Лингвостилистические особенности политического дискурса сэра Уинстона Леонарда Спенсера-Черчилля Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

УДК 8138:42 К. И. Шпетный

кандидат филологических наук, профессор кафедры лингвистики и профессиональной коммуникации в области экономики ИПЭУ МГЛУ; e-mail: [email protected]

ЛИНГВОСТИЛИСТИЧЕСКИЕ ОСОБЕННОСТИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ДИСКУРСА СЭРА УИНСТОНА ЛЕОНАРДА СПЕНСЕРА-ЧЕРЧИЛЛЯ

Рассматриваются основные лингвостилистические особенности политического дискурса крупного государственного и политического деятеля Великобритании XX в. У. Черчилля. К исследованию привлечен большой фактологический материал. На основе политических, экономических, а также военных дискурсов осуществлен cтилистико-когнитивный анализ использования и функционирования разнообразных и многочисленных экспрессивных средств и стилистических приемов в разные периоды его политической карьеры.

Ключевые слова: политический дискурс; лингвистическая стилистика; когнитивная наука; абзац; метафора; ирония; сентенция; обособление; повтор.

Shpetny К. I.

Ph. D., Professor, Department of linguistics and professional communication in economy, School of Law, Economics and Information Technologies, MSLU; e-mail: [email protected]

LINGUOSTYLISTIC FEATURES OF THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF SIR WINSTON LEONARD SPENCER-CHURCHILL

Chief linguostylistic features of the political discourse of Winston Churchill, a major politician and statesman of Great Britain in the XX-th century are analysed. A significant volume of the original source material is drawn in. The stylistico-cognitive study of usage and performance of various and numerous expressive means and stylistic devices at the different stages of his professional career is carried out on the basis of political, economic and military discourse.

Key words: political discourse; linguistic stylistics; cognitive science; paragraph; metaphor; irony; epigram; detachment; repetition.

Настоящая статья посвящена рассмотрению основных лингвости-листических и когнитивных особенностей политического дискурса британского государственного и политического деятеля сэра Уинсто-на Леонарда Спенсера-Черчилля (1874-1965) - члена Английского

Парламента (1897), премьер-министра Соединенного королевства (1940-1945 и 1951-1955), подполковника армии Великобритании, историка, почетного члена Британской Академии (1952), художника, журналиста и писателя, лауреата Нобелевской премии по литературе (1953), первого в истории почетного гражданина США (1963).

До настоящего времени политический дискурс сэра У. Черчилля не подвергался исследованию с позиций лингвистической стилистики [6] и когнитивной науки [3; 4].

Материалом исследования послужили политические и экономические дискурсы У. Черчилля в период с 1897 по 1963 год, представленные в полном собрании его речей и выступлений в 8 томах1 (1974). Ниже приводятся основные количественные и концептуальные параметры его политических дискурсов [5] (см. табл. 1).

Таблица 1

Том Страницы Годы Количество дискурсов Концептуальные этапы политической биографии

I 1-1056 1897-1908 355 Первые политические речи, 1897 -

II 1057-2198 1908-1913 291 Начало политической карьеры

III 2199-3296 1914-1922 250 Молодой трибун 1897-1914

IV 3297-4416 1922-1928 198 1) Забвение и возрождение 1915-1925 2) Возвращение и изоляция 1925-1938

V 4417-5572 1928-1935 320 Возвращение и изоляция

VI 5573-6733 1935-1942 345 (1) Возвращение и изоляция (2) Время триумфа 1939-1963

VII 6734-7902 1943-1949 324 Время триумфа

VIII 7903-8710 1950-1963 218 Время триумфа

У. Черчилль является автором в совокупности более 2 400 политических, экономических, а также военных дискурсов. Их объемы весьма разнообразны: от 100-150 слов до 20 тыс. слов. Средний объем дискурса составляет 3,21 страницы (1 860 слов) при объеме в 580 слов на одной странице настоящего издания.

Самыми длинными являются экономико-политические дискурсы. Наибольшим по размеру оказался дискурс «The Budget», April 24, 1928, представленный в Палате общин [Т. IV, 4372-4405] -

1 Политические дискурсы У Черчилля, представленные в томах I—II, находятся на ссылке интернет-ресурса [2].

