.NOM.SG rub.NPST.3SG at.PREP 'the kitten is rubbing at the legs' 'котёнок трётся у ног' [SRS 1985: 274]
c. рыкп рэвэ юлъкэ вулленЬ ryhp rêve jul'ke vull'en partridge.NOM.SG fly.PST.3SG foot.GEN.PL under.PREP.LOC 'the partridge flew out from under my feet'
'куропатка взлетела из-под ног [SRS 1985: 307]
(72) a. Пэря тэнн лоаддвэ элля
Per'a tenn loaddve ell'a
good.CPR this.GEN.SG medicine.PART.SG be.NEG.NPST.3SG
ними
nimi
nothing.NOM.SG
'nothing is better than this medicine' 'лучше этого лекарства нет' [TKS 2013: 214] b. сбнн коашштадт пуаррса ижесь ыге
sonn koasstadt puarrsa iz 'es' yg'e
3SG.NOM seem.NPST.3SG old.CPR REFL.3SG.GEN year.PART.PL
юллъкэ jull'ke
leg.PART.SG
юлъкэ jul'ke
leg.PART.PL
'he seems older than his years' 'он кажется старше своих лет' [SRS 1985: 119]
c. мэннэв ыгь ыге милльтэ
mennev yg' yg'e mlll'te
go.NPST.3PL year.NOM.PL year.GEN.PL by.POSTP 'the years go by'
'идёт год за годом' [SRS 1985: 191]
Comparing the partitive forms with the genitive plural forms in Genetz's translation of the Gospel of Matthew, we can see a clear difference between them:
Partitive forms have the suffix -d/-t:
(73) Уэпсуввэи илля шурямп уэпсейед Uepsuvvej ill'a sur'amp ueps'ej'ed student.NOM.SG be.NEG.NPST.3SG high.CPR teacher.PART.SG 'The student is not above the teacher'
'Ученик не выше учителя' [Genetz 1878: 10:24]
Genitive plural forms have the suffix -e/-je or -i/-j:
(74) Вилшхеккед альм лоньдш элэ Vilshekked al'm lon'dij ele look.IMP.PL sky.GEN.SG bird.GEN.PL at.POSTP 'Look at the birds in the sky'
'Взгляните на птиц небесных' [Genetz 1878: 6:26]
In modern Kildin Saami texts there is no -d/-t in the partitive suffix for these types of nouns, therefore it's not always possible to distinguish the partitive forms from genitive plural forms of this type of noun. The differentiation can only be made by looking at the context and the functions of the different forms:
(75) Оххпнуввэи элля паШла вуэпьсэе Ohhpnuvvej ell'a pajjla vuep'seje student.NOM.SG be.NEG.NPST.3SG high.CPR teacher.PART.SG 'The student is not above the teacher'
'Ученик не выше учителя' [MPE 2022: 10, 24]
(76) Выльшхэгке алльм лонЬтэ эл Vyl'shegk'e all'm lon'te el look.IMP.PL sky.ADJ bird.GEN.PL at.POSTP 'Look at the birds in the sky'
'Взгляните на птиц небесных' [MPE 2022: 6, 26]
There is an interesting example in [TKS 2013] where in the translation process two possible translation variants have been mixed in the same sentence: one with the preposition al't which requires the partitive, and one with the postposition lunn, which requires the genitive. When preparing the manuscript for publication, the translator and the editor overlooked this double pre-/postposition, which both match the dependent noun:
Variant with partitive plural: (77) a. пэрьмусс
кавън аллът
per'muss kav'n all't
good.SUP thing.NOM.PL near by.PREP пэртэ (луннЬ) пай
perte (lunn') paj
house.PART.PL always
'the best things are always lying near houses where people live' 'лучшие вещи всегда валяются вблизи человеческих жилых домов' [TKS 2013: 21]
оллмэ ёллеи ollme jêll'ej
people.ADJ living.ADJ валъедтэв val'jedtev lie.NPST.3PL
Variant with genitive plural b. пэрьмусс
per'muss good.SUP пэртэ perte
house.GEN.PL
кавън kav'n
thing.NOM.PL
луннЬ
lunn'
near.POSTP
(алльт) (all't)
оллмэ ollme
people.ADJ валъедтэв val'jedtev lie.NPST.3PL
ёллеи
jêll'ej
living.ADJ
paj
always
'the best things are always lying near houses where people live' 'лучшие вещи всегда валяются около человеческих жилых домов' [TKS 2013: 21]
3.2. The partitive suffix -edt'el-'edt'el -'edt'e (-эдтэ1-эдтэ1-едтэ)
Nouns and verbal nouns with disyllabic consonant stems that ending on one short consonant or on a vowel in the nominative singular as a rule take the partitive suffix -edt'el-'edt'el -'edt'e (-эдтэ1-эдтэ1-едтэ), which is used to express both singular and plural referents. For these nouns the partitive stem is identical to the accusative/genitive stem (see Table 2).
Table 2. Disyllabic nouns ending with one short consonant or on a vowel in the nominative singular
Nom. Sg. Gen. Sg. Gen. Pl. Part.
олма бллмэ бллмэе бллмэдтэ
olma ollme ollmeje ôllmedt'e
паррнэ паррнэ паррнэ(е) пйррнэдтэ
pârrne pârrne pârrnej(e) parrnedt'e
лумь луэмман луэммнэ(е) луэммнэдтэ
lum' luemman luemmne(je) luemmnedt'e
каллесь каллас каллсэ(е) каллсэдтэ
kâll'es' kâllas kâllse(je) kallsedt'e
нызан нызан нызнэ(е) нызнэдтэ
nyzan nyzan nyzne(je) nyznedt'e
пэссэм пэссэм пэссмэ пэссмэдтэ
pessem pessem pessme pêssmedt'e
кабперь кабперь кабпьре(е) кабпьредтэ
kabp'er' kabp'er' kabp'r'e(je) kabp'r'edt'e
оххпэй оххпэй бххпъе бххпъедтэ
ôhhpej ohhpej ohhp"je ôhhp"jedt'e
ёллей ёллей ёллье ёлльедтэ
jell'ej jell'ej jell'je jêll'jedt'e
(78) Тамьпе нике эллиннче, окромя паррнэдтэ Tam'p'e nik'e ellinnce, okrom'a parrnedt'e there nobody.NOM.SG be.NEG.FUT.3SG. except children.PART я эии ённэ нызнэдтэ.
ja ejj jenne nyznedt'e.
