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Material Culture and Identity. On the history and ethnography of the Crimean Tatars in the Museum Europäischer Kulturen -Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Elisabeth Tietmeyer
(Museum Europäischer Kulturen, Berlin)
Abstract. The given article presents an overview of the Crimean Tatar collection at the cultural anthropological Museum of European Cultures - National Museums in Berlin. In order to contextualize the different types of objects and the collecting approaches the paper introduces the broken history, ethnography and current situation of the ethnic minority living on the peninsula in the Black Sea. The named collection consists of more than 900 objects of everyday life, photographs, and paintings dating from the middle of the 19th century up to today. Most of them were collected in the 1920s by the Berlin researchers Nata and Hans Findeisen in the traditional manner of that time. Based on that, the author of the article collected objects that reflect cultural change and socio-political issues in the 1990s. Special attention is paid to Berlin painter Wilhelm Kiesewetter (1811-1865). His works show foreign lifestyle which he met during his 14 year journey via Northern Europe, Russia and West Asia. The two year stay (1845-1847) on the Crimean peninsula was for Kiesewetter the most emphatic and pleasant. Thus he was very productive in describing Crimean Tatar everyday life.
Keywords: cultural anthropology, cultural identity, ethnographical collection, Nata and Hans Findeisen, art painter, Wilhelm Kiesewetter.
1. Preliminary remarks*
Due to its strategic location on the Black Sea, for three millennia the Crimean peninsula was the living area of people of different cultures, consisting of alternating majority and minority populations. This was due in no small part to the many conflicts on up to wars that had long since been ongoing culturally between the East and West as well as a bone of contention between the Ottoman Empire and the
* This article appeared in the book Zwischen Orient und Okzident published by the Verlag Herder. Studien zu Mobilität von Wissen, Konzepten und Praktiken. Festschrift for Peter Heine, published by Anke Bentzin et al
Russian Empire.1 The consequences of these conflicts resulted in the fact that the inhabitants today, among other things, are still searching for their cultural identity.
About two million people now live in the Crimea, the Autonomous Republic of Ukraine with its capital Simferopol (Tatar: Ak Mesdjid), of which 59 % are Russians, 24 % are Ukrainians, and 12 % are Crimean Tatars; there are smaller groups of Belarussians, Armenians, Greeks, Bulgarians, and Germans among others.2 The Crimean Tatars are the only Muslim minority facing an Orthodox Christian majority of the other residents in Crimea. Most of them make their living in agriculture - and among others from wine production, industry, and above all from tourism. This however doesn't apply to 80 % of the Crimean Tatars - they're unemployed. While their social and economic situation was largely ignored by the Ukrainian government, the Crimean Tatars, who consider themselves indigenous population of the peninsula, are finding themselves again and again involved at times in conflicts with the Russian majority that are increasingly becoming violent. What led to the present situation of the Crimean Tatars, what cultural identity means to them, and what functions cultural institutions, such as the Museum Europäischer Kulturen in Berlin3, can do about it will be explained and discussed in the following.
2. History and Current Situation of the Crimean Tatars
Turkic-speaking Crimean Tatars (Tatar: Qirimtatarlari or Qirimli = inhabitants of the Crimean) usually means Sunni Muslims from Hanafi, who belong to a particularly widespread school of religious jurisprudence4 in the former Ottoman Empire. Approximately 250,000 Crimean Tatars now live on the Peninsula, another 100,000 in Central Asia and in the Russian Federation.It is estimated that there are around five million people with Crimean Tatar ancestors living in Turkey today. In addition, there are various Crimean Tatar diasporas in other countries in Europe, Asia, and North America.5
1 Fisher, Alan. 1998b. Between Russians, Ottomans and Turks: Crimea and Crimean Tatars. Istanbul: The Isis Press.
2 See Der Fischer Weltalmanach 2009. 2008. Editor: Eva Berie. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. p. 487.
3 The Museum Europäischer Kulturen (Museum of European Cultures) was founded in 1999 from the merger of the over 100 year-old Museum für (Deutsche) Volkskunde (Museum of [German] Folklore) and the Department of Europe from the Museum für Völkerkunde (Museum of Ethnology), founded in 1873. It, along with another 15 museums and institutions, belongs to the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (NationalMuseums in Berlin), which are an institution of the Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation). See Karasek, Erika et al. 1999. Faszination Bild: Kulturkontakte in Europa. Potsdam: Unze-Verlag.
4 See Heine, Peter. 2007. Der Islam. Düsseldorf: Patmos. p. 192.
5 See Eren, Nermin. 1998. "Crimean Tatar Communities Abroad", in: Allworth, Edward A. (Pub.). The Tatars of Crimea. Return to the Homeland. Durham, London: Duke University Press (2nd bound ed.), pp. 323-351. See, for example: Qirim Cultural Association of Canada. http://www.tatarworld.com. (September 8, 2008).
The Crimean Tatars have a very emotional relationship with their "fatherland"; accordingly, they see themselves as an indigenous people of Crimea and not as a national minority with the argument that the early settlers groups of Greeks, Goths, Kipchak, Oghuz, and later the Turkic tribes of the "Golden Horde" contributed to their "ethnogenesis". From another point of view, the Crimean Tatars are descendants of Mongol tribes that conquered Crimea in the 13th century and founded a Khanate of the "Golden Horde", which in turn was allied with the local Genoese colonies until 1475. By the Turkification and the spread of Islam, the different groups are said to have been then homogenized as the so-called Tatars.6
These perspectives on the origins of the Crimean Tatars already hint at the colourful history of settlement of the peninsula from the 8th century BC by the Cimmerians, Scythians, Greeks, Goths, and Huns. In the 13th century, as part of the conquest of the entire Pontic steppe, the annexation of the Crimea (1239) by Mongolian troops of the "Golden Horde" took place under Batu Khan, grandson of Genghis Khan. The rulers initially adopted economic ties with the Genoese colonies, which since the 1260s were located on the southern coast of the Crimea.7 With the decline of the "Golden Horde" Hadji Giray, originating from a Tatar noble family, succeeded in setting up an independent Khanate in the 1420s, whose subsequent rulers all came from the dynasty of Giray. Together with the Tatar clans, they dominated the peninsula. Bakhchysarai became the capital in around 1450. The Khan took his seat in a palace there, for which work began in 1503 and which was changed again and again over the centuries. The Crimean Khanate grew under Khan Mengli-Giray into a major regional power in Eastern Europe, although it had to recognize Ottoman suzerainty in 1475. The Ottomans helped the ruling Giray Dynasty in conflict with the Genoese colonies as well as in the succession dispute of the Khan rule and demanded their tribute for it.8 As a formal vassal state, the Crimean Khanate retained a high degree of autonomy, for example in the area of foreign policy, which had particular impact in cultural and economic terms in the 16th and 17th centuries. The Tatars were very successful in agriculture, livestock and wine production, trade in particular with slaves, cattle, and luxury goods, as well as their education, architecture, history, literature, music, and their handicrafts.9 The decline of the Khanate began in the 18th century: The
6 See Kellner-Heinkele, Barbara. Krimtataren. http://eeo.uni-klu.ac.at/index.php/ Krimtataren, (October 28, 2008).
7 See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. The Diaspora Experience and the Forging of a nation. Leiden et al.: Brill, pp. 10, 19.