34 страницы (19 700 слов). Большими размерами отличаются дискурсы: «The Budget», April 15, 1928, представленный в Палате общин [Т. V, 4574-4603] - 30 страниц (17 500 слов) и военно-политический дискурс «Review of the War», January 18,1945, представленный в Палате общин [Т. VII, 7083-7103] - 20,5 страниц (11 900 слов).

Дискурсы небольшого размера встречаются достаточно редко, например: «Lord Haig», January 30, 1928 [Т. IV, 4343] - 128 слов или «The War» September 4, 1914, представленный в ратуше г. Лондон [Т. III, 2328] - 125 слов. Дискурсы не содержат, как правило, деления на части, разделы или подразделы, за исключением нескольких крупноразмерных экономических текстов, посвященных изложению годового бюджета страны.

Основной единицей политического дискурса У. Черчилля является абзац, представляющий собой либо одно сверхфразовое единство, либо включающий в себя несколько СФЕ, объединяемых в одну графически оформленную целостность. Таковы, например, начальные абзацы дискурса - первого выступления У. Черчилля в Британском парламенте - «The Maiden Speech», February 18, 1901, сделанного в Палате общин, в которых можно выделить два СФЕ в первом абзаце и одно СФЕ во втором абзаце [Т. 1]:

I understood that the hon. Member to whose speech the House has just listened, had intended to move an Amendment to the Address. // The Text of the Amendment, which had appeared in the papers, was singularly mild and moderate in tone; but mild and moderate as it was, neither the hon. Member nor his political friends had cared to expose it to criticism or to challenge a division upon it, and, indeed, when we compare the moderation of the Amendment with the very bitter speech which the hon. Member has just delivered, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the moderation of the Amendment was the moderation of the hon. Member's political friends and leaders, and that the bitterness of his speech is all his own.

It has been suggested to me that it might perhaps have been better, upon the whole, if the hon. Member, instead of making his speech without moving his Amendment, had moved his Amendment without making his speech.

На схожем основании построены два первых абзаца в нижеприводимом политическом дискурсе, относящемся к 1953 году, -«Westminster Abbey Appeal», January 30, 1953, сделанном в Иерусалимском зале Вестминстерского аббатства; в нем можно вычленить два СФЕ в первом абзаце и два СФЕ во втором абзаце [Т. VIII, 8447]:

We are met here to-day for a purpose for which we believe that at least a million people throughout the English-speaking world will be happy to give a pound and perhaps repeat the process; and others less wealthy will be proud to join with their friends in giving a pound. // That is what we are asking for to-day — a million pounds from a million people. We have one gift already; the Queen is the first subscriber. The purpose is to save from decay and ruin Westminster Abbey, in the famous words of Macaulay: "That temple of silence and reconciliation where the enmities of twenty generations lie buried."

Westminster Abbey is not only an active centre of our religious faith, but the shrine of nearly a thousand years of our history. Founded by King Edward the Confessor it presents the pilgrimage of our race, and has been in many ways the focus of our island life. // Here all may see the panorama of our various fortunes, from the triumph of a Norman conqueror through the long succession of sovereigns who, in good or evil days, in glory and tragedy, safety and peril, unity and strife, have formed the chain of the ancient monarchy, until now we are looking forward to the moment next June when the Crown of St. Edward will be set upon the head of our young and beautiful Queen Elizabeth the Second.

Используемые в политических дискурсах У. Черчилля средства стилистической выразительности весьма многочисленны и разнообразны. Они являют собой широкую палитру нейтральных и экспрессивных возможностей британского варианта современного английского языка периода конца XIX века - 50-60-х гг. XX века: 1) лексико-семантические, 2) синтаксические, 3) фонетические выразительные средства и стилистические приемы [6]. Ниже приводятся количественные данные их употребления — по томам и хронологическим периодам (см. табл. 2).