and NEG.3SG many woman.PART
'Nobody will be there, except the children and some women.' 'Там никого не будет, кроме детей и нескольких женщин.' [TKS 2013: 262]
(79) эллмантэсьт нюэзя паррнэдтэ элля ними ellmantes't n'uez'a parrnedt'e ell'a nimi world.LOC.SG disgusting.CPR children.PART be.NEG.NPST.3SG nothing 'there is nothing more disgusting in the world than children'
'на свете нет ничего противнее детей' [TKS 2013: 207]
каникулэдтэ kanikuledt'e
holiday.PART
нииит nijjt
daughter.NOM.SG
(80) Маууа рбстэпейв Маща rostep'ejv after.PREP Christmas.ADJ 'After the Christmas holidays' 'После рождественских каникул' [TKS 2013: 42]
(81) Пэря вуххпъедтэ, мэнн мун Per'a vuhhp'jedt'e menn mun good.CPR steersman.PART than 1SG.GEN 'A better steersman than my daughter' 'Лучше рулевого, чем моя дочь' [TKS 2013: 247]
To this group of nouns belong also verbal nouns with the suffix -m expressing verbal action.
(82) вэсът вящтэдтмэдтэ Вавилонна vest v'alltedtmedt'e Vavilonna before.PREP taking away.PART Babylon.ILL.SG 'before taking (them) away to Babylon'
'перед переселением в Вавилон' [MPE 2022: 1, 11]
(83) вэсът нагьруввмэдтэ мунн келсэлле йджсан vest nag'ruvvmedt'e munn kelsell'e idzsan before.PREP falling asleep.PART 1SG.NOM lie.PST.1SG REFL.1SG.ILL тэлецъ Баяс
tel'ec' bajas
calf.GEN.SG about.POSTP
'before falling asleep I lied to myself about the calf' 'перед сном я наврала себе про теленка' [TKS 2013: 186]
(84) аммъсэ вэсът нагеръ пуэдтЬмэдтэ amm'se vest nag'er' puedt'medt'e yawn.INF before.PREP sleep.NOM.SG coming.PART 'to yawn before falling asleep'
'зевать перед сном' [SRS 1985: 25]
Disyllabic nouns ending with -j (-й) in the nominative singular which are derived from non-derivative verbs that end with -el-'el-'e (-э|-э|-е) also take the partitive suffix -edt'e (-эдтэ).
öxxn-э öhhp-e teach.INF 'to teach' 'учить'
öxxn-э-и
öhhp-e-j
teacher.NOM.SG
'teacher'
'учитель'
еннэ enne many 'many teachers' 'много учителей'
оххпъ-едтэ öhhp-j-edt'e
teacher.PART
елл-е jëll'-e live.INF 'to live' 'жить'
елл-е-и jëll'-e-j
resident.NOM.SG
'resident'
'житель'
еннэ ënne many
ёлль-едтэ jëU'-j-edt'e
resident.PART
'many residents' 'много жителей'
Example from the texts:
(85) паиила куэдтЬ ёлльедтэ
pajjla kuedt jeU'jedt'e
high.CPR house.ADJ tenant.PART
'much more than the members of his household' 'выше домашних жителей' [MPE: 2022: 10, 25]
In the partitive function, native speakers don't use the types of nouns presented in Table 2 with the suffix -e/-'e/-'e:
(86) окромя okrom'a
паррнэе*
parrneje*
я ja
нызнэе*
эии еннэ
ejj jenne nyzneje*
except.PREP children.PART and NEG.3SG many woman.PART 'except the children and some women' 'кроме детей и нескольких женщин'
If, due to the influence from the Russian language, there had been a tendency to replace partitive with genitive plural forms, this would happen with all types of nouns and stems, including those presented in Table 2, and we would find several examples for such forms in the literary texts and in oral speech. However, I could only find two examples, where obviously a partitive plural form is used with this kind of noun, which is quite unusual:
(87) кэрхэллэ kërhelle run.INF
савьхе sav'h'e ski.GEN.PL
альн мауельт al'n maqel't on behind
пудзэ13 pudze
reindeer.PART.PL/GEN.SG
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The designation kërhelle sav'h'e al'n maqel't pudze is used eight times in A. A. Antonova's translation of A. A. Bazhanov's novel Vil-l'k'es' puaz (The white reindeer) from Russian into Kildin Saami. There are two possible translations of it: (1) 'to ski being towed by reindeer (pl.)' or (2) 'to ski being towed by a reindeer (sg.)'. In (1) pudze could be either a partitive plural or a genitive plural form. In (2) pudze would be a genitive singular form.
13
'to ski towed by reindeer'
'ехать на лыжах буксиром за оленями' [VP 1996: 30]
(88) Господин я госпожа Сеттергрен пудтэнЬ Gospodin ja gospoza S'ett'ergr'en pudt'en Mr.NOM.SG and Mrs.NOM.SG Settergren come.PST.3PL моаст пёлъчасэнЬ айка паррнэе
moast p'el'casen ajka parrneje
back half an hour.ESS early.CPR children.PART.PL
'Mr. and Mrs. Settergren came back half an hour earlier than the children.'
'Господин и госпожа Сеттергрен приехали домой на полчаса раньше детей.' [TKS 2013: 178]
3.3. Partitive forms for loanwords
Loanwords borrowed from Russian or other languages and used in partitive functions, as a rule receive a partitive suffix. Mono- and disyllabic loanwords, ending with one long or two consonants in nominative singular, receive the strong grade, also if the infinitive of the loanword has the weak grade, for example:
(89) a. тамъпе чуэннче лышшэ эххт комод
tam'p'e cuennc'e lysse ehht komod
there stand.PST.3SG only one.NOM dresser.NOM.SG
'there was only one dresser'
'там стоял только один комод' [TKS 2013: 100]
b. сонн ыштэ комод луз sonn yste komod luz 3SG.NOM sit.PST.3SG dresser.GEN.SG near.POSTP 'she sat down near the dresser'
'она села около комода' [TKS 2013: 90]
c. Тамъпе окромя комодтэ удцъ ышштЪягуэйм Tam'p'e okrom'a komodte udc' ysst'jaguejm There except.PREP dresser.PART.SG small drawer.DIM.COM.PL ниманЬтэ мудта мебелъ ев лий nimante mudta m'eb'el' jev lij NEG-what.NOM.SG other furniture.NOM.PL NEG.3PL be.CNG 'There is no other furniture there, except for a dresser with small drawers.'