8 See ibid pp. 53, 20-22.
9 See Kappeler, Andreas. 1992. Russlandals Vielvolkerreich: Entstehung- Geschichte - Zerfall. Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck. p. 47-48. See Arens, Meinolf; Klein, Denise. 2004. "Das fruhneuzeitliche Krimkhanat zwischen Orient und Okzident. Dependenzen und autonome Entwicklungsmoglichkeiten an der Schnittstelle zwischen orthodoxer, lateinischer und muslimischer Welt", Ungarn-Jahrbuch 27, pp. 492 et seq.
constant danger of being caught in the crossfire proved true after several Russian-Turkish wars, when Russia developed militarily superior and the Khanate became a protectorate of the Russian Empire in 1774; in 1783 Catherine II. had taken it definitively. Initially, Russia still maintained - in the spirit of the Enlightenment -a considerate policy towards the Crimean Tatars by not destroying the administrative structures, confirming the nobility status, cooperating with the Islamic clergy, and recognizing the free status of farmers.10 However, this policy failed because of the Russian landowners, the nobility, and the military in the Crimea, who at the beginning of the 19th century not only exploited the local farmers, but who also began the settlement of Slavic-speaking peasants.11 Gradually, the destruction of the political, economic, and therefore the social structure of the Crimean Tatars followed: Their mosques were burned down, the wealthy Crimean Tatars living on the coast were relocated inland, and the farmers were dispossessed. The country, thusly bereft of owners as well as its property, was then occupied by more Russian immigrants.12 The first great exodus of the Crimean Tatars began with these reprisals into the Black Sea regions of the Ottoman Empire, i.e. to West Anatolia and to the Dobrogea in today's Romania and Bulgaria. More waves of emigration with about a million Crimean Tatars followed after the Crimean War (1853-56) into the early 20th century.13 The result was an erosion of their culture in the Crimea, which however they were able to more or less maintain mainly in Dobruca while in Ottoman exile until today.14
The reactions of the Crimean Tatars to the repression of the Russian Empire had different roots: The amplified national movements emerging in Europe in 19th century provided the ideological basis for an ethnic consciousness and appropriate policy actions. It included those remaining on the peninsula Crimean Tatars, but particularly those who lived in exile in Turkey and had attended university. They were against Russian rule and called for the restoration of their political independence.15
The journalist and teacher Ismail Gaspirali (Russian Gasprinsky, 1851-1914), against the backdrop of pan-Turkism and pan-Islamic ideologies, was the main protagonist of a Muslim reform movement, called Jadidism. In his Journal of Turkish
10 See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 83 et seq.
11 See ibid pp. 109-110.
12 See Kappeler, Andreas. 1992. Russland als Vielvolkerreich. pp. 49-50.
13 See Fisher, Alan W. 1987. The Crimean Tatars. Stanford: Hoover Inst. Press. pp. 78, 88-89. See Kirimal, Edige. 1970. "The Crimean Tatars", Studies on the Soviet Union 10/1, pp. 74 et seq.
14 See Karpat, Kemal H. 1986. "The Crimean Emigration of 1856-1862 and the settlement and urban development of Dobruca", in: Lemercier-Quelquejay, Chantal et al. (Pub.). Passé Turco-tatar présent soviétique, Etudes offertes à Alexandre Benningsen. Louvain, Paris: Peters. pp. 275-306. See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 290-295.
15 See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 249-250, 325.
Muslims in the Russian Empire founded in 1883, he spread his ideas on modernizing Islam, especially in education and orienting towards the west throughout Europe.16 His views appealed to many political activists; not least because he is still seen as the spiritual father of the Crimean Tatar nation, even though he himself was not politically active.17 Gaspirali's commitment was one of the foundations for the later Crimean liberation movements. Tatar teachers effected a school reform in his spirit with the result that until 1917, Tatar was the language of instruction in many Crimean schools and that this language once again appeared in publishing works. Simultaneously, a group of young Tatar writers was established, who were significantly more political than Gaspirali and his milieu. In parallel, a movement of Crimean Tatar students developed in Turkey who fought for the independence of Crimea.
Thus, the commitment to the "national rebirth" came together from various currents and found mainly broad support in Crimea among the general public. This fact, as well as the decline of the empire, which began with the February Revolution in 1917 and which intensified the national movements, allowed the Crimean Tatars with the inaugural meeting of the Tatar people's representatives (Tatar ku-rultai) in that year, to establish an independent Republic of Crimea, which however was shattered a year later by the Bolsheviks.18 After several attempts by the Red Army to occupy Crimea in 1920 it finally came under the control of the Soviet Union. The "Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Crimea" was founded in 1921 with the capital Simferopol as part of a more liberal policy of the Soviet leadership towards non-Russian ethnic groups in the empire. The national autonomy, which allowed the language and culture of the Crimean Tatars to flourish, lasted virtually until 1928, the actual beginning of the Sovietization under Joseph Stalin, who brought an abrupt end to the previous language and cultural policy. This resulted in the arrest, deportation, and/or murder of thousands Crimean Tatars. The Muslim clergy was deposed, mosques once against destroyed, the land and livestock collectivized, farmers dispossessed, the Latin alphabet replaced by the Cyrillic, books burned, the use of the Tatar language prohibited, and intellectuals murdered. All the liberal and cultural achievements of the Crimean Tatars disappeared within a few years.19
16 See Kappeler, Andreas. 1992. Russland als Vielvolkerreich. pp. 195-196. See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 302-304.
17 See Fisher, Alan W. 1998a. "A Model Leader for Asia, Ismail Gaspirali", in: Allworth, Edward A. (Pub.). The Tatars of Crimea. p. 29.
18 See Allworth, Edward A. 1998. "Renewing Self-Awareness", in: Same (Pub.). The Tatars of Crimea. pp. 8-9. See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 339, 342.
19 See Kirimal, Edige. 1970. "The Crimean Tatars", pp. 77 et seq. See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 355 et seq., 366-367. See Pohl, J. Otto. 2000. The Deportation and Fate of the Crimean Tatars. http://www.iccrimea.org/scholarly/jopohl. html, pp. 2, 7. (August 25, 2008). "IC Crimea" refers to the "International Committee for Crimea", based in Washington, DC.