Таблица 2

Лексико-семантические средства

Том Ш Том III Том IV Том V Том VI Том VII Том VIII

Метафора 21 10 12 3 20 31 30

Метонимия 2 1 — 2 3 5 12

Ирония1 40 20 19 6 3 5 19

Каламбур 4 — 2 — — — 2

Эпитет 5 9 6 8 10 9 13

Сравнение 4 7 9 3 16 28 9

Фразеологические выражения — 2 3 6 4 1 1

Преувеличение, гипербола - - - - 4 - 2

Пословица, поговорка - - - - - 5 1

Цитация 2 2 - - 6 8 11

Аллюзия - - - - 4 - 2

Цитация и аллюзия из Священного Писания Ветхого Завета и Нового Завета 4 2 7 12 6

Сентенция, афоризм 8 4 7 13 22 21 29

Синтаксические средства

Том Ш Том III Том IV Том V Том VI Том VII Том VIII

Обособление 13 1 15 4 8 11 8

Повтор 6 11 8 1 13 7 2

Инверсия 1 - - - 1 3 2

Параллелизм 1 - - - - - -

Нарастание 4 1 - 2 4 - 3

Антитеза 3 - 1 - - - -

Вопрос 30 7 3 1 4 5 1

Литота 2 1 - - 2 2 -

Восклицательные предложения 1 - - 1 - - 3

Фонетические средства

Том Н! Том III Том IV Том V Том VI Том VII Том VIII

Аллитерация 9 - - - 4 3 9

В рамках настоящей статьи не представляется возможным дать развернутое толкование приведенных стилистических средств и выразительных приемов на отрывках из политических дискурсов У. Черчилля. Комментарий разнообразия и своеобразия использования иных стилистических средств, которые не отражены в таблице 2, но которые, представлены в исследуемых дискурсах, также остается за пределами данной работы. Ограничимся наиболее характерными иллюстрациями из приведенного выше в таблице 2 перечня.

Лексико-семантические средства

Метафора

The state of the country is not so black as politicians out of office are accustomed to paint it [Т. V, 4516].

We have to combat the wolf of Socialism, and we will be able to do far more effectively as a pack of hounds than as a flock of sheep [Том VI, 5857].

They [the Three Great Powers] placed their barriers in the way, and all together our peoples - our three peoples and many other nations of the world -have crashed those barriers down. And in the van of all this struggle the Soviet armies have gained immortal honour [Т. VII, 7106].

World politics, like the history of Gog and Magog, are very confused and much disputed. Still I think there is room for both of them. On the one side is Gog and on the other Magog. But be careful my Lord Mayor, when you put them back, to keep them from colliding with each other, for if that happens both Gog and Magog would be smashed to pieces and we would all have to begin all over again - and begin from the bottom of the pit.

Whatever are the differences between Gog and Magog, at any rate they are made of the same materials. Let me tell you what the materials are ... [Т. VIII, 8298].

Метонимия

I think that the right hon. Baronet is also a remarkable instance of a very peculiar phenomenon. I have always noticed that whenever a Radical takes to Imperialism he catches it in a very acute form [Т. I].

One of the main pillars of any modern society is a stable value for money. "Honest money, as it is called, is the only means by which goods and services can be fairly interchanged for mutual benefit between fellow citizens [Т. VIII, 7905].

My heart goes out to Cockneys [Т. VII, 7156].

. and anyone who interrupts in an organized manner a great public gathering is guilty of those very crimes our soldiers have swept away across Europe with fire and sword [Т. VII, 7200].

1 В раздел «ирония» мы также условно включили случаи употребления шутливых, юмористических, саркастических и сатирических высказываний.

Ирония

... every detail of the construction of the German fleet - a long conceived plan, slowly unfolding year by year, programme by programme, on which such extraordinary efforts were directed, and to which so much foresight and skills were devoted, - every detail of it showed and proved that it was meant for us, for our exclusive benefit [Т. III, 2338].

Literature and the press, literature and journalism - are we sure that these are two separate things? Is it so arranged that on one side everything, however bad, is literature and on the other side everything, however good, is journalism? (Laughter.) Or is the dividing line to be simply one of quality, everything above a certain standard is literature and everything below that standard journalism, or should it be the other way round? (Laughter) [Т. IV, 3503].

We have certainly had a depressing year since the General Election. I do not blame the Socialist Government - for the weather. We must also make allowances for all the difficulties which mark the aftermath of war [Т. VII, 7382].

Parliament is having a holiday. This is a very good thing for the House of Commons. I have rarely seen it more jaded in the fifty years I have served there [Т. VIII, 8402].

But what happened! We went to Parliament to find the great Protectionist party - the party that was sweeping the country, only the country did not know it (laughter), and what did we find? [Том I].