'Там, кроме комода с маленькими ящичками, никакой другой мебели нет.' [TKS 2013: 18]
(90) a. Джим я Бук эллъкэнЬ сугкэ
Dzim ja Buk ell'ken sugke
Jim.NOM.SG and Buk.NOM.SG begin.PST.3PL row.INF
рыннта.
rynnta.
shore.ILL.SG
'Jim and Buk began to row to the shore.' 'Джим и Бук стали грести к берегу.' [TKS 2013: 262] b. сонн ляйй тоаввса Джиммэ
sönn l'ajj toavvsa Dzimme
3SG.NOM be.PST.3SG strong.CPR Jim.PART.SG
'he was stronger than Jim' 'он был сильнее Джима' [TKS 2013: 267]
New loanwords, which have not been established yet, sometimes are used both with and without consonant gradation.
(91) a. ённэ тортэ
jenne torte
many cake.PART
'many cakes'
'много тортов' [TKS 2013: 190] but:
b. выдтэмплоагкь торртэ сливкагуэйм
vydtemploagk' torrte slivkaguejm
fifteen.NOM cake.PART cream.COM.PL
'fifteen cakes with cream'
'пятнадцать тортов со взбитыми сливками' [TKS 2013: 190]
Often there are several possibilities for adapting loanwords. The same loanword can therefore have different nominative singular forms. For example, the Swedish word krona can be adapted as a disyllabic consonant stem, ending with a vowel in the nominative singular and taking the partitive suffix -edt'e (-эдтэ):
(92) a. эххт крона
ehht krona
one.NOM krona.Nom.SG
'one krona'
'одна крона' [TKS 2013: 63] b. валът тон чудь кронэдтэ
val't tön cüd' kronedt'e
take.IMP.SG 2SG.GEN hundred.ACC.SG krona.PART
'take your hundred kronas'
'возьми свои сто крон' [TKS 2013: 71]
Or the same word can also be adapted as а monosyllabic stem that takes the partitive suffix -e (-э):
пэрьмусс сайй — выдт крон,
per'mjuss sajj — vydt kron,
good.SUP seat.NOM.SG five.NOM krona.GEN.SG
ныммьп сайй — коллм крон,
nymm'p sajj — kollm kron,
other seat.NOM.SG three.NOM krona.GEN.SG
а чуэннчемсайй — эххт крона
a cuennc'emsajj — ehht krona
and standing place.NOM.SG one.NOM krona.NOM.SG
'the best seat (costs) — five kronas, other seat — three kronas, and standing room — one krona'
'лучшee месте (стоит) — пять крон, другoe месте — три кроны, а стоящее место — одна крона' [TKS 63 :2013]
b. Сонн саррн, го аннт
Sonn sarrn go annt
3SG.NOM say.NPST.3SG that give.NPST.3SG
чудЬ кроннэ
cud' kronne
hundred.ACC.SG krona.PART
'He says he gives hundred kronas'
'Он говорит, что даст сто крон' [TKS 2013: 68]
3.4. Partitive forms for diminutive nouns
Depending on the dialect, diminutive nouns can be formed with the help of two different suffixes in Kildin Saami. In the Lujavv'r (Lovozero) dialect, traditionally the suffix -a/-'a/-'a (-а/-а/-я) is used (нййта nljta 'little girl'), whereas in the dialects of Koarrdegk (Voron'je), Cudz'javv'r and Tyr'ber' (Teri-berka) the suffix -enc/-'enc/-'enc (-энч/-энч/-енч) has traditionally been used (нййтэнч nljtenc 'little girl').
After enforced relocations of different Kildin Saami groups to centralized settlements in the last century, several dialect groups live together in the same places and native speakers have started to mix dialects. Consequently, native speakers
usually mix the inflection of different diminutive forms and diminutive partitive forms in spontaneous oral speech and in the written language. It is also usual among Kildin Saami authors to use different dialectal features as stylistic instruments in written literary texts.
a) Diminutive nouns with the suffix -al-'al-'a (-al-äl-n)
Diminutive nouns ending with -al-'al-'a (-a/-ä/-n) in the nominative singular belong to the group of nouns with disyllabic consonant stems, ending with a vowel and generating the partitive for both singular and plural referents with the suffix -edt'e/-'edt'e/-'edt'e (^dmäl-ädmäl-edmä).
Table 3
Nom. Sg. Gen. Sg. Gen. Pl. Part.
'птичка' 'little bird' цыза cyza цыза cyza цызае cyzaje цызэдтэ cyzedt'e
'голосок' 'small voice' frnä ín'a им in'a име in'aje йнэдтэ ín'edt'e
'котёнок' 'little kitten' коазя koäz'a коазя koäz'a ко^зяе koäz'aje коазедтэ koâz'edt'e
'бутылочка' 'little bottle' сулья sul'ja сулья sul'ja сульяе sul'jaje сульедтэ sul'jedt'e
Examples from the analysed texts:
QHa Ona 'little Andrej; Tommi', ^Ha Cana 'little Sura: Annika':
(94) нике, окромя Таръйнедтэ, Онэдтэ я
nik'e okrom'a Tar'jn'edt'e, Onedt'e ja
NEG-who.NOM.SG except.PREP Pippi.DIM.PART Tommi.DIM.PART and Цанэдтэ, алльт ев оччтэдта
Canedt'e, all't jev occtedta
Annika.DIM.PART nearby.ADV NEG.3.PL be.PTCP.PST
'there was no one nearby, except Pippi, Tommi and Annika' 'никого, кроме Пеппи, Томми и Анники, поблизости не оказалось' [TKS 2013: 149]
Сулья sul'ja 'little bottle':
(95) сон son
3SG.GEN лимонад limonad lemonade.ADJ
альн al'n
on.POSTP
сульедтэ
sul'jedt'e
bottle.DIM.PART
кусстэй kUsstej
be visible.PST.3SG
пэре еннэ per'e jenne very many
'on it one could see many small bottles of lemonade'
'на нём виднелось очень много бутылочек лимонада' [TKS 2013: 190]
b) Diminutive nouns with the suffix -encl-'encl-'enc (-энч/-энч/-енч)
Diminutive nouns ending with -encl-'encl-'enc (-энч/ -энч/-енч) in the nominative singular have two possible partitive suffixes, which are synonymly used to express both singular and plural referents: -edt'e (-эдтэ) and -e/ (-э).
1) нийт-э-нч nljt-e-nc
2) нийт-э-нч nljt-e-nc
> нийт-э-нч-эдтэ*
> nljt-e-nc'-edt'e*
> нийт-э-нч-е
> nljt-e-nc'-e
> нийт-н-едтэ
> nljt-n'-edt'e
Table 4
Nom. Sg. Gen. Sg. Gen. Pl. Part.
