CC BY
34
УДК 273
с
и Татьяна Деббажи Баранова л
и к. и. н., доцент, Университет Париж IV Сорбонна
§ (75230, France, Paris, 1 rue Victor Cousin)
^ debbagi_baranova@yahoo.fr
§ Как говорить с народом о ереси? Первые печатные
я издания против Реформации на французском языке
£ (1520-1530)
Статья посвящена произведениям католических авторов против Мартина Лютера, изданным на французском языке в 1520-1530 гг. Католическая церковь, представленная теологическим факультетом в Париже, считала, что миряне должны оставаться вне богословских дебатов. Споры на религиозные темы могли способствовать распространению лютеранских идей или неправильной интерпретации доктрины. В то же время им нужно было подтвердить свой статус «специалистов» по интерпретации св. Писания. Богословы предпочли действовать посредством превентивной цензуры, репрессий и богословских споров на латыни. Однако это решение противоречило острой необходимости предостеречь короля, его окружение и подданных об опасности, которую представляли собой еретики. Факультет теологии санкционировал публикацию произведений, которые описывали лютеранское учение как преступление против Бога, оскорбление его матери, святых и всей церкви, и приветствовали судебные и военные действия властей против еретиков. Подобные описания позволяли читателям опознавать еретиков и осуждать их, не вдаваясь в теологическую аргументацию. К концу 1530-х гг. успех лютеранской доктрины убедил богословов Факультета теологии — таких как Жером де Анжест и Пьер Дорэ — в необходимости богословской полемики. Делясь с непосвященными теологическими аргументами, богословы представляли себя в качестве единственно законных специалистов, способных спорить с еретиками.
Ключевые слова: Лютер, лютеране, печатные издания, Парижский факультет теологии, католическая церковь, религиозная полемика, чудо, общественное мнение
Tatiana Debbagi Baranova
PhD in history, assistant professor, Paris-Sorbonne University (75230, France, Paris, 1 rue Victor Cousin) debbagi_baranova@yahoo.fr
How to speak to people about heresy? First prints against the Reformation in French (1520-1530)
This article intends to address the ways offighting against heresy in Catholic prints in French during 1520-1530s. The dominant position of the Catholic Church — formulated by the Faculty of Theology in Paris — was that the people had to be kept out of theological debate. On the one hand, the divines thought that public controversy in front of uneducated people — or even the description of the heresy — would contribute to the spread of Lutheran ideas or to the misunderstanding of the right doctrine. On the other hand, they needed to affirm their role as scholars and exclusive interpreters of Scripture. The Doctors ofthe Church wanted to limit the dissemination of heresy via preventive censorship, repression and theological controversy in Latin. However this proposal contradicted the need to warn the king, his entourage and the people ofthe danger posed by heretics. The Faculty ofTheology authorised the publication ofworks which described heresy as an offence against God, his mother, the saints, and the whole Church, and which celebrated the repressive action of the political authorities. This description made the heresy identifiable without entering into theological argumentation. Furthermore, many anonymous works — songs, stories of miracles, defamatory poetry — condemned the heretics and their protectors. The king was the first target of these writings. However, towards the end of the 1530s, the success of the Lutheran doctrine persuaded the Doctors — such as Jerome de Hangest and Pierre Doré — of the need to defend the attacks on the Church in French in order to strengthen the consciences of the faithful who were exposed to the danger of seduction in their daily lives. They tried then to share their arguments while asserting themselves as the only specialists able to lead theological reflexion.
Key words: Luther, Lutherans, Reformation, Faculty of Theology, Church authority, religious polemic, miracle, public opinion
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я On April 15, 1521, the Faculty of Theology in Paris pronounced
о a sentence that condemned Martin Luther's 104 propositions extracted
tj from his treatise De Captivitate babilonica Ecclesiae praeludium.