You know the old joke about how the War Office is always preparing for the last war. [Т. VIII, 8030].

Каламбур

It has been suggested that it might perhaps been better, upon the whole, if the hon. Member, instead of making his speech without moving his Amendment, had moved his Amendment without making his speech [Т. I, The Maiden Speech, February 18, 1901].

Above all, we have this intruder - the air, which has shoved its way in and continues to push forward in all directions, laying its hand now on this and now on that until a lot of people began to think that it is the only pebble on the beach. That would be going too far: because I am quite sure of this, that all modern science has been exploited and employed, and when all the worst that can be done has been done in some terrible encounter ... [Т. VIII, 8030].

Эпитет

The mighty United States [Т. VIII, 8051]; a grave hour [Т. VIII, 8195]; a very fair-minded plan [Т. VIII, 8533]; grim experiences [Т. VIII, 8683]; my solemn and heartfelt thanks [Т. VIII, 8710]; the large and generous floods of money [Т. III, 2221]; plans long preferred, methodically worked out, and executed with the precision of deliberation [Т. III, 2329]; light and vain encouragement [Т. III, 2329]; the cruel tides of German devastation [Т. III, 2340]; these sanguine hopes [Т. VII, 6756]; our earnest hope and bounden duty [Т. VII, 7015]; this melancholy occasion [Т. VII, 7019]; tremendous propaganda [Т. VI, 5626]; the wrath of foes [Т. VI, 5803]; a year of baffling difficulties [Т. VI, 5871]; the magic gift of genius; a glorious intensity; the terse and syncopated vivacity of his style; unending amazement; innumerable readers; he could not illuminate with a light unexpected, piercing, enchanting [Т. VI, 5904].

Сравнение

London, like a great rhinoceros, a great hippopotamus, saying: "Let them do their worst. London can take it." London could take anything [Т. VII, 7156].

Protection is like dram drinking - it produces a transient exhilaration that is succeeded by other less satisfactory symptoms . [Т. II].

The financial year which has just closed resembles its predecessor in various ways. Again, the failure of beer was repaired was repaired by the harvest of death [Т. V, 4575].

Let me also pay my tribute to this vehement and formidable General Montgomery, a Cromwellian figure, austere, severe, accomplished, tireless, his life was given to the study of war [Т. VII, 6751].

There are those non-God religions, Nazism and Communism. We are urged from the Continent and from different quarters that we must choose which side we are on. I repudiate both, and will have nothing to do with either. As a matter of fact, they are as like as two peas [Т. VI, 5823].

Фразеологические выражения

To share the pleasures of life [Т. VI, 6090]; we must just make the best of things as they come along [Т. VI, 6296]; . and he certainly had a good try. Now the boot is on the other leg [Т. VI, 6631]; the task of rebuilding our hearth and homes [Т. VII, 7155]; the hum and throb of events [Т. VIII, 7904]; we pray that she may now rest in peace [Т. VIII, 8465]; the labours of Hercules [Т. I].

Пословица, поговорка

It is never too late to mend [Т. VII, 7284]; prevention is better than cure [Т. VII, 7290], [Т. VIII, 8661]; there is a saying in England, "Experience bought is better than taught." We have bought the experience [Т. VII, 7382]; There is a good saying to the effect that when a new book appears one should read an old one. As an author I would not recommend too strict an adherence to this saying [Т. VII, 7644]; Philosophers have argued about whether the pen is mightier than the sword [Т. VI, 6677].

Цитация

Rudyard Kipling:

"Who stand if Freedom fall,

Who dies if England live?" [Т. VI, 5906].

Andrew Marvell's «An Horatian Ode» (Upon Cromwell's Return From Ireland):

"He nothing common did or mean

Upon that memorable scene" [Т. VI, 6236].

W. Churchill himself:

"This was their finest hour" [Т. VI, 6238].

Emperor Napoleon:

"These same Prussians who are so boastful today were three to one at Jena and six to one at Montmirail" [Т. VI, 6296].

Edmund Burke, philosopher:

"People will not look forward to posterity who never look backward to their ancestors" [Т. VI, 6426; Т. VIII, 8321].

Edward Bulwer-Lytton in his play Richelieu; Or the Conspiracy: "The pen is mightier than the sword" [Т. VI, 6677].