'птичка' 'little bird' цызэнч cyzenc цыза cyza цызае cyzaje цызнедтЭ, цызэнче cyzn'edte, cyzenc'e
'голосок' 'small voice' йнЭнч inenc им in'a име in'aje йнЬнедтЭ, йнЭнче in'n'edte, inenc'e
'котёнок' 'little kitten' коазенч koäz'enc коазя koäz'a коазяе koäz'aje коазьнедтЭ, коазенче koäz'n'edte, koäz'enc'e
'бутылочка' 'little bottle' сульенч sul'jenc сулья sul'ja сульяе sul'jaje сульйнедтЭ, сульенче sul'jn'edte, sul'jenc'e
Examples from the analysed text corpus: Роднои язык 1, 2024
Тарьенч Tar'jenc 'little Dar'ja; Pippi':
(96) нике, окромя Тарьйнедтэ, nik'e okrom'a Tar'jn'edt'e, NEG-who.NOM.SG except.PREP Pippi.DIM.PART 'no one except Pippi' 'никто кроме Пеппи' [TKS 2013: 149]
(97) пугк, окромя Таръенче pugk okrom'a Tapbjenc'e everyone except.PREP Pippi.DIM.PART 'everyone except Pippi' 'все, кроме Пеппи' [TKS 2013: 40]
нййтэнч nljtenc '(little) girl':
(98) классэсьт ли ённэ klasses't li enne class.LOC.SG be.NPST.3SG many 'there are many girls in the class' 'в классе много девочек' [SRS 1985: 212]
паррьшенч parr's'enc '(little) boy':
(99) классэсьт лй ённэ klasses't ll enne class.LOC.SG be.NPST.3SG many 'there are many boys in the class' 'в классе много мальчиков' [SRS 1985: 249]
I found one example of a diminutive noun as a partitive plural form, which probably is a translation error14.
(100) тыйй лёбпе ённгэдтэ пэря удць лоантае tyjj t'ebp'e jenngedte per'a udc' loantaje 2PL.NOM be.NPST.2PL much.ADV.PART good.ADJ.CPR little bird.PART.PL
нийтнедтэ
nljtn'edt'e
girl.DIM.PART
паррьшэнче
pârr'senc'e
boy.DIM.PART
14 In the Russian version of the Gospel of Matthew the word птица ptitsa 'bird' is not a diminutive form. Without the adjective удць ud'c 'little', it would be translated into лоанньт loann't 'bird' in Kildin Saami. But the adjective ud'c requires a diminutive noun, which is why 'bird' has been translated with лоанта loanta 'little bird'. It is possible that the translator initially thought about the monosyllabic non-diminutive form when giving it the partitive plural form.
'you are worth (much) more than many small birds'
'вы (гораздо) лучше многих малых птиц' [MPE 2022: 10, 31]
Diminutive nouns ending with -enc/-enc|-'enc (-энч/ -энч/-енч) in the nominative singular also have two illative singular forms and two essive forms. With the illative singular suffix -e (-э) the forms нййтне (nljtn'e) and нййтэнче (nljtenc'e) are used. The essive suffix -en' (-энЬ) can build the forms нййтненЬ (nljtn'en) and нййтэнченЬ (nljtenc'en).
3.5. Partitive forms for pronouns
Halasz [1883] found partitive forms for both personal pronouns as some demonstrative pronouns in Genetz's translation of the Gospel of Matthew [1878] and included them in his grammar sketch. Itkonen [1973] refers to some of them in his article. Szabo [1984: 153] notes that pronouns can never take partitive suffixes, probably, because he does not recognize the suffix -e/-'e/-'e as a partitive marker. Rießler [2022: 226] considers the elicited forms he had at his disposal as unreliable, states that pronouns in the partitive are rarely found any longer in spontaneous speech, and does not include the partitive in the paradigms for pronouns in his grammar sketch. In the paradigms in Antonova's and Scheller's digital dictionary [2021], partitive forms for personal and other pronouns are included, but not all the forms have been published yet15.
However, in the Kildin Saami language the partitive is still used at least with personal, demonstrative and determinative pronouns.
3.5.1. Partitive forms for personal pronouns
Like other monosyllabic consonant stems that end with one long consonant in the nominative singular, personal pronouns have different partitive forms for singular and plural (see Table 5).
The dictionary [Antonova, Scheller 2021] is still under development and not all grammatical forms in the paradigms are visible in the digital version of the dictionary yet.
15
Table 5
Nom. Sg. Nom. Pl. Gen. Sg. Gen. Pl. Part. Sg. Part. Pl.
мунн мыйй мун мйн, мйнэ муннэ мыйе, мйнэ
munn myjj mun min, mine munne myj'e, mine
тонн тыйй тбн тйн, тйнэ Т0ННЭ тыйе, тйнэ
tönn tyjj tön tin, tine tonne tyj'e, tine
CÖHH сыйй CÖH сйн, сйнэ С0ННЭ сыйе, сйнэ
sönn syjj sön sin, sine sonne syj'e, sine
a) Partitive singular forms for personal pronouns
Partitive singular forms of personal pronouns are used in various partitive functions in Kildin Saami, for example:
тоaввсa муннэ toavvsa munne strong.CPR 1SG.PART
(101) тонн э зоабэлъ лях tonn e zoabel' l'ah 2SG.NOM and really be.NPST.2SG 'and you are really stronger than me' 'ты и действительно сильнее меня' [TKS 2013: 192]
(102) тон вилльй ton vlll'j 2SG.GEN brother.NOM.SG юррт вусьт jurrt vus't think.NPST.3PL against.PREP 'your brother has something against you'
'брат твой имеет что-нибудь против тебя' [MPE 2022: 5, 23]
мaнЬтэ-лЯннч
mante-l'annc
something
тоннэ
tonne
2SG.PART
нюэзь n'uez'
bad.ACC.SG
(103) wa noa but шуря sur'a
great.CPR
удцьмусс udc'muss
little.SUP.NOM.SG
соннэ
sonne
3SG.PART
Алльм All'm
heaven.ADJ лй ll
be.NPST.3SG
ЦоПррвудэсьт
Coarrvudes't
kingdom.LOC.SG
'yet whoever is least in the kingdom of heaven is greater than he' 'но меньший в Царстве Небесном больше его' [MPE 2022: 11, 11]
Se also the examples: (25), (26), (35), (36), (38), (50).
b) Partitive plural forms for personal pronouns
In the analysed material the partitive plural of personal pronouns is expressed with the help of two different forms.
The forms myj'e, tyj'e, syj'e are used together with numerals and indefinite quantity. They look like illative singular forms, but are used in partitive functions, so they must be considered partitive forms16.