О This condemnation, which came after a papal bull against Luther,
л was even more urgent as De Captivitate babilonica had been printed
о in Paris a few months earlier1. Published under the title Determi-к
g natio Theologicae facultatis Parisiensis super Doctrina Lutheriana ^ hactenus per eam visa2, the condemnation was sent to the King ^ and the Parliament of Paris before being put on sale. The three ^ preserved editions3 reflect the interest of contemporaries in this ^ publication. However, the faculty did not contemplate translating ^ this text into French. Indeed, the Doctors of the Church, who had reflected on the necessity of contending with heretics, Jews or infidels since the Middle Ages, had highlighted the danger of putting such controversies in public view. To allow the opponent to speak in public, or even summarise his arguments, meant contributing to the spread of his doctrine. Thus, according to Thomas Aquinas, the 13th century theologian, the clergy should only dispute false doctrine in front of loyal believers when these were «pulled or even pushed by unbelievers». However, in the absence of an immediate threat, it was «on the contrary, perilous to dispute in front of simple people» (Aquin. Summ. theol. II—II, q. 10, art. 7)4, because summarising condemned beliefs would made them vulnerable to seduction. Therefore, the correct position was to assess the risks according to the circumstances. The priest's duty would be to warn people of the danger of heresy without giving any ground to heretics.
In 1521, Lutheran writings began to circulate in France in Latin and could only influence the Latin-speaking public. The faculty's response was therefore adapted to that threat. However, very quickly the adversary tried to change the terms of the debate. At the end of July, the rector complained to the Paris Parliament
1 Martin Luther. De captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae praeludium. S. l. [Paris], s. d. [1521], Universal Schort Title Catalogue (USTC) 184174.
2 Determinatio Theologicae facultatis Parisiensis super Doctrina Lutheriana hactenus per eam visa. Paris, 1521, USTC 145393.
3 By Antoine Bonnemere, USTC 184204 and by Enguilbert & Jean de Mar-nef, USTC 145392.
4 «Doit-on discuter en public avec les incroyants?». The translation by Antonin-Marcel Henry is used (Paris, 1985, vol. 3).
about the dissemination of several copies of the Luther Determination in the capital: «these books translated from Latin to French, and to common language» contain «numerous errors» and are «completely contrary to the Latin Determinatio made by the faculty». They are «said to be composed by Luther himself»5. By taking advantage of the Parisians' interest in publications in French, the Lutherans thus spread a misappropriation of the Determinatio. The Parliament ordered anyone who possessed this book or another Lutheran treatise, Argumentum Germanorum, to hand them over to the Registry of Parliament of Paris or incur a large fine. The booklet is not in public collections. However, 19th century scholars described two books with very similar titles which they found in private collections6. It is possible that one of them is a parody, but what about the other one? Could it be a translation the Faculty of Theology had decided to publish to counter an erroneous text? We need to find these publications in order to answer this question.
This testifies of the position of Doctors and ecclesiastical authorities in the fight against heresy. They wanted to limit its dissemination via preventive censorship, repression and controversy in Lat-in7. They disapproved of the publication of theological debates in French, fearing this would encourage the people to act as a judge
5 Arrêt du Parlement qui condamne des Livres imprimés en faveur de Luther et de ses heresies. Extrait des Registres du Parlement du 30 juillet et 1er aoust 1521 (Paris, AN (Archives Nationales). X 1A 1323. F. 310; copy in BnF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France): Ms. Fr. 22087. F. 2).
6 Determination de la faculté de théologie de Paris sur la doctrine de Luther. Ces presentes ont este faictes en lan de lincarnation de Nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ 1521 au quinziesme iour dapuril, in-4, goth, de 14 f., described by Bru-net J.-C., Manuel du libraire et de l'amateur de livres. Paris, 1861. Vol. 2. P. 659. The marquis Du Rouré de Beaumont-Brison described one Détermination de la faculté théologale de Paris sur la doctrine de Luther. Cum privilegio. Ces présentes ont été faictes en lan de lincarnation de Nostre-Seigneur Jésus-Christ mil cinq cent et an, au quinzième jour d'apvril, in-4 goth, 12 ff in Ana-lectabiblion ou Extraits critiques de divers livres rares, oubliées ou peu connus, tirés du cabinet du Mis D.R. Paris, 1836-1837. T. 1. P. 302-303.