In October 1941, German troops occupied Crimea except for the city of Sevastopol and in 1942 it was taken completely. Stalin took advantage of the alleged collaboration with the Germans as a pretext to finally discredit the Crimean Tatars. If nothing else, he wanted to prevent his plans to set up military bases on Turkish territory from being thwarted, as they were allied in the looming conflict with Turkey. Within three days after the Germans had evacuated the peninsula in May 1944, Stalin had deported approximately 194,000 people to the former Soviet Central Asian republics and beyond to the Ural Mountains: This was the fastest ethnic "cleansing" in history thus far. The "Autonomous Soviet Republic" de jure that still existed at the time was dissolved; within a few days the Crimean Tatars lost their house and home, only to be transported away in freight cars under inhumane conditions. It is estimated that 6,000 to 8,000 deportees died as a result. The culture of the Crimean Tatars was supposed to be visibly erased by destroying their homes and their art and burning religious records and books.20 In exile, the Crimean Tatars adjusted to their social environment as much as possible. At the same time, they tried to preserve and hand down their cultural and ethnic identity always with the goal of returning once again to the Crimea.21 This goal seemed almost to have been reached, when the Soviet leadership in 1967 officially rehabilitated them and designated the deportation as illegal in subsequent decrees. Nevertheless, their return to Crimea was not allowed to continue. This only changed as a result of the glasnost and perestroika ideas, introduced by Mikhail Gorbachev. Although the Crimean Tatars have now been able to officially remigrate since 1989, they found neither state nor local assistance and their property wasn't returned. On the contrary, they were initially even forcibly prevented from doing so with the result that they illegally settled in Crimea. This also did not change after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, as the Crimea, which was annexed in 1954 by the then Central Committee leader Nikita Khrushchev to the Ukrainian SSR, developed into a bone of contention between Russia and Ukraine. Aspirations for independence of the Russian inhabitants of Crimea were denied by the Ukrainian government in 1992, when the peninsula was granted autonomous status. Thus from 1998 to 2014, the "Autonomous Republic of Crimea" had its own constitution within the Ukrainian state; the economic and social situation of the Crimean Tatars was not, however, improved by this.22
Starting in 1993, central government and regional authorities alike made attempts at rather half-hearted land reforms that were not satisfactory for the Crimean Tatars, as it repeatedly led to conflict with the Russian majority population
20 See the meticulously researched and detailed description of the deportation by: Pohl, J. Otto. 2000. The Deportation. pp. 5-9. See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 404 et seq.
21 See Williams, Brian G. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 412 et seq.
22 See Shevel, Oxana. 2001. "Crimean Tatars and the Ukrainian state: the challenge of politics, the use of law, and the meaning of rhetoric". http://www.iccrimea.org/scholarly/ oshevel.html. pp. 1-2. (August 25, 2008).
and the Crimean Tatars didn't view themselves as adequately rehabilitated by the Ukrainian government.23 Moreover, they were increasingly caught in the crossfire between the Russian and Ukrainian population living in Crimea population that were manipulated by the governments of the respective states. Among other things, the background included the conflict over the Russian Black Sea Fleet stationed in Sevastopol, whose presence in the Crimea was covered by a contract until 2017. Since Ukraine wasn't interested in renewing the contract, the Russian government tried to increase its influence in the Crimea. By contrast, Ukraine wanted to instru-mentalize the Crimean Tatars against the Russians, wherein the nationalist views of some Tatar movements were supported by the Ukrainian side. Since the Crimean Tatars had no minority rights, half of the potential voters had no Ukrainian citizenship, and the Crimean Tatars were not represented in the regional parliament, in 1991 at their second People's Assembly (kurultai), they founded a representative association, called a mejlis (parliament), which however had no political function and was not officially recognized by the Ukrainian government.24 It was headed by Mustafa Jemilev (Tatar Qirimoglu = son of the Crimea) until 2007. He had fought for over 30 years in the Soviet Union for the return of the Crimean Tatars to Crimea and was imprisoned in a camp in Siberia for 15 years. He is still regarded as a hero and one of the main leading figures of the Crimean Tatars.25 However, from a legal standpoint the Mejlis could not do anything and was dependent on foreign aid; moreover, the Ukrainian government in Kiev did not pursue a clear policy towards the Crimean Tatars, whose poor socioeconomic situation was hopeless: Approximately 80 % were unemployed, 50 % didn't have adequate housing, living in semi-finished homes, 70 % lacked running water, 90 % of the roads in their area were not paved.26 Financial and logistical support from Turkey helped provide a way out of this dilemma up until the internationally-disputed taking of the peninsula by Russia; among the supporters however were also movements, especially those with pan-Turkism aspirations, who financed the Crimean Tatars through the construction of mosques, madrassas, schools, libraries, among others. At the same time, the Russian majority, who regarded the Crimean Tatars as the
23 A typical conflict took place in August of 2006 in the city of Bakhchysarai. This involved the demands of the Crimean Tatars after displacement of a market with Russian merchants, since it was on a former Muslim cemetery, which in the opinion of the Crimean Tatars, should be used in a museum setting. The refusal of the operators of the market led to the first violent clashes, which were only barely able to be held in check with great effort.
24 However, there are also Crimean countermoves; not all Crimean Tatars feel represented by the Mejlis.
25 See Chervonnaya, Svetlana. 2003. Мустафа - сын Крыма (Mustafa- Son the Crimea). Simferopol: Odschak. See Shevel, Oxana. 2001. "Crimean Tatars and the Ukrainian state". pp. 5-6. See Alexeyeva, Ludmilla. 1998. "Mustafa Jemiloglu, His Character and Conviction", in: Allworth, Edward A. (Pub.). The Tatars of Crimea. pp. 206-225. This information is also based on a conversation of the author with Jemilev in May of 2005.
26 See Shevel, Oxana. 2001. "Crimean Tatars and the Ukrainian state". p. 3, 13.
representatives of Islam, became increasingly radicalized and fuelled the conflict with its general anti-Muslim propaganda; wherein the Russian Orthodox Church played a not insignificant role.27 Most Crimean Tatars, like the Ukrainian and Russian citizens, were not raised religiously; during the Soviet era the practice of their faith was suppressed.28 Their socioeconomic situation and the search for their cultural identity, however, led many to a reorientation towards Islam, even more so since the renewed Russian incorporation.