ванас vanas few
лоагкь
loagk'
ten.NOM.SG
(104) сыйе кудтэй syj'e kudt'ej 3PL.PART remain.PST.3SG 'few of them remained' 'их осталось мало' [PB: Ekk 12:3]
(105) мыйе ляйй myj'e l'ajj 1PL.PART be.PST.3SG 'we were ten people'
'нас было десять человек' [SRS 1985: 241]
(106) Пэре ённэ сыйе ля йй Per'e jenne syj'e l'ajj
very many 3PL.PART be.PST.3SG
'There were a lot of them'
'Их очень много было' [TOL 2017: 79]
(107) сыйе эйй лйййма syj'e ejj l'ljjma 3PL.PART NEG.3SG be.PTCP.PST 'there weren't many of them'
'их не было много' [PK 2015: 14]
оллмэдтэ
öllmedt'e
people.PART
еннэ jenne many
Partitive forms of personal pronouns sometimes also appear with numerals under seven.
There is a theoretical difference between the illative plural forms myj'e, tyj'e, syj'e and the partitive forms myj'e, tyj'e, syj'e, because the illative forms have a palatalized stem, while the partitive forms have a non-palatalized stem. However, the difference between the palatalized and the non-palatalized stems isn't visible/ hearable because the consonant j in the stem is always palatalized in practice. A clearer solution for the Kildin Saami orthography may be to write Mbiufo, mbiufo, mufo (myjje, tyjje, syjje) instead of Mbiue, mbiue, cbiue (myj'e, tyj'e, syj'e). This concerns also other stems with the consonant j, like for example: nSueAb, paun, nbiue (pej'el', raj'a, pyj'e) etc., which could be written nsu^Ab, pauua, nbiufo (pejjel', rajja, pyjje) etc.
16
(108) сыйе ли коллм syj'e ll kollm 3PL.PART be.NPST.3SG three.NOM 'there are three of them'
'их трое' [SU 2011: 160, 161]
(109) АдтЬ сыйе ли коллм: вирр, Adt' syj'e ll kollm: vlrr,
now 3PL.PART be.NPST.3SG three.NOM faith.NOM.SG
надэй я милса
nadej ja milsa
hope.NOM.SG and love.NOM.SG
'So now faith, hope, and love abide, these three'
'А теперь пребывают сии три: вера, надежда, любовь'
[PB: VK 13:4-13]
(110) сыйе ляйй пай 3, 5, 7, 9, 11
syj'e l'âjj paj 3, 5, 7, 9, 11
3PL.PART be.PST.3SG always 3, 5, 7, 9, 11
'they have always been 3, 5, 7, 9, 11' 'их всегда было 3, 5, 7, 9, 11' [SU 2011: 7]
The forms mine, tine, sine are used together with comparative as well as with pre- and postpositions, which require the partitive.
(111) нийтэнч коз моджъта синэ ли nljtenc koz modz'ta sine li girl.DIM.NOM.SG what.ILL.SG beautiful.CPR 3PL.PART be.NPST.3SG 'the girl is much more beautiful than them'
'девочка куда прекраснее их [TKS 2013: 250]'
(112) сыйй ёллев таввьла минэ syjj jell'ev tavv'la mine 3PL.NOM live.NPST.3PL north.CPR 1PL.PART 'they live further north than we do' 'они живут севернее нас' [SRS 1985: 341]
(113) Тарьенч вижентЬ лаффка Tarjenc vlz'ent' laffka Pippi.NOM.SG run.PST.3SG store.ILL.SG 'Pippi ran to the store opposite theirs' 'Пеппи сбегала в магазин напротив их' [TKS 2013: 118]
вусьт сйнэ
vüs't sine
opposite.PREP 3PL.PART
The forms mine, tlne, sine could also be genitive plural forms, which are usually used together with pre- and postpositions that require the genitive. However, I suppose that these forms are partitive plural forms that have formally merged with the genitive plural forms. Comparing the partitive plural forms with the genitive plural forms in Genetz's translation of the Gospel of Matthew, we can see a clear difference between them:
Partitive plural forms have the suffix -d/-i:
(114) 1еппеда тш лях чевта пурямп синыйт? Ieppeda tij l'ah c'evta pur'amp sinyjt? NEG.2PL 2PL.NOM be.CNG much.ADV good.ADJ.CPR 3PL.PART 'Are you not much more valuable than they?'
'Вы не гораздо ли лучше их?' [Genetz 1878: 6, 26]
Genitive plural forms have the suffix -e/-je or -i/-j:
(115) сон ыштш синый элэ son ystij sinyj ele 3SG.NOM sit down.PST.3SG 3PL.GEN on.POSTP 'he sat down on top of them'
'он сел поверх их' [Genetz 1878: 21, 7]
In modern Kildin Saami texts there is no -d/-t in the partitive suffix for these types of nouns, which is why it's not possible to distinguish the partitive plural forms from genitive plural forms. The differentiation can only be made by looking at the context and the functions of the different forms:
(116) Тыйй ебпе лягка еннгэдтэ пэря синэ? Tyjj jebp'e l'agka jenngedt'e per'a sine? 2PL.NOM NEG.2PL be.CNG much.ADV.PART good.ADJ.CPR 3PL. PART 'Are you not much more valuable than they?'