7 Labarre A. La répression du livre hérétique en France au XVIe siècle // Le berceau du livre. Autour des incunables. Etudes et essais offerts au professeur Pierre Aquilon / Die. F. Barbier. Genève, 2004. P. 338. See also: Higman F. Censorship and the Sorbonne: A bibliographical study of books in French censured by the faculty of Theology of the University of Paris, 15201551. Genève, 1979. And the chapter «La Censure» in: Higman F. La diffusion de la Réforme en France: 1529-1565. Genève, 1992. P. 149.
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га in matters of doctrine8. The stakes were even higher as the Luther-u ans challenged the authority of the Church and clergy. In this con-tj text, the author's first reaction was to affirm his position of author-q ity. Thus Guillaume Petit, the confessor of Francis I, encouraged believers not to seek to deepen their understanding of mysteries. о In case of doubts, he wrote in 1527, you should say: «Credo Deum. л Credo sanctam Ecclesiam» and not enquire further, as this displeas-^ es God9. However, several factors led Doctors to reconsider this « position over time. Not only was it necessary to encourage the king ^ and the nobles to engage in the fight against heresy more actively, ч but they also needed to give believers ways of identifying heretical л doctrine and to prove the competence of Catholic divines who were being publicly attacked in reformers' writings.
The political factor seems to have played a crucial role. In the beginning, Francis I was not absolutely averse to the idea of an evangelical reform of the Church. He was hostile to heresy and shared the view that religious toleration was incompatible with national unity. However, he did not always agree with the definition of heresy given by the Sorbonne, especially when it contradicted the opinion of his relatives and advisers or his political interests. He pursued the heretics rather mildly and protected the evangelicals gathering around his sister, Marguerite de Navarre10. After the defeat of 1525, he also sought the support of the German Lutheran princes against the Emperor Charles V. His policy on heretics seems to have depended on political circumstances. In this context, the majority of books in French published in the 1520s ultimately aimed to persuade the king to engage more actively in repression, acting through «public» or «common» opinion. It was not, of course, a «public opinion» in the modern sense of enlightened reasoning, but in the sense of the senior pars' opinion which creates a noble's reputation and about which he must be careful. Thus, in 1521, Pierre Gromors, a sworn librarian and printer at the University, issued, with the permission of the Faculty of Theology, the edict which emperor Charles V gave
8 Higman F. Premières réponses catholiques aux écrits de la Réforme en France, 1525 - c. 1540 (1988) // Lire et découvrir: La circulation des idées au temps de la Réforme. Genève, 1998. Р. 497-514.
9 Guillaume Petit. Le viat de salut tresnecessaire et utile a tous chrestiens pour parvenir a la gloire éternelle. Troyes, 1526. F. 1, USTC 10372.
10 Knecht R. J. Francis I. Cambridge, 1984. Р. 139-145.
at Worms against Luther and his books (Fig. 1)11. The publication was supposed to encourage Francis I to follow the example of his imperial rival. Pierre Gromors reprinted the translation published in Antwerp by Nicolas de Graves. This text starts by describing Luther's «horrible doctrine» which endangers the ecclesiastical and civil
order. Luther blasphemes against the mass, saying that it does not w
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will fancy, behaving like brutes». The Lutheran doctrine is the source w
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under a monk's garment, which seeks to bring eternal death more easily §
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benefit the dead and he denies the usefulness of prayers for the souls. He also incites people to rebel against spiritual and temporal lords. He promotes a way of life in which everyone can do «whatever he
of chaos, and Luther himself isn't a man, said the emperor but, «a devil
to the human lineage»12. The edict then tells how Luther showed great stubbornness at Worms, then pronounces the act of condemnation and lays out the punishments against those who support such a doctrine or spread his works. The Doctors of the Sorbonne certainly thought that this example would inspire the king and Parliament. Indeed, the first edicts against heretical books only condemned the publishers and the vendors, and the punishment was limited to a large fine13. However, disobeying the Worms edict was considered a crime of lese-majesty (a crime against the emperor) which was punishable by confiscation of body, property or even death. Furthermore, the edict rewarded informers. The political purpose of this publication was confirmed in 1523: the text was reprinted in May of this year, when Doctors from the Faculty criticised Francis I for protecting Louis Berquin, advisor to the king who possessed several forbidden works and preached the Lutheran doctrine14. For the non-Latin speaking reader, the edict was a valuable source of information because even the Parliamentary rulings which forbade Luther's works were silent on the rebuked content for a long time. The information available
11 Charles V, [E]Dit et mandement de Charles cinquiesme de ce nom esleu empereur des Romains &c. Ordône & fait a la iournee imperiale celebree en la cite de vvormes. Lan de grace Mil cinq cens. xxi. Contre Frere Martin Luther, Cum priuilegio. [Paris], [1521], USTC 38066.