Jonathan Swift, Dean:

"We are the chosen few

All others will be damned

There is no place in Heaven for you,

We can't have Haven crammed" [Т. VIII, 7907].

Benjamin Disraeli, Prime minister:

"Centralization is the death-blow of public reform" [Т. VIII, 7922]. The elder William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham, British statesman:

"If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, and foreign troops were landed in my country, I would never lay down my arms — never, never, never" [Т. VIII, 8323].

Thomas Macaulay, historian:

"That temple of silence and reconciliation where the enmities of twenty Generations lie buried" [Т. VIII, 8447].

"In no other cemetery do so many citizens lie within so narrow a space" [Т. VIII, 8447].

Цитация и аллюзия из Священного Писания Ветхого Завета и Нового Завета

That has been said before in this debate, and it is what the Chief Secretary for Ireland called a hackneyed tag. I think, with as much reason, you might also call the Ten Commandments a hackneyed tag [Т. 1, The Maiden Speech, 1901].

The mighty strength which was thrown into the struggle terminated, in the mercy of God, last year, and it was inevitable that the struggle should terminate victoriously for freedom from the moment that the United States entered the war [Т. III, 2823].

. while the long splendours of gathering strength in the Victorian Age prepared us for the shock of Armageddon [Т. VI, 5906].

Today is Trinity Sunday. Centuries ago words were written to be a call and a spur to the faithful servants of Truth and Justice: "Arm yourselves, and be ye men of valor, and be in readiness for the conflict; for it is better for us to perish in battle than to look upon the outrage of our nation and our altar. As the Will of God is in Heaven, even so let it be" [Т. VI, 6223].

From the bottom of my heart I thank you. God bless you [Т. VII, 6735].

"The flame of Christian Ethics" [Т. VII, 7643].

... which pray God may never occur [Т. VIII, 8030].

. if ever it comes - which God forbid - will come at the moment of Russian choice [Т. VIII, 8131].

World politics, like the history of Gog and Magog, are very confused and much disputed < приводим небольшой отрывок, поскольку это большая развернутая метафора размером 399 слов, 3 абзаца. См. полнее здесь выше > [Т. VIII, 8298].

Сентенция, афоризм, изречение

I have always noticed that whenever a Radical takes to Imperialism he catches it in a very acute form [Т. I, The Maiden Speech].

I had always been led to believe that the generals existed for the Army, and not the Army for the generals [Т. I, Army Reform].

Liberalism will not be killed. [Cheers.] Liberalism is a quickening spirit -it is immortal [Т. II, Liberalism and Socialism].

The navy cannot fight while the enemy remains in port [Laughter] ... [Т. III, 2336].

... in our land the true motto is "Look after the war and after the war will look after itself" [Т. III, 2493].

A German said to me a little while ago, "We think the next war will be fought with electricity." A French man said "Our idea is that disease will play the main part in the next war." This is sure, that if the human race uses the resources of science and its own genius to invent methods of exterminating the human species they will not fail in the end of the effort. I firmly believe, however, that the world we live in has had enough of war [Т. IV, 3433].

All human processes of expressing corporate opinion are vitiated by imperfections [Т. V, 4442].

Nothing can save England if she will not save herself [Том V, 5268].

Wars come very suddenly [Т. V, 5323].

What is done is done. What has been done or left undone belongs to history, and to history, so far as I am concerned, it shall be left [Т. VI, 5821].

Times are dangerous. Dire forces are at work in many countries. No one can tell what the future holds. Indeed, if one lifted the veil and reported what there was to be seen, no one would believe it. The future is in the region of the unknown, but there is one thing that is not unknown, and it is that we stand together whatever fortune may betide [Т. VI, 5868].

The arts are essential to any complete national life [Т. VI, 5947].

If it be true, as has been said, that every country gats the form of government t deserves, we may certainly flatter ourselves [Т. VII, 7165].

There is no reason why Soviet Russia should feel ill-rewarded for her efforts in the war. If her losses have been grievous, her gains have been magnificent [Т. VII, 7300].

All the greatest things are simple, and many can be expressed in a single word: Freedom; Justice; Honour; Duty; Mercy; Hope [Т. VII, 7483].

Without food, work is impossible and homes a mockery [Т. VIII, 7905].