'Вы не гораздо ли лучше их?' [MPE 2022: 6, 26]
(117) Сбнн ыштэ синэ эл Sonn yste sine el 3SG.NOM sit down.PST.3SG 3PL.GEN on.POSTP 'He sat down on top of them'
'Он сел поверх их' [MPE 2022: 21, 7]
3.5.2. Partitive forms of other pronouns
A more comprehensive analysis of partitive forms of pronouns is needed. So far I have detected partitive forms for demonstrative pronouns like тэдт tedt 'this, that', тала tala 'this' and for the determinative pronoun пугк pugk 'all, the whole of' in the modern written Kildin Saami literature:
(118) моджъта тэннэ элля modz'ta tenne ell'a beautiful.CPR this.PART.SG be.NEG.NPST.3SG 'nothing is more beautiful than this'
'красивее этого нет' [TKS 2013: 156]
(119) А окромя тэннэ лев A okrom'a tenne l'ev And besides.PREP this.PART.SG be.NPST.3PL 'And besides (this), there are holidays' 'А кроме того, бывают каникулы.' [TKS 2013: 36]
каникула
kanikula
holiday.NOM.PL
бдт
odt
new
(120) Я пугк талэдтэ ля йй Ja pugk taledt'e l'ajj And all.NOM.SG this.PART be.PST.3SG 'And all this took place' 'И всё же сие было' [MPE 2022: 21, 4]
(121) вуэммь каннЩ пэря пукэ vuemm' kann'c per'a puke old friend.NOM.SG good.CPR all.PART.PL коанЬцэ лй
koance ll
friend.PART.PL be.NPST.3SG
'an old friend is better than all new friends'
'старый друг лучше новых друзей' [SRS 1985: 62]
(122) Ёнамп пукэ эллмантэсьт Jenamp puke ellmantes't much.CPR all.PART.PL world.LOC.SG 'More than anything in the world'
'Больше всего на свете' [TKS 2013: 28]
(123) (сбнн) пляссэй пукэ удла (sonn) pl'assej puke udla (3SG.NOM) dance.PST.3SG all.PART.PL passionately.CPR '(she) danced more passionately than anyone else'
'(она) танцевала азартнее всех' [TKS 2013: 192]
3.6. The partitive form with the adverb ённэ jenne 'many, much'
In the analysed texts there are several examples of partitive use with the adverb ённэ jenne 'many, much', which takes a partitive form in connection with comparative forms of adverbs or adjectives and behaves like other disyllabic consonant stems, ending with a vowel and taking the partitive suffix -edt'el-'edt'el-'edt'e (-эдтэ|-эдтэ|-едтэ).
(124) тэдт ли ённгэдтэ нюэзя tedt ll jenngedt'e n'uez'a this.NOM.SG 3NPST.SG much.PART bad.CPR 'this is much worse'
'это на много хуже' [MPE 2022: 12, 45]
(125) Сбнн стуайй [...] ённгэдтэ вугкса Sonn stuajj [...] jenngedt'e vugksa 3SG.NOM cost.NPST.3SG [...] many.PART cheap.CPR 'It costs [...] much less'
'Она стоит [...] гораздо дешевле' [TKS 2013: 115]
4. Replacement of the partitive with other cases
In the analysed materials there are various examples where the partitive has been replaced with other cases. Sometimes this happens because the writers are not sure which case is required; at other times, the Russian original affects the Kil-din Saami translation. However, most substitutions take place due to syntactic reasons.
4.1. Replacement of the partitive with genitive plural?
Kert [1971: 162], Szabo [1984: 145], Kuruch [1985: 545] and RieEler [2022: 226] state, that (younger) Kildin Saami speakers replace the partitive with the genitive plural due to influence from the Russian language. Yet, no argumentation for this statement has been given. We can only assume the main cause for this is the large amount of weak grade forms with the suffix -el-'el-'e (-э|-э|-е) and filling partitive functions in the written texts and transcriptions. As discussed in chapter 3, many of these weak grade forms are partitive plural forms, which have
mistakenly been interpreted as genitive plural forms. Some weak grade forms can be categorised as transcription errors, for example, when the transcriber had problems hearing the difference between the weak and the strong grade.
Most of the written Kildin Saami texts contain plenty of orthographic errors, mistakes and misspellings, because almost nobody among Kildin Saami writers has been schooled in orthographic and grammatical rules. Even the few specialists who have mastered the orthography and grammar rules do not write regularly and do not have enough writing practice, which is needed to produce correctly spelled texts. In addition, the number of misspellings and errors even rises within the publishing process, because the editors and publishers usually don't know the Kildin Saami language17.
Among Kildin Saami writers there is a general tendency to write noun stems with the weak grade, even if they use the strong grade in oral speech, and vice versa. Nominative, genitive and accusative singular forms often are mixed and can be detected only with the help of the context, for example:
(126) Толл сон вуанче
Toll son vuanc'e
fire.NOM.SG* 3SG.ACC/GEN* get.PST.3SG
'She made the fire (The fire made her*)'
'Огонь она добыла (Огонь её добыл*)' [ASL uncorrected manuscript] The corrected version:
17 The number of mistakes is especially large in older publications, when the manuscripts and corrections were written on typewriters or by hand and prepared for printing by editors without Kildin Saami language knowledge. But there are many challenges in modern digital times as well. For example, in the Al'manah saam-skoj lit'eratury ('Anthology of Saami literature') [ASL 2019] all Kildin Saami texts were digitized with a scanning program for Russian texts, which did not recognize the special Kildin Saami letters. Although the Russian editor manually compared all texts with the originals and corrected them, there were many errors left in the published version, and there was no time to have all texts be corrected by a specialist who knows the Kildin Saami language and orthography.
Гол Töl
fire.ACC.SG
сонн sönn
3SG.NOM
вуанче vuanc'e get.PST.3SG
'She made the fire'
'Огонь она добыла' [ASL 2019: 130]
Such mistakes also occur with partitive forms, as illustrated in the following two examples, where partitive singular forms with the strong grade should have been used instead of partitive plural forms:
кедЪкэ k'ed'ke
stone.PART.PL*
селькэ s'el'ke
back.PART.PL*
(127) шотткэ оасскэтЬ вэсьт sottke oassket' ves't rub.INF laundry.ACC.PL on.PREP 'to rub the laundry on a stone' 'тереть бельё о камень' [SRS 1985: 413]
(128) луэннтэ сон вэсьт luennte son ves't whip.INF 3SG.ACC on.PREP 'to whip her on the back'
'стегать её по спине' [ТКС 2013: 138]
In the same publications the same authors sometimes use the grammatically correct spelling forms:
(129) мунн кофксувве вэсьт кёддЪкэ munn kofksuvv'e ves't k'edd'ke 1SG.NOM tripp.INF over.PREP stone.PART.SG 'I tripped over a stone'
'я споткнулся о камень' [SRS 1985: 73]
(130) тоагнэ вэсьт селлькеэ18 toagne ves't s'ell'k'ee pat.INF on.PREP back.PART.SG 'to pat on the back'
'похлопывать по спине' [ТКС 2013: 196]
In Russian the partitive is considered part of the genitive case, also called "second genitive" ("второй родительный") or
In example (130) the partitive form is written grammatically correctly, but there is a typing error. Obviously, an orthographic mistake was corrected here, but the incorrect letter has not been removed. The correct form is cejuibKa (s'ell'ke).