12 Charles V, [E]Dit et mandement. F. 4 v.
13 Arrêt du Parlement, ms. cit.
14 Knecht R. J. Francis I. P. 143. Edit et mandement de Charles cinquiesme de ce nom esleu empereur des Romains. S. l. [same typographical material], 1523, USTC 20829.
га was so rare that a non-specialist — such as a Parisian bourgeois who и wrote his diary under the reign of Francis I — had a rather rudimentary tj knowledge of the content of the Lutheran message; he noted, probably О in 1522, that «Martin Luther... said many things against the Pope's л power and against the Church's ordinances and ceremonies»15. He gave
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о no indication on the content of Luther's doctrine. к
g The first literary descriptions of Lutheran heresy only appeared
^ in Paris in 1524. The first writing circulated, Blason des hérétiques 2 by Pierre Gringore, was written in the context ofwhat was happening ^ in Lorraine16. The Duchy was particularly exposed to the influence ч of Lutheran preachers due to its proximity to German lands. Antoine ^ de Lorraine therefore encouraged his writers to write against heresy and to translate anti-Lutheran sermons into French17. Pierre Gringore, a former Parisian playwright and herald of the Duke, responded to that request and published his work in Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, in Lorraine, before sending it to Paris. It was well received; in December 1524, Parliament granted Philippe Le Noir, University binder, the exclusive rights to print, display and sell the work for a year. At the start of his poem, Gringore stated that his aim was to help his reader to identify heresy, which could contaminate anyone, regardless of their condition. He firstly aimed to show that God himself allowed heresy in order to try believers and make their faith firmer and more active. Lutheran doctrine wasn't new. Luther had only gathered elements of ancient heresies, already defeated. Gringore listed the verses of ancient heresies, which he had drawn from Summa de haeresibus et earum confutationibus by Guy de Perpignana, printed in Paris in 152318, putting it into common
15 Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris sous le règne de François Ier/ Ed. by L. Lalanne. Paris, 1854. P. 94.
16 Pierre Gringore. Le blazon des hérétiques. Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, Jérôme Jacobi, 1524 (no known surviving copy, see: Higman F. Piety and the People. G 39); Pierre Gringore. Le blazon des hérétiques. Paris, [1524]; the copy was destroyed but before that it had been reproduced by C. C. F. Hérisson, in: Chartres, Garnier fils, 1832, USTC 72883. Another edition is kept in the Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina in Seville: Pierre Gringore. Le blazon des hereticques. Les hereticques Lutheriens. S. l. [Lyon], s. d., USTC 53701.
17 William Monter E. A Bewitched Duchy: Lorraine and its Dukes, 14771736. Genève, 2007. Р. 39-42.
18 Guy de Perpignan. Summa de haeresibus et earum confutationibus. S. l. [Paris], 1521, USTC 145472.
language and thus making it accessible to those who did not read Latin. He then set out a summary of Luther's errors. The latter rose up against Church ceremonies and against the authority of councils and prelates. He abolished fasting and prayers to the Virgin Mary and the saints and encouraged lechery by supporting the idea of priests and monks being able to marry. By putting this information in verse, Gringore worked as a cultural mediator. He made the information, which he considered essential for a zealous Catholic, accessible and easy to memorise. He seemed to believe that the best instruction for believers — especially nobles who should fight heresy with the sword — was indispensable.