To work from weakness and fear is ruin. To work from wisdom and power may be salvation [Т. VIII, 8050].

As history unfolds itself, by strange and unpredictable paths, we have little control over the future and no control over the past [Т. VIII, 8323].

The University is a treasure house of the country's future [Т. VIII, 8607].

Our mistakes cannot be undone, but let us at least study and profit from them [Т. VIII, 8661].

Синтаксические средства

Обособление

Not to vote on what is now at stake for our country - or to vote in a way which wastes the vote - would be a failure to rise to the level of events [Т. VIII, 7903].

British and American manhood - two brothers in arm - will attack and grapple with the deadly foe [Т. VII, 6878].

We cannot afford - we have no right - to look back [Т. VI, 5822].

We have made in the central part of our work in the closing days of this Parliament to propose a measure, remedial in its character, wide in its scope, far-reaching in its intentions, which will occupy this Parliament for the rest of its life [Т. V, 4417].

To the best of my belief - and I have made searching inquiries and taken several cross checks - these figures are not in any way exaggerated [Т. VI, 6278].

. but I do say that you are entitled - the British Empire is entitled -to obtain a reasonable and fair margin of profit on its rubber productions [Т. IV, 3467].

Повтор

This is a peculiar gathering in which both sides are taking part / (Laughter.) Of course / in a free country like ours ... every one has a perfect right to cheer or boo as much as he likes. (Cheers and boos) . I have come in the first place to say something to you which is not at all of a controversial character. So both cheerers and booers can take a moment off. I have come to congratulate London . upon her wonderful record in the war.

Would you like to boo that?

There was a time when we were all alone, all alone for a year, but by holding firm we not only came through ourselves but we enabled great nations like Soviet Russia - (cheers and interruptions). Well, surely no one is going to boo Soviet Russia?

Look out. Hold on to your chairs. This is one you will not like - two-thirds of those houses were built by private enterprise. (Loud cheers.) Have a good boo about that; have a good boo - private enterprise.

. A lot of silly loud-mouthed people make - (cheers and boos) - all sorts of comments .

Now where is the boo party? I shall call them henceforward in my speech the doing party. Everyone have a good boo.

Where I think the booing party are making such a mistake is dragging all this stuff across the practical tasks we have to fulfil.

I am not going to speak any more to the booers .

... (Prolinged cheers mixed with booing.)

I must express my thanks for the kind words which have been spoken, and I give my entire forgiveness to the booers [Т. VII, Election Address, July 3, 1945, 7200-7203].

I speak to you for the first time as Prime Minister in a solemn hour for the life of our country, of our Empire, of our Allies, and, above all, of the cause of Freedom [Т. VI, 6221].

We did not enter upon the war with the hope of easy victory; we did not enter upon it in any desire to extend our territory . We entered upon this war reluctantly after we had made every effort compatible with honour to avoid being drawn in, and we enterted upon it with a full realization of our sufferings, losses, disappointments, vexations, and anxieties .

But though we entered this war with no illusions as to the incidents which will mark the progress, as to the ebb and flow of fortune in this and that party of the gigantic field over which it is waged, we entered it, and entered it rightly, with the sure and strong hope and expectation of bringing it to a victorious conclusion [Т. III, The War, September 4, 1914, 2330].

Литота

Those, it seems to me, are great words which may well be our guide not only in France but in Britain, at this stage in our journey which, though encompassed by unmeasured perils, is sustained by solid confidence and not uncheered by hope [Т. VI, 6096].

I hope I am not misinterpreting the right hon. Gentleman in any way [Т. I, The Maiden Speech];

Gentleman the Colonial Secretary will leave nothing undone to bring home to those brave and unhappy men who are fighting in the field . [Т. I, The Maiden Speech].

Фонетические средства

Аллитерация

to bear the brunt of the public contention [Т. I, The Maiden Speech]; all economy of soldiers or supplies [Т. I, Army Reform]; two barrels to my blunderbuss [Т. I, Army Reform]; without the greatest alarm and apprehension [Vol. I, Army Reform]; our power and prosperity [Т. I, Army Reform]; the two principal protagonists of Protection [Т. I, The Free Trade League]; we may call these people the "Sheffield Shufflers" [loud laughter] [Т. I, The Free Trade League]; "Deepening and Darkening Danger" [Т. VI, the title, 5624]; the repeated chops and changes [Т. VI, 5624]; in strength and skill [Т. VIII, 8321]; to go on bickering and biting [Т. VIII, 8402].