18
"genitive partitive" ("родительный разделительный") and is used only with some inanimate masculine nouns [Rozental', Telenkova 1976: 272, 371; Tyumenceva 2018: 215]. In many positions where the partitive is required in Kildin Saami, the genitive is required in Russian, for example with the comparative, numbers, indefinite quantity and some prepositions [Pekhliva-nova, Lebedeva 1987: 80-93]. This could be one reason why the use of the genitive instead of the Kildin Saami partitive has been assumed to be due to influence from the Russian language. However, if such a substitution would take place, it would occur not only with monosyllabic stems but with all types of nouns. And why, then, has the genitive plural form been adopted also with singular referents? If we assume that the genitive substitutes for the partitive in examples (127) and (128) due to the influence of Russian, why are the genitive singular forms кёдЬк k'ed'k and сёльк s'el'k not used, if we are dealing with singular referents? And there is a much more serious problem: in examples (127) and (128) there are no genitive forms in the Russian translations of вэсьт кёдЬкэ 'о камень' (ves't k'ed'ke 'o kamen" — 'on a stone') and вэсьт сёлькэ 'по спине' (ves't s'el'ke 'po spin'e' — 'on the back'), with accusative and prepositional cases used here instead. So why should there be a genitive in the Kildin Saami translations?
However, there are examples in the texts where the expected partitive forms have been replaced by genitive plural forms, not due to Russian influence, but because of semantic and syntactic reasons, for example, when pre- and postpositions which require the genitive override the partitive case:
(131) СкрудтЬ, эйй ённэ минутае байя,
Skrudt', ejj jenne minutaje baj'a.
suddenly NEG.3SG many minute.GEN.PL within.POSTP
кырьтэсьт тйрьмесьвуэххт
kyr'tes't tlr'm'es'vuehht
come flying.PST.3SG thundercloud.NOM.SG 'Suddenly, within a few minutes, a thundercloud came' 'Вдруг, за несколько минут, налетела грозовая туча' [TKS 2013: 269]
This happens often, but not always:
(132) Пэйелъ эйй еннэ минутадтэ Тйръенч пыдтэ Pej'el' ejj jenne minutadt'e Tar'jenc pydte after.PREP NEG.3SG many minute.PART Pippi.NOM.SG bring.PST.3SG пулле кофейнэгкь
pull'e kof'ejnegk' hot coffee pot.ACC.SG
'A few minutes later Pippi brought the steaming coffee pot'
'Через несколько минут Пеппи принесла дымящийся кофейник'
[TKS 2013: 49]
As we see, the hypothesis about the replacement of the Kil-din Saami partitive by the genitive plural due to influence from Russian can be shown to be false in different ways.
4.2. Replacement of the partitive
by the genitive singular and vice versa
Sometimes the partitive is replaced by the genitive singular for numbers over six.
(133) Муст тэсьт лев каххц сулья Must tes't l'ev kahhc sul'ja
1SG.LOC here.LOC be.NPST.3PL eight.NOM.SG bottle.DIM.GEN.SG
'I have eight small bottles here'
'у меня тут восемь пузырьков' [TKS 2013: 123]
(134) Тйръенч, йведъ пугк каххц сулья Tar'jenc, av'ed' pugk Kahhc sul'ja Pippi.NOM.SG open.PST.3SG all.NOM.SG eight.NOM.SG bottle.DIM.GEN.SG 'Pippi opened all eight small bottles'
'Пеппи, откупорила все восемь пузырьков' [TKS 2013: 123]
In examples (133) and (134) numerals over six are treated just as the numerals two through six, which take nouns in the genitive singular and usually override other case markings, like the expected accusative plural, which is required by the transitive verb аввьдэ avv'de 'to open' in example (134).
Substitution of the genitive singular for the partitive with numbers over six has also been observed for Skolt Saami (see Feist 2010: 249, 235).
On the other hand, prepositions and comparatives, which take the partitive, usually override the genitive singular, which is required by the numerals two through six:
(135) мэнэ алльт выдт секунндэдтэ mene all't vydt s'ekunndedt'e pass.PST.3SG about.PREP five second.PART 'about five seconds passed'
'прошло около пяти секунд' [TKS 2013: 243]
(136) эйй ёнамп нелье аллкэ ejj jenamp n'el'je alike NEG.3SG many.CPR four.PART log.PART 'no more than four logs'
'не больше четырёх поленьев' [TKS 2013: 96]
Sometimes numerals under seven can take form:
(137) Вайваш саммълясът ля йй выдт Vajvas samm'l'as't l'ajj vydt poor Saami.LOC.SG be.PST.3SG five 'The poor Saami had five daughters' 'У бедного саама было пять дочек' [KL 2003: 43]
4.3. Replacement of the partitive
by the accusative plural or other cases
If the partitive form is an object, transitive verbs can override and take accusative plural instead of the partitive.
(138) Таръенч [...] лыгкэ эйй ённэ пляссьемЬ лоафькэтЬ Tarjenc [...] lygke ejj jenne pl'ass'jem loaf'ket' Pippi.NOM.SG [... ] do.PST.3SG NEG.3SG many dance.GER step.ACC.PL 'Pippi did a few dancing steps'
'Пеппи сделала несколько танцевальных шагов' [TKS 2013: 243]
(139) Трифон рыстэ ённэ самъ оллмэтЬ Trifon ryste jenne sam' ollmet' Trifon.NOM.SG baptise.PST.3SG many Saami.ADJ people.ACC.PL 'Trifon baptised many Saami people'
'Трифон крестил много саамских людей' [ASL 2019: 100]
(140) мудта паррнэ пыххтлэнЪ пэррьтэ mudta parrne pyhhtlen perr'te (the) other children.NOM.PL bring.PST.3PL home.ILL.SG
the partitive
ниййтэ nljjte
daughter.PART
эйй ённэ тйуькэтЬ, конфетатЬ
ejj jênne tîq'ket' konf'etat'
NEG.3SG much money.ACC.PL candy.ACC.PL
я пойххк фуфайкатЬ
ja poahhk fufajkat'
and warm sweatshirt.ACC.PL
'the other children brought home some money, candy and warm sweatshirts'
'другие дети приносили домой немного денег, конфеты и тёплые фуфайки' [TKS 2013: 228]
However, the accusative, required by the transitive verb, does not always override the partitive case:
(141) копч [...] ёнмушша коашшък рыссьедтэ
kopc [...] ênmussa koass'k ryss'jedt'e
collect.IMP.SG more.ATT dry.ADJ branch.DIM.PART
я коашшък пйссетЬ
ja koass'k plss'et'
and dry.ADJ birch bark.ACC.PL
'collect [...] more dry branches and dry birch bark'
'собери [...] побольше хвороста и сухой берёсты' [TOL 2019: 41]
In the analysed materials, other cases such as locative, illative or comitative can also override the partitive. Even if the partitive is displaced, it can still affect the morphology of the new case form. For example, together with numbers over six or with indefinite quantity, which usually require the partitive singular, the locative and illative cases which replace the partitive also take the singular form, even though a plural form is expected:
(142) авьтма вуэр ённэ ыгесьт av'tma vuer jenne yg'es't first time.ACC.SG many year.LOC.SG 'for the first time in many years' 'в первый раз за много лет' [KL 2003: 32]
(143) быдЪсувв числа 315 югке кыджемь byd'suvv cisla 315 jugk'e kydz'em' need.NPST.3SG number.ACC.SG 315 divide.INF seven 'one needs to divide the number 315 by seven' 'нужно разделить число 315 на семь' [TKS 2013: 130]
сайя saj'a
time.ILL.SG
(144) ма кудтэй тауькэнЬ (COHH)
ml kudtej tlrj'ken (sonn)
what leave.PST.3SG money.LOC.PL (3SG.NOM)
пэре ённэ сыллп тяукагуэйм.