This was also the case for Nicolas Volcyr of Serouville, historiographer to the Duke of Lorraine. In 1524, he translated the sermon on charity by the preacher Thomas Illyricus, which summarises and attacks the main points of the Lutheran doctrine. The work, published in the Duchy, could not appear in France where the Doctors remained opposed to translations of theological debates19. On the other hand, they approved The triumphant and glorious victory obtained against the misled and seduced Lutheran miscreants from the land of Alsace and elsewhere by the highborn and most powerful prince Antoine... in defence of the Catholic faith, our mother the Church, and true nobility, published in 1525, first in Saint-Nicolas-De-Port and then in Paris20. It told the story of Duke Antoine's punitive expedition against rebellious peasants, which the author presented as a highly noble crusade against heresy. The book summarised the main signs of heresy — the rejection
19 Thomas Illyricus. Le sermon de charité avec les probations des erreurs de Luther / Transl. by N. Volcyr de Sérouville. Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, 1525. About this book see the article of A. Cullière: Cullière A. Le Sermon de charité de Thomas Illyricus (Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, 1525) // Le Pays lorrain. 2009. Sept. P. 211-220. F. Higman said that this book was published in Paris (Piety and the people, I 3). The only copy of this book is kept in the Philadelphia Library. A handwritten note on the title page of the book is «Paris 1525», but the last page of the book bears the typographic address of the printer Jerome Jacob (Saint-Nicolas-du-Port, Lorraine). We have no proof of it having been printed in Paris.
20 Nicolas Volcyr de Sérouville. L'histoire & recueil de la triumphante et glorieuse victoire obtenue contre les seduyctz et abusez Lutheriens mescre-ans du pays d'Ausaiys & autres par treshault et trespuissant prince & seigneur Anthoine par la grace de Dieu duc de Calabre, de Lorraine, de Bar &c. Paris, 1526, USTC 11053
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га of the Church's authority, prayers for the saints and for the dead — и and described iconoclastic acts and looting as natural manifestations tj of heresy. The work received the approval of the Doctors, no doubt О because it favoured repression without encroaching on their preroga-
л tives as theologians.
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о The French situation was complicated by the existing disagree-
g ment between the authorities over the policy to adopt in regard ^ to Lutheran heresy and especially to the evangelical movement, 2 which was formed around Marguerite de Navarre, the King's sis-^ ter, and Guillaume Bri^onnet, the Bishop of Meaux. The authors ч of the Meaux circle published their translations of biblical texts ^ and spiritual works in French. Some approached the Lutheran sensibility from their Christocentric position and focused on the role of grace in salvation. Furthermore, some preachers from the Meaux circle were aware of Luther's ideas and spread them in their writ-ings21. In the context of the Peasants War in the territories close to French borders, this abundance of more or less heterodox texts increased a fear of contagion. While the king was in captivity in Madrid, the Paris Parliament strengthened repression against Lutherans and started a lawsuit against the members of the Meaux circle. Several of them were forced into exile22. Soon after, on February 5, 1526 (1525 old style), the Paris Parliament passed a judgement, which forbade the translation of biblical texts and also provided a list of banned themes, useful for recognising heretical writings: it was forbidden to uphold doctrines which infringed the sacraments, the honour of the Virgin Mary and the saints, relics and images, the authority of councils, of the Pope or the clergy, as well as prayers for the dead and observing the fast23. It seems that this was the first official enumeration of Lutheran errors in French, even if the judgments read out before the public executions of heretics already named the elements of the crime of heresy24.
21 Reid J. A. King's sister — Queen of dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (14921549 ) and her evangelical network. Leiden, 2009. Vol. 1.