Ритм

Now I come to work. All parties are agreed that the prevention of unemployment .

Lastly our homes. It is the homes that I wish to end in tonight .

Class quarrels, endless party strife, on a background of apathy, indifference and bewilderment will lead us all to ruin [Т. VIII, 7906-7907].

The world is exhausted. Europe is ruined. Our customers abroad are bankrupt and impoverished. Governments in some of the greatest nations rise and fall with bewildering rapidity. Three, four, or five times a year they change. The Ministers blow in and out of the public offices like the tide comes up and goes down the Tay. There is great instability, and Britain almost alone towers out among these countries like a great rock amid the swirling waters [Т. IV, 3299];

But I must give you a warning. Time may be short. At present there is a breathing-space. The cannon have ceased firing. The Fighting has stopped; but the dangers have not stopped. If we are to form the United States of Europe or whatever name or form it may take, we must begin now [Т. VII, 7381].

В функционально-стилистическом плане дискурсы У. Черчилля характеризуются отнесенностью к стилю публицистики, дискурсу публичной политической речи. Видимо, не является случайным то обстоятельство, что У. Черчилль интересовался журналистикой и пробовал свое перо в этой области, что, однако, никак не затмевает его деятельности как видного британского политика и искусного дипломата.

В стилистическом отношении дискурсы У. Черчилля можно считать примерами правильной и богатой стилистическими ресурсами английской политической речи XX века.

Если очевидной целью ораторского стиля речи признавать задачу убеждения слушающих, то из этого положения следует, что стиль политических дискурсов У. Черчилля вряд ли можно было бы отнести непосредственно к искусству красноречия. Тем не менее в его политических дискурсах встречаются элементы и отдельные отрывки и высказывания, которые можно, несомненно, отнести к артефактам ораторского искусства, например:

Democracy is more vindictive than Cabinets. The wars of peoples will be more terrible than those of kings.

"Why, then," it may be said." surely we must neglect nothing to make ourselves secure, Let us vote this thirty millions without more ado." If this vast expenditure on the Army were going to make us absolutely secure? Much though I hate unproductive expenditure, I would not complain. But it will do no such thing. The Secretary for War knows - none better than he - that it will not make us secure, and that if we went to war with any great Power his three army corps would scarcely serve as a vanguard.

If we are hated, they will not make us loved. They are a broken reed to trust to. If we are in danger, they will not make us safe. They are enough to irritate; they are not enough to overawe. They cannot make us invulnerable, but they may very likely make us venturesome [Т. 1, Army Reform].

We are met together at a time when great exertions and a high constancy are required from all who cherish and sustain the Liberal cause. Difficulties surround us and dangers threaten from this side and from that. Exultant enemies are gathering: weak friends are nervous or dishearted, Voices are raised in counsels, both equally unwise, of impatience or of lassitude. From such a situation you may emerge triumphant, but to do that there will have to be, in leaders and in followers, shrewd clear plans of action, true stout-hearted comradeship, and unwearying determination [Cheers] [Т. II, The Approaching Conflict].

You would naturally expect me to speak to you about the war. Indeed, what else is there in the world but the war? (Hear, hear.) And what else is there in any of our minds bur the war - the whole war and nothing but the war? That must animate all our actions. That must dominate all our arrangements. That must govern and inspire the whole of our national life [Т. III, 2492].

K. H. W^nemHbiu

Lord Curzon's statement makes it clear that there is no dispute between us on the three silent facts which I have stated.

First, that the Cabinet as a whole, including Lord Curzon, decided that a message should be sent to the Dominions informing them of the situation and inquiring whether they would participate if the need arose in measures taken to defend the Straits.

Secondly, that the sole reason why he was not consulted upon any statement to be made to the public upon the situation on September 16 was his absence from his post on grounds, not of necessity, but of personal convenience.

Thirdly, that he was party to the discussions which took place among all his principal colleagues on the question of the election ... [T. IV, 3374].