per'e jënne syllp t'aqkaguejm.
very much silver money.COM.PL19
— энЬтэ
— ente give.PST.3SG
'the change (she) gave — in a lot of silver coins.'
'сдачу (она) дала — множеством серебрянных монеток.'
[TKS 2013: 63]
In this section only a few examples have been presented of other cases being substituted for the partitive. A detailed syntactic analysis of partitive use would be very interesting and useful for researchers as well as language learners and teachers.
Conclusion
We have seen that the partitive is a living and productive case in Kildin Saami, as witnessed by the large number of partitive forms and functions in the analysed written Kildin Saami text materials, observations on the active use of the partitive in spontaneous oral speech, and the use of the partitive in newer loanwords. Earlier research statements about the replacement of partitives by the genitive plural due to Russian interference could not be confirmed, but rather turned out to be misinterpretations of weak grade forms with the suffix -e/-'e/-'e (-э/-э/-е), which often appear in partitive functions and look like genitive plural forms. However, substitution of other cases for the partitive due to syntactic and semantic reasons is normal. A syntactic study has still to be carried out for achieving a better understanding of how partitive and other cases are used in Kildin Saami.
The analysis above confirms the hypothesis about two different partitive suffixes which are used depending on the word stem. In contrast to earlier statements about the Kildin Saami partitive as a single form that is used to express both singular and plural referents, the current analysis shows that both par-
19 Comitative plural is used here instead of essive or as a plural form of essive.
titive singular and partitive plural forms are used. Whereas disyllabic consonant stems ending with one short consonant or with a vowel in the nominative singular take the partitive suffix -edt'el-'edt'el-'edt'e (^dma/Sdm^-edma), which is used to express both singular and plural referents, mono- and disyllabic consonant stems ending with one long consonant or two consonants in the nominative singular take the partitive suffix -e/-'e/-'e (^/-S/-e) and generate partitive singular forms with the strong grade and partitive plural forms with the weak grade. The Kildin Saami partitive plural and genitive plural forms that are used in modern written literary texts have formally merged. The final consonant d, which can be found in older texts, has disappeared from the modern partitive suffix. A differentiation between the partitive plural and the genitive plural can therefore only be carried out by examining the context and function in which the respective form is used.
Although the partitive case seems to stand strong in the written Kildin Saami literature and is actively used in spontaneous oral speech, at least among native speakers who grew up with Kildin Saami as first or second language, its future is uncertain. Today no children are growing up with Kildin Saami as their family's first language or even as a frequently used second language. Only a few Kildin Saami speakers use their native language in everyday communications and there are no public Kildin Saami language domains. Both for community members and outsiders who are not recognized as fluent Kildin Saa-mi speakers it is not easy to get the possibility to participate in more complex conversations, where partitive and other grammatical features, which the majority language does not have, are used.
However, a revitalisation process is going on among Kildin Saami community members. As in other language revitalisation contexts, so also Kildin Saami revitalisers and "new" speakers show a special interest for components of the revitalised minority language which are not found in the dominant majority language. If the partitive will be included in future teaching materials and grammars, and if native speakers and language
teachers choose to transmit it to new speakers, the Kildin Saami partitive has good chances for survival as an actively used and productive case also in the future.
Abbreviations
1 first person INF Infinitive
2 second person LOC Locative
З third person NEG Negation
ACC accusative NOM Nominative
ADJ adjective NPST non-past
ADV adverb NUM Numeral
ATT attenuated comparative ORD Ordinal
COM comitative PART Partitive
CNG connegative PL Plural
CPR comparative POSS Possessive
DIM diminutive POSTP postposition
DISTR distributive PREP Preposition
ESS essive PST Past
FUT future PTCP Participle
GEN genitive REFL Reflexive
GER gerund SG Singular
ILL illative SUP Superlative
IMP imperative
Text resources
ASL 2019 — Balakina D. S. et al. Al'manakh saamskoy litera-tury [Almanac of Saami Literature]. Moscow, 2019.
CJU 2017 — Meckina K. Cuvv jurrte; khudozh.: Jakovleva Ö. (Мечкина К. Чувв юрртэ; худож. Яковлева О.) Käräsjohka: Davvi Girji, 2017.
KL 2003 — Bol'shakova N. (A. A. Antonova py'e säm' kille). Kaj'e Lajhh'. Kuelnegk soam'e jemm'n'e bajas moajjnas. Мурманск, 2003.
MPE 2022 — Mühhtves't pass' jevang'el'e [Gospel of Matthew]. Per. A. A. Antonova.; red. E. Scheller & E. Galkina. Stockholm, 2022.
PB — Parrne biblija. Py'e russ klles't Kuelnegk n'oark soam'e kilt kttl'e Sanndra Antonova, Lujavv'r. Unpublished manuscript (in preparation).
PK 2015 — Yakimovich S. E. Pejjv kenn'al: saamskiye skazki [Saami tales]. Moscow, 2015.
SRS 1985 — Antonova A. A. et al. Saamsko-russkiy slovar' [Saami-Russian dictionary]. Moscow, 1985.
SU 2011 — Mechkina E. I., Mozolevskaya A. E. Saaamskiye uzory [Saami patterns]. Murmansk, 2011.
TKS 2013 — Lindgren A. Tarjenc Kuk'es'suhhk. Per. A. A. Antonova. Red. E. Scheller. Murmansk, 2013.
TOL 2017 — Yuryevy P. P. i M. P. Bogatyr Lyayne/Toavas olma L'ajne. Kniga na russkom i saamskomyazykakh. Murmansk, 2017.
VP 1996 — Bazhanov A. Vill'k'es' puaz. Per. na saam. yaz. A. Antonovoy; red. N. Afanasyeva. Karashegk, 1996.
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