The Crimean Tatars still are faced with centuries-old prejudices and up until 2014 once again found themselves in a politically charged conflict situation between Russian, Ukrainian, and Turkish interests. Hardly any remigrations from exile took place from the end of the 1990s not least for these reasons, especially since the Crimean Tatars were doing better there than in the Crimea.29 The initially extraordinary, very emotional repatriation euphoria of the Crimean Tatars, based on a romanticized former life in Crimea, followed the confrontation with reality by a certain disenchantment.
With the founding of the "Republic of Crimea" and its de facto control by Russia, the fate of the Crimean Tatars seems to be repeating. Because they opposed Russian emergence in the Crimea, their parliament, the Mejlis, was banned by the Ministry of Justice.30 A renewed exodus is taking place; over 10,000 Tatars from the Crimea have already left for the Ukrainian mainland, while the most part of the Crimean Tatars stayed behind on the peninsula, on their historical Fatherland.31
3. Ethnographic Collection, Photographs, and Images of the Crimean Tatars in the Museum Europäischer Kulturen
Apart from scientific expeditions in the 18th century in the Russian Empire32
27 See Williams, Brian. 2001. The Crimean Tatars. pp. 8, 230 et seq.
28 See Heine, Peter. 2007. Der Islam. p. 384.
29 Wilson, Andrew. 1998. "Politics in and around Crimea: A Difficult Homecoming", in: Allworth, Edward A. (Pub.). The Tatars of Crimea. p. 297-299. See note 22.
30 See http ://www.russland. ru/generalstaatsanwaeltin-der-krim-verbietet-den-rat-der-krimtataren/ (April 14, 2016).
31 See Yegorov, Oleg . 2015. "Krimtataren zerstreiten sich über Russland". http:// de.rbth.com/politik/2015/08/11/krimtataren-zerstreiten-sich-uber-russland_382879 (April 14, 2016).
32 See for example Pallas, Peter Simon. 18012, 1773, 1776. Reise durch die Provinzen des Russischen Reiches (1768-1773, 3 vols.). St. Petersburg: Kayserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften (Originalausgabe); Pallas lived in Crimea from 1793-1794 and from 17951810, see same. 1802. Travels through the Southern Provinces of the Russian Empire in 1793 and 1794. London: T.N. Longman and O. Rees. (see also lecture by Barbara Kellner-Heinkele "Peter Simon Pallas auf der Krim" at a symposium organized by the GoetheInstitut Kiev on the topic of "Historische Berichte von deutschen Reisenden auf der Krim", Bakhchysarai May 13-15, 2005).
and reports from travellers33, who in the 19th century often lived longer than one year among the Crimean Tatars and were able to get to know their everyday and festive culture, there are few more recent publications from Western European anthropologists over the life of the Crimean Tatars in the "Pre-Deportation Time".34 This depends upon, among other things, the fact that the study of cultures in the Russian Empire and later in the Soviet Union wasn't part of the classical research area of Western anthropology.35 The most well-known Crimean Tatar ethnographer, art historian, and painter is still Hussein Bodaninsky (1877-1938). After the February Revolution of 1917, he received the order to set up the Khan Palace as a museum of the Crimean Tatar culture. In the following years as part of a more tolerant Soviet Union he carried out archaeological and ethnographical expeditions, during which he amassed collections for that museum (1925-26) and published the results.36 During the Stalinist era, Bodaninsky was dismissed from his post as a "representative of intelligentsia" in 1929 and, later in 1938, was liquidated under the guise of nationalist activities. Much of the museum's collection disappeared or was destroyed. With the increasing establishment of ethnology as a specialized science in the last quarter of the 19th century, there were also Russian scientists who examined the lifeworlds in the Crimea37; for Soviet ethnographers the everyday life of the Crimean Tatars was not an objective research topic. Such a scientific project would not have been done anyway after the deportation; moreover, it was not permitted on the part of the CPSU to scientifically deal with the culture of the Crimean Tatars. However, there are museums such as the Russian Ethnographic Museum in St. Petersburg that house large collections of the Crimean Tatar handicrafts mostly from the 19th century as a result
33 See for example Kiesewetter. 1854 b. Mittheilungen aus dem Tagebuche zu Kiesewetters ethnographischen Reisebildern. Berlin: Author's edition. See Haxthausen, Baron August von. 1847. Studien über die inneren Zustände, das Volksleben und insbesondere die ländlichen Einrichtungen Russlands. (Ethnographic sources. Reprints of European texts and studies, pub. Hermann Bausinger et al) Hildesheim, New York: Olms (1973. Vol. 2). See Holderness, Mary. 1824. Reise von Riga nach der Krimm. Jena: Bran (reprint in the Ethnographisches Archiv, Vol. 24/1).
34 See Findeisen, Nata. 1935. "Bei den Krimtataren". Baessler-Archiv Vol. 18, A.F., pp. 161-174. —. 1930-31. "Beobachtungen auf einer krymtatarischen Hochzeit." Baessler-Archiv Vol. 14, A.F., pp. 97-102.
35 This situation has not changed much until now, see. Schorkowitz, Dittmar. 2005. "Osteuropäische Geschichte und Ethnologie. Panorama und Horizonte". http://epub. ub.uni-muenchen.de/665. p. 15. (September 3, 2008).
36 For example: 1930. Археологическое и этнографическое изучение татар в Крыму (Archaeological and Ethnographic Studies of the Crimean Tatars). Simferopol.
37 Markov, Yevgeny. 1872. Очерки Крыма. Картины крымской жизни. (Reports from the Crimea. Images of life in the Crimea). St. Petersburg.
of larger expeditions, scientifically process them, and in turn it make available to the public.38
As late as the 19th century, the Tatars were made up of three groups whose diversity was especially rooted in economics. The nomadic Nogay Tatars, who dedicated themselves to the livestock industry, lived in the north. The mountain dwellers grew watermelons and tobacco and bred sheep. Trade and wine production were largely on the coast. As Muslims, the production of alcohol was forbidden; as a result of this they sold the grapes to their Christian neighbours or made cider. In the larger cities there were mainly merchants and artisans, professions that were practiced not only by the Crimean Tatars, but also of the resident Armenians, Roma, Krymchaks, and Karaites.39 Due to their Muslim faith, men were allowed to marry up to four women, but this was rarely practiced, unlike the levirate. There was a mosque in every village, several in the cities, as well as coffee houses as a meeting place for men. Outside the settlements there were the cemeteries, whose grave steles were decorated with a turban as a symbol for men and a cap symbolizing women. In 1944, Stalin had these signs of Muslim culture in particular de-stroyed40 or used for something else; thus grave stones were used as spolia for the construction of houses, for example.