22 Reid J. A. King's sister... P. 268.
23 Les arrestz et ordonnances de la court contre Luther: les lutheriens et leurs liures: Et aultres liures deffendus: Publiés a Paris, Cum privilegio. S. l., 1525, USTC 13009.11111
24 Bourgeois of Paris reports that a young man named Guillaume Jou-bert was executed in Paris on February 1525 for having «held the doctrine
The knowledge that the inhabitants of big cities — Paris, Lyon, Rouen — had of Lutheran heresy came not so much from official texts as from preaching, rumours and anonymous writings circulating in the urban environment. The bourgeois of Paris reported, in February 1526, that «the greatest part of Meaux was infected with Luther's false doc-
trine» and a certain «Farly, prestre» preached that it wasn't necessary «
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to have images in churches, that holy water could not cleanse us of our sins and that prayers for the dead did nothing because purgatory didn't exist. The nickname «Falry» probably referred to Lefevre d'Etaples,
a humanist and translator of the Gospels, better known by his Latin w name Fabri Stapulensis25. D'Etaples was not a Lutheran, but his name b was often cited in anonymous poems alongside the names of other § preachers. Their writings presented the Meaux diocese as a main ^ centre for heresy in France and insisted on the need for an exemplary § punishment. Such was the Balade et la chanson des luthériens, pub- s lished in November, 1525 in Lyon (Fig. 2)26. The song told of the vic- ' w tory of the Duke of Lorraine and the Duke of Guise against the rebellious peasant troops near Saverne and the ransacking of the town. This victory testified to God's support, which had thus punished the heretics and church looters. The narrative also issued a threat against the heretics of Alençon and Meaux, corrupted by «Michelot» (Michel d'Arande) and «the good Martial prophet» (Martial Mazurier)27. The two preachers were effectively accused of heresy between 15241525. In the absence of the king, the poet threatens the Meaux heretics with physical extermination by convening two emblematic people to defend the Church by the sword — a judge-preacher, Guillaume Duchesne, and a noble, the Count of Guise. Guillaume Duchesne, Doctor of Theology, was one of four delegate judges appointed in August 1525 by the University and Parliament to investigate heresy28. Claude de Lorraine, Count of Guise, distinguished himself during Antoine de Lorraine's expedition against rebellious peasants29.
of Luther, and meditated on God, of Our Lady and the Saints of Paradise» (Journal d'un bourgois. P. 251).
25 Reid J. A. King's sister... P. 299.
26 La Balade des leutheriens auec la chanson. S. l. [Lyon], [1525], USTC 3823.
27 Reid J. A. King's sister... P. 297.
28 Fraikin M. J. Nonciatures de Clément VII. Paris, 1906. Vol.1. P. 430-432.
29 Bischoff G. La guerre des paysans. L'Alsace et la révolution du Bundschuh 1493-1525. La Nuée bleue-Editions de l'Est, 2010. P. 187-202.
rn Such texts — far more numerous than those which remain
a today — certainly played a major role in spreading representations tj of heresy, and also in the formation of opinions which their authors
O intended to use to put pressure on the authorities. Thus, Le cha-
^ peau des Lutheriens, published around 1529, identified Margue-
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o rite de Navarre, the King's sister, and Lefevre d'Etaples, the tutor g of the royal children, as key supporters of Luther in France30. This ^ political context is therefore decisive for understanding the intense tions of anti-Lutheran texts, which ultimately aimed less at instruct-^ ing believers, than at warning and encouraging political power, ^ whose commitment was essential to fight against heresy. ^ The anti-Lutheran writings published in these years condemn
Lutheran beliefs without entering into theological reasoning. They are described as part of a blasphemous attitude of rebellion against God's authority and against the ideal of Christian moderation. The emphasis was on the offence to the memory of the ancestors and to the honour of the saints, but above all to the honour of Mary, the mother of God and the queen of heaven, whose devotion had particularly developed since the end of the 15th century. It was a leitmotiv in almost all writings. The author of the little book Le Chappeau des Leutheriens (circa 1529) explains that Luther's main fault was that he spoke badly of Mary, mother of God, because «