There are a few things I will venture to mention about England. They are spoken in no invidious sense. Here it would hardly occur to anyone that that the banks would close their doors against their depositors. Here no one questions the fairness of the courts of law and justice. Here no one thinks of persecuting a man on account of his religion or his race. Here everyone, except the criminals, looks on the policeman as the friend and servant of the public. Here we provide for poverty and misfortune with more compassion, in spite of all our burdens, than any other country. Here we can assert the rights of the citizen against the State, or criticize the Government of the day, without failing in our duty to the Crown or in our loyalty to the King ... [T. V, England, 5267].

Where are we now? Can anyone doubt that if we are worthy of it, as we shall be, we have in our hands our own future? As in the last war, so in this, we are moving through many reverses and defeats to complete and final victory. We have only to endure and to persevere, to conquer. Now we are no longer unarmed; we are well armed. Now we are not alone; we have mighty allies, bound irrevocably by solemn faith and common interests to stand with us in the ranks of the United Nations. There can only be one end. When it will come, or how it will come, I cannot tell. But, when we survey the overwhelming resources which are at our disposal, once they are fully marshaled and developed - as they can be, as they will be - we may stride forward into the unknown with growing confidence [T. VI, 6629-6630].

My dear friends, this is your hour. This is not victory of a party or of any class. It's a victory of the great British nation as a whole. We were the first, in this ancient island, to draw the sword against the tyranny. After a while we were left all alone against the most tremendous military power that has been seen. We were all alone for a whole year.

There we stood, alone. Did anyone want to give in? [The crowd shouted "No."] Were we down-hearted? ["No."] The lights went down and the bombs came down. But every man, woman and child in the country had no thought of quitting the struggle. London can take it. So we came back after long months from the jaws of death, out of the mouth of hell, while all the world wondered. When shall the reputation and faith of this generation of English men and women fail? I say that in the long years to come not only will the people of this island but of the world, wherever the bird of freedom chirps in human hearts, look back to what we've done and they will say "do not despair, do not yield to violence and tyranny, march straight forward and die if need be -unconquered." Now we have emerged from one deadly struggle - a terrible foe has been cast on the ground and awaits our judgment and our mercy [Т. VII, To V-E Day Crowds, May 8, 1945, 7155].

Выраженной лингвистической особенностью экспрессивного политического дискурса У. Черчилля является эволюция индивидуального речевого стиля политика в период его деятельности с 1897 по 1963 год, т. е. за 66 лет его пребывания в сфере британского политического истеблишмента: изменения в номенклатуре использования экспрессивных средств; сдвиги в частотности их употребления; раскрытие их ранее не использованного потенциала.

В связи с тем, что свои первые политические дискурсы У. Черчилль начал предъявлять начиная с конца XIX века, а первую политическую речь в английском парламенте (The Maiden Speech) он произнес 18 февраля 1901 года, стиль его речей отражает политическую культуру, общественный уклад жизни, национальные, социальные, идеологические и конфессиональные установки и предпочтения эпохи королевы Виктории и последовавшей за ней истории Соединенного Королевства, когда и в середине XX в. предпринимаются попытки исповедовать идеи и осуществлять политические цели Британской империи.

Дискурсы У. Черчилля в концептуальном отношении отражают реалии и действительность своего времени: события двух мировых войн и послевоенные устройства в Европе и повсеместно во всем мире в условиях, когда Великобритания потеряла статус великой державы.

Они характеризуют У. Черчилля как крупного деятеля английской политической сцены, искусно использующего стилистический потенциал едва ли не всех языковых уровней литературного английского

языка [1] для когнитивной реализации основных государственных идей островного государства, которые, согласно словам самого сэра Уинстона Черчилля в его воспоминаниях о Второй мировой войне, опираются на выведенные и выверенные им факторы государственной политики Великобритании [Т. VI, 6062]:

In War: Resolution.

In Defeat: Defiance.

In Victory: Magnanimity.

In Peace: Good Will.

СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ

1. Анализ дискурса и стилистика: проблемы и решения. - М. : ФГБОУ ВПО МГЛУ, 2014. - 158 с. - (Вестн. Моск. гос. лингвист. ун-та; вып. 17 (703). Сер. Языкознание).

2. Выступления У. Черчилля [Электронный ресурс]. - Режим доступа: http://www.winstonchurchill.org/resources/speeches

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