Facts such as these highlight the importance of cultural history museums - even outside the relevant research area - with their functions as an archive and place of information. Thus excerpts from the past lifeworld of the Crimean Tatars are reflected in the ethnographic and historical collections of the Museum Europäischer Kulturen, beyond that addresses the present situation of the Crimean Tatars. The inventory is made up of a total of 990 two - and three-dimensional objects.41 In 1916 the former Berlin Museum für Völkerkunde (Museum of Ethnology) bought the first coherent collection of 21 Crimean textiles that the German collector Carl Wache gathered together during his trip to Crimea in the early 20th century. The
38 Slastnikova, Ludmilla. 2001. "De Krim/The Crimea", in: Dmitriev, Vladimir et al. Kaukasische volkeren/The Caucasian Peoples. (Catalog of the exhibition, Antwerp February 24-June 24, 2001). Antwerp: Anne de Hingh. pp. 271-277. Apart from a good description of various ancient cultures in the Crimea, it's noteworthy that the author does not mention the cultural uprooting of the Crimean Tatars by expulsion and annihilation.
39 The last two Tatar-speaking groups involve people who were culturally barely distinguishable from the Crimean Tatars save for the Jewish faith. Whereas the Krymchaks represented the orthodox direction, the Karaites deviated far from it, as they did not accept the Talmud and the oral traditions. The members of both groups were also deported under Stalin in 1944.
40 A cemetery with graves of members of the Khan family, however, can still be seen in the area of the Khan Palace in Bakhchysarai, although this was repeatedly desecrated.
41 The following information about the objects are based on documents of the Museum Europäischer Kulturen, on the expertise of museum colleagues from Ukraine and Russia as well as of the Crimean artist Mamut Churlu and on my interviews that I conducted with older Crimean Tatars in the Crimea 1994.
collection consists of scarves and decorative towels (marama) with typical Crimean Tatar embroideries from the middle of the 19th century.42 This manual work is done with a double-sided, surface-filling satin stitch made out of silk (metal thread) in floral and architectural motifs with religious themes. It clearly shows the Ottoman influence, as such towels are also found in Turkey and Bosnia. The head coverlet was part of women's clothing and was laid over the headcovering (Tatar Fes), while the decorative towels were part of the trousseau and adorned room walls or served as a covering of ritual objects.
The music recordings on 20 wax cylinders belonging to the intangible cultural heritage are of exceptional value as well. They come from the Crimean Tatars, who were imprisoned during the First World War in the Zossen and Wünsdorf POW camps near Berlin.43 The cylinders were acquired on behalf of Carl Stumpf for the Berlin Phonogramm-Archiv from Georg Schünemann, who also made the recordings. The music is dance melodies, love or spiritual songs, sung by two Crimean Tatars known by name in their own language.44 As a rule, it generally involves musicians performing at various festivities such as weddings or circumcision ceremonies to Crimean Roma, who on the surface aren't that different from the Crimean Tatars, but certainly in view of their lower social status are.
The songs on the cylinders are now hardly known in the Crimea, as well as the few accompanying instruments, such as a cymbal, a shawm, or a timpani, which are in the collection of the Museum Europäischer Kulturen. They are among the largest and most meaningful cohesive collection of Crimean Tatar objects that are due to the couple Hans and Nata Findeisen. In 1929, the ethnographer Hans Findeisen received the opportunity to carry out a collective trip to Crimea and in the Caucasus region from the Berlin Museum für Völkerkunde. Officially, he was commissioned by the "Emergency Association of German Science." His goal corresponded with the thematic focus of the general ethnographical museum's approach at that time. He wanted to do "rescue work" before the traditional culture was subjected to or destroyed by a transformation: "Like everywhere in Russia, it
42 Wache, Carl. 1915/16. Correspondence with Albert Grünwedel. In: Archiv der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin-Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Ethnologisches Museum (SMB-PK, EM), File Pars I B, Vol. 70, no. E 660/15. He additionally traveled to Siberia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus region. The Crimean Tatar textiles belong to a bundle of more than 1,000 objects, which he sold to the museum.
43 See Kahleyss, Margot. 2000. Muslime in Brandenburg. Ansichten und Absichten. Berlin: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. (2nd ed.)
44 The cylinders, like the log books, are likewise stored in the Department Ethnomusicology, Media Technology, and Berliner Phonogramm-Archiv in the Ethnologisches Museum (former Museum für Völkerkunde). See Ziegler, Susanne. 2000 a. "Die akustischen Sammlungen. Historische Tondokumente im Phonogramm-Archiv und im Lautarchiv", in: Bredekamp, Horst/Brüning, Jochen/Weber, Cornelia (Pub.) "Theatrum naturae et artis". Wunderkammern des Wissens. (Exhibition catalog). Berlin: Henschel-Verlag, pp. 197-206.
is once again high time to still save what can be saved. Europeanization is making great strides allover."45 While Hans Findeisen collected from September to December in 1929 in the Caucasus region, his wife Nata looked after the Crimean Tatar ethnographic art, which she wanted to gather in Bakhchysarai and in the vicinity, "to show at least one of these cultural groups (in the Crimea, note from the ed.) more systematically."46 During her stay, she worked closely together with the aforementioned former director of the ethnographic museum in the Khan Palace of Bakhchysarai, Hussein Bodaninsky.47
Although today there is not much to see from the former collection in the palace anymore, however, in comparison to that which is located in the Museum Europäischer Kulturen, it can clearly be seen how much Nata Findeisen oriented their acquisitions to those in the Palace Museum. She devoted herself intensely during her field stay to the Khan palace, but most of all to the city of Bakhchysarai, the local range of handicraft areas and the appearance, such as the everyday lives of people. She visited a small nearby village called Bijuk-Yashlav in which they had the opportunity to attend a wedding that she later described in detail.48 Among the 450 objects brought back are tools and products of various craftsmen such as jewellers, wood turners, and shoemakers; additional agricultural tools, household items, handicrafts, richly ornamented garments for men (for mullahs, among others), women and children; moreover, weapons, musical instruments, a few cult objects, or those with religious content (Korans, Koran bags, calligraphy, house inscriptions). Besides the fact that Hans Findeisen 1930 exhibited some of these objects together with the aforementioned Sami ethnographica as results of his collecting trips to the Crimea and in Finland at the Museum für Völkerkunde49, the Crimean objects have never been presented on a topic.
28 Crimean rural objects come from the Romanian Dobrogea, one of several
45 Findeisen, Hans. 1929. Two letters to the director of the Museumfür Völkerkunde, before October 19, 1929 and November 3, 1929. In: Archive SMB-PK, EM, File I B 111, no. E 999/29, E 1236/29. The present situation of the Tatars in Crimea shows how right he was. The study of the cultures of Eastern Europe did not belong to the former research field of ethnography. Due to his "innovative" research trips, Findeisen also saw a chance there to obtain a permanent job at the museum, which in the end he was unsuccessful in obtaining. He later attempted to use his ethnographical knowledge of Eastern Europe and Siberia in the sense of an "applied ethnology" by helping the Nazis looking for German "Lebensraum". See Mosen, Markus. 1992. "Angewandte Ethnologie im Nationalsozialismus: Hans Findeisen und sein Eurasien-Institut.", Jahrbuch für Soziologiegeschichte 1991. pp. 249-264.
46 Findeisen, Hans. 1929. Letter to the director of the Museum of Ethnology, October 19, 1929. In: Archive SMB-PK, EM, File I B 111, no. E 999/29.
47 See Findeisen, Nata. 1935. "Bei den Krimtataren", p. 161.
48 See note 34.
49 Findeisen, Hans. 1930. Krimtataren und Kola-Lappen. Reisen nach Süd-Rußland und Finnisch-Lappland 1929. Berlin: Author's edition Museum für Völkerkunde.
exile regions in which the Crimean Tatars who had fled from the Crimea had partially preserved their culture. The graduate economist and journalist Gustav Adolf Küppers (1894-1972) acquired these objects in 1936 and 1937. On behalf of the Berlin Museum für Völkerkunde, he undertook a total of five collection trips between 1935 to 1938 to Southeastern and Eastern Europe.50
Starting with the historical collection of Crimean Tatar objects and the fate of the Crimean Tatars after 1944, I was struck by the question of its impact on their material culture. Thus in 1994 I succeeded under at times difficult conditions in bringing 20 contemporary Crimean Tatar ethnographic art objects from Crimea; others were given to the current Museum Europäischer Kulturen starting in 1999 over the course of the following years. They include, for example, flat fabrics, such as the typical kilims worn by Crimean Tatar women in Uzbek exile in the 1970s, (Fergana Valley and Tashkent) which were made using a traditional template. Other objects, such as traditional headpieces for women, were even made in the Crimea, albeit simply and poorly reproduced, because the Crimean Tatars in the early 1990s barely knew the old handicraft techniques. But they wanted to find their past culture again and they did so by reproducing it. Examples thereof are now in the museum's collection.
Besides these ethnographic art objects, which show the richness of the past material culture of the Crimean Tatars and indicate its "degeneration", the museum houses in its photo archive 492 photographs on different topics, ranging from albumin prints of the beginning of the 20th century up to the digital photos from the recent time. The origin of many, mostly early photos is (still) unclear, the photographer or the photographers are unknown, others come from Nata Findeisen and me. From the ethnological external perspective, they show everyday and festive culture, the appearance of people, the natural and comfortable environment - i.e. the cultural context in the past and the present - as well as the documentation of my research situation in 1994 and my short stay in 2005.51 A special type of documentation includes 20 pictures made by the photographer Rifkat Yakupov who was born and grown up in Tatarstan/Russian Federation and is married to a Crimean Tatar woman. With the view from inside, he tried to capture the social, economic and political situation of the Crimean Tatars who lived on the south coast in 1992 and 1993, during the conflict-torn time after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Illustrations and artistic images of genres and portraits show the stranger's perspective on the Crimean Tatars in the middle of 19th century. In the museum's collection they are stored next to eleven drawings and lithographs, 34 oil paintings and
50 See Küppers, Gustav Adolf. 1935-1939. Correspondence with the Museum für Völkerkunde. In: SMB-PK, EM, File I B 124.
51 On May 13-15, 2005, on the occasion of the symposium organized by the GoetheInstitut Ukraine in Bakhchysarai on the topic of "Historical essays of German travelers to the Crimea".
three house and settlement models made by the Berlin painter Wilhelm Kiesewetter (1811-1865). They belong to a collection of 163 oil paintings and twelve models of the artist. The works show foreign lifestyles, which he met during his 14-year journey through large parts of Russia and Scandinavia (1838-1849, 1850-1852). He wanted to present them to his contemporaries as well as to the posterity, not least by means of his publications52. He did this with great commitment and exceptional empathy, which is particularly typical of the Crimea and its population. Thus the two-year stay (1845-1847) on the peninsula was for Kiesewetter, according to the author, most emphatic and most pleasant. This is expressed not least by his description of the south coast: "How pleasant are the nights in the village at the sea beach! Each cottage radiates peace and joy in the fragrances of the cool flower garden. How sweet is the peace of the carefree confessors to Muhammed between dense arcades in the harem, where in the quiet mumbling of the rushing stream and the song of the nightingale, the deep secret of love is hiding."53 During the two years, he mainly stayed in the cities of Simferopol and Bakhchysarai, as well as on the south coast in Sudak, Gurzuf, Yalta, Alushta and Sevastopol. He seemed to have adapted to the Tatarian community and even to have changed his behaviour to the extent that the Tatars named him "Abdullah" and gave him "Aga" title.54 In his published diary Kiesewetter describes his observations at the Crimean Tatars in five essays. In his first essay about the Crimean inhabitants "Tatar wedding festivities ..." he provides an introduction into the lifestyle of the Crimean Tatars and describes in detail the process of a wedding feast with the music of the "Gypsies" and the role he played there.55 In his second essay "The bazaar and a harem in Bakhchysarai ...» Kiesewetter describes the Khan capital, its bazaar district with many different craftsmen and coffee houses. He also explains his own role in the Tatarian community and his own experiences with Tatars, who trusted him so much that he even painted unveiled women.56 Kiesewetter's third essay deals with the "Palace of the last Tatar khans in Bakhchysarai", which he explains in great detail just as he paints it: "The burial place of the majority of the khans and their families is a subterranean chamber beneath two mausoleums. The interior of
52 See Kiesewetter, (August) Wilhelm. 1850. Forklaring ofver Modeller, Oljetaflor och Skizzer uti Konstkabinettet, pa en mangarig vandring i Orienten. (Exhibition catalogue). Lund: author's edition. —. 1854 a. Kiesewetters ethnographische Reisebilder. Berlin: author's edition. —. 1854 b. Mittheilungen.
53 Kiesewetter. 1854 b. Mittheilungen. p. 100.
54 See ibid. p. 68.
55 See ibid. pp. 63-76. People who converted to Islam often use the nickname "Abdullah" or "Abdallah", which was not the case with Kiesewetter. However, he received this name as non-Muslim. Civil and military dignitaries were called "Aga" in the Ottoman Empire. The assignment of the name and title to Kiesewetter was a sign of respect and sympathy of the Crimean Tatars towards him.
56 See ibid. p. 86.
these buildings is octagonal, with a dome and contains several different wooden stone statues, wearing turbans or pointed hats, depending on the gender of the deceased."57 The Museum Europäischer Kulturen holds nine oil paintings from the palace, and as already mentioned, the model of the palace, whose images are now used by the Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian archaeologists to reconstruct older palace parts in Bakhchysarai. The two other models show a Tatar coffee house and a settlement of the Gurzuf village on the southern coast of the Crimea. In his last two essays Kiesewetter describes again what interested him most: the everyday life and the lifestyle of the people he visited. Their lives can be understood only against the background of their environment, which Kiesewetter describes in detail in the chapter "Tatars on the southern coast of the Crimea". Most of the time he spent in Gurzuf to make the model and some pictures. Here he explains, for instance, the typical design on the south coast and how the houses are used by their inhabitants: "After surviving the heat of the day the inhabitants leave their cool chambers to climb on the roofs, where even the men indulge in conversations and smoke their pipes amidst their dancing children and their wives who are busy spinning; they await the sunset, perform the last prayer of the day and later enjoy the peace and quiet of the harem."58
4. Past for the future: missions of a cultural anthropological museum
Even though the Crimean Tatars now claim historical right to the Crimea, they are still seeking for their cultural identity, and focus mainly on a past life. Almost every major city in Crimea has an ethnographic museum on historical culture and contemporary art of the Crimean Tatars. In the 1990s, these museums were newly opened or the corresponding collection departments were established, enriched with objects, which the Crimean Tatars have brought from exile.59 Before they or their descendants came back from the deportation countries, they had preserved, idealized and handed down their culture in a foreign environment. The preservation included the collection of historical objects, which they, for instance, handed down to the Republican Crimean Tatar Museum of Arts, which was expanded and renamed in 1999.60 With these measures, their knowledge and their feelings they planned a new life in the Crimea, where they wanted to recall their past and to revitalize it. They use the historical material culture as a link to this day. They believed they must reproduce it to show and share their identity. Despite of the fact that there are Crimean Tatar art and cultural heritage museums in Crimea, since
57 Ibid. p. 89.
58 Ibid. p. 100.
59 Personal information of the author 1994 from the ethnographic museums in Bakhchysarai, Alupka, Alushta, Yalta, Simferopol and Sudak.
60 Asanova, Fatime; Zaatov, Ismet. 2001. Crimean Tatar Artistic Artifacts (19th-20th centuries). Simferopol: Sonat. p. 13.
the last 20 years the Crimean Tatar artists, scientists and politicians have been visiting the Museum Europäischer Kulturen in Berlin again and again. It holds -after the Russian Museum of Ethnography in Saint Petersburg - the largest Tatar collection of ethnographic and cultural-historical testimonies outside of Crimea. Here you can find objects like a prayer rug made of felt, clothing of a mullah, equipment representing different crafts, which are no longer available in Crimea. The collection of Hans and Nata Findeisen is exceptional in this context as it gives us a relatively homogeneous picture of urban life in Crimea at the end of the 19th century.61
The contextualized and annotated images of the artist Wilhelm Kiesewetter are always considered to be a special highlight. The Museum is visited by many representatives of ethnic groups in Europe or Eastern European countries, whose ancestors Kiesewetter had once painted. These are, for example, Kalmyks from Russia, Sámi from Scandinavia and Armenians. They are particularly curious about those oil paintings and models which reflect their culture, to get an impression of the life of their ancestors. The question that arises here is whether they are aware that Kiesewetter also used his artistic freedom when painting; in any case, his works and the accompanying publications help these minorities to find their identities.
Another highlight of a meeting with the Crimean Tatars was a project initiated and financed by the Goethe-Institut Ukraine. Here the Tatars received true, digital copies of those images and models which Kiesewetter made during his stay in Crimea. In May 200562 they were passed on by the Goethe-Institut and by the Museum Europäischer Kulturen to the ministry of culture in Crimea for exhibition at various museums in the Ukraine. In addition, an accompanying publication has been issued in German and Russian language, which contains all paintings and models of the Crimean Tatars and the Crimean Gypsies annotated with original quotes from Kiesewetter's publications. Besides an introductory article about the artist and ethnographer, which was written by the author, his five above-mentioned essays dealing with Crimea have also been printed.63 The following statement by Ismet Zaatov, the former director of the Crimean Tatar Museum in Simferopol, shows how important these images are for the identity of the Crimean Tatars: "(The) ethnographic accuracy [of Kiesewetter's paintings] is of tremendous scientific value. His works can be used to build a true picture of the Crimean Tatars
61 See Kasanienko, Mykyta. 2004. A Crimea left only in pictures. European Cultures Museum in Berlin stores Crimean Tatar works of art. http://www.artukraine.com/traval/ tatar_art.htm. (September 3, 2008). This is an interview with the art historian and politician Ismet Zaatov, 2003 a guest scientist at the Museum Europäischer Kulturen.
62 See Note 51.
63 Kaulbach, Barbara and Tietmeyer, Elisabeth (ed.). 2005. Der Maler und Ethnograph Wilhelm Kiesewetter (1811-1865) auf der Krim. Kiev: Goethe-Institut Ukraine, author's edition.
in the first half of the nineteenth century (...) no traces of which are left on the peninsula after the deportation."64
Kiesewetter's works as well as the rare ethnographic art objects especially inspired the Crimean Tatar painter, textile and ceramic artist Mamut Churlu, who completed a lot of studies of the collections of the Museum Europäischer Kulturen and whom the author accompanied on his research trips to the Crimean Tatar handicrafts in South Crimea in 1994.65 His parents were deported to Uzbekistan, where he was born in Fergana in 1946. He studied at the Novosibirsk Conservatory and at the University of the Arts in Fergana, where he later worked as a lecturer. He sketched wallpaper and carpet decorations, and even produced Gobelins. In the 1980s he dealt in his paintings with the topic of the exile of the Crimean Tatars and their cultural conflict. His exhibitions were presented in Uzbekistan, Russia, Germany and in Ukraine. At the same time, as he was in Uzbekistan he occupied himself with the popular art of exiled Crimean Tatars. After he moved to the peninsula in 1989, he conducted studies of the few remnants of the Crimean Tatar material culture, which lasted several years. His special focus was the typical ornamentation in the embroidery, weaving and pottery. He documented his research results in drawings and photographs to preserve this knowledge for the next generations. However, his main concern was and is to learn the forgotten techniques. There were only a few artists and Churlu was sometimes invited from Moscow to teach younger Crimean Tatars in the techniques.66 The initial results were simple and not very well crafted imitations of historical objects. Some of them are stored, as documentation of this concern and the knowledge, at the Museum Europäischer Kulturen, along with other excellently reproduced objects of the artist Izet Ablaev, such as the filigree jewellery for women (belt buckle, earrings, Qasida container). These approaches of the revitalization of the past Crimean Tatar culture were developed by Churlu at a later stage. In 1995/96 he managed a project which was financed by of US charity organizations, where women learned traditional weaving techniques and to produce kilims, pillows, tapestries, etc. from natural coloured sheep wool based on his sketches, whose individual patterns are based on historical models. The objective was, among other things, to make the products of the local Crimean Tatar population available and to connect the past with the present. They were meant for international sale, but this turned out to be difficult due to lack of the management structures. In the following years Churlu could win over
64 Kasanienko. 2004. "Crimea". However, one should consider that the image content is the result of artistic inspiration and reflect reality in total. This statement is especially true for the material culture which can be found in the images.
65 See also Churlu, Mamut. 2001. „Крымскотатарская коллекция Берлинского музея европейских культур" (Crimean Tatar collection of the BerlinMuseum Europäischer Kulturen). КрымсьК студИ. (Crimean Studies). Informational Bulletin. No. 5-6 (11-12). pp. 174-176.
66 This information is based on conversations of the author with the artist.
other artists for the further development of the Crimean Tatar popular art, after he had given several theoretical and practical seminars and courses on this topic. The results were presented at many exhibitions in Ukraine and in the handicraft markets at German museums, for example in Berlin and Hamburg.67 This was followed by a two-year project called "The Style of the Crimea" (2006-2007), where under the Churlu's supervision more than 20 experienced artisans with different specialisations manufactured articles of daily use based on the traditional model. After this numerous exhibitions took place in Ukraine and Poland.68 All of these projects were financed by the NGO "Marama", who since 1997 wanted to revitalise, develop and promote Crimea Tatar handicraft by learning techniques. In 2001 it opened in Bakhchysarai a craft center with studios and a shop which offered articles created during the project to tourists and locals.69
The occupation with the past (material) culture, the ideas, the skills and the works of these artists are contributing significantly to an identity development of the Crimean Tatars. This is also true for the activities of a larger cultural scene in Crimea, consisting of writers, poets, musicians, actors and especially painters, who explain the fate of their society in their own way, while looking back at a long tradition of the Crimean Tatar cultural life in the period before the deportation and in exile.70
The role of museums is to draw attention to these developments by buying current or contemporary objects of art and everyday culture, as Nata Findeisen did in the 1920s for the today's Museum Europäischer Kulturen. At that time she could not know how valuable her work would be for the future generations, whose culture was almost uprooted - a fact that had been influencing the life in Crimea until now.
The Crimea is not only inhabited by Tatars, it was always multicultural, it was located between the East and West, and had trade relations with Asia and Europe. This past, which was also shaped by massive conflicts, could theoretically now be used by the population of the Crimea. A symbol of this is the Khan Palace in Bakhchysarai, which was, under the reign of the Tatar Khans, built over a period of 300
67 See Churlu. Mamut. 2005. Crimean Tatar's folk and decorative modern art. (Catalogue/). Kiev.
68 See Prokurashko, Olena. 2007. Krimskii Stil. No location.
69 Usta. Handmade Art Center and Shop. http://usta.rcf.crimea.ua. (5.9.2008).
70 See Allworth. 1998. "Renewing Self-Awareness", in: —. (ed.). The Tatars of Crimea. .p. 2-4. See Gülüm, Riza. 1998. "Rituals: Artistic, Cultural, and Social Activity", in: Allworth, Edward A. (ed.). The Tatars of Crimea. pp. 84-98. See Chervonnaya, Svetlana. 1995. Искусство татарского Крыма. (The Art of the Crimean Tatar, ed. by Barbara Kellner-Heinkele, Institut für Turkologie, FU Berlin). Berlin, Moscow: author's edition. See the Russian-English magazine Qasevet. (anxiety) Historical-ethnographical journal, founded in 1984 and published twice a year in the forthcoming years. The articles written by the Crimean Tatar artists and historians, provided with many pictures deal with the past and present lifestyles and the current political situation of the Crimean Tatars.
years by Tatar, Persian, Ottoman, Italian, and at a late stage Russian and Ukrainian architects, which resulted in the fact that the Palace represents different architectural styles.71 As a building which has been perfectly restored, and as a museum for the Crimean Tatar culture history, the Palace is an object with which many people in the Crimea identify themselves, and a great tourist attraction, which finally benefits all people in Crimea. It is irrelevant here who has a historic "right to Crimea" and who does not. What is important is the reflection of the current situation which all the people face whether they want it or not, because mutual accusations or the violent conflicts do not provide any clarification. But ahead of that the massive conflicts between Ukraine and Russia concerning the Crimea have to be solved -meanwhile the Crimean Tatars have to find their way again.
REFERENCES
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About the author: Elisabeth Tietmeyer - Doctor of Sci., Professor (culturolo-gy), Director of the European Cultures Museum (Museum Europaischer Kulturen), State Museums of Berlin (Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) (im Winkel 8, D-14195, Berlin); e.tietmeyer@smb.spk-berlin.de
Материальная культура и идентичность.
Об истории и этнографии крымских татар
в Музее европейских культур -
Государственные музеи Берлина
Элизабет Титмаер
(Музей европейских культур, Берлин)
Аннотация. Данная статья представляет обзор коллекции крымских татар в культурно-антропологическом Музее европейских культур - Государственные музеи Берлина. С целью сохранения связей, различных видов предметов и подходов к коллекционированию, работа отображает прерванную связь истории, этнографию и современное положение крымских татар- этническое меньшинство, живущее на полуострове в Чёрном море. Упомянутая коллекция состоит из более, чем 900 предметов повседневной жизни, фотографий и картин от середины XIX века и до современности. Большая часть из них была собрана в 1920-х годах берлинскими учёными Ната и Ханс Финдайзн,
Особое внимание уделено берлинскому художнику Вильгельму Кизеветтеру (1811-1865 гг.) Его труды отображают абсолютно другой образ жизни, который он увидел во время своего 14 летнего путешествия в северную Европу, Россию и западную Азию. Двухлетнее пребывание (1845-1847 гг.) на крымском полуострове было для Кизеветтера наиболее впечатляющим и приятным. Таким образом, его творчество оказалось весьма продуктивным в описании повседневной жизни, быта крымских татар.
Ключевые слова: культурная антропология, культурная идентичность. этнографическая коллекция, Ната и Ханс Финдайзн, живописец, Вильгельм Кизеветтер.
Сведения об авторе: Элизабет Титмаер - доктор наук, профессор (культурология), директор Музея европейских культур (Государственные музеи Берлина) (im Winkel 8, D-14195, Berlin); e.tietmeyer@smb.spk-berlin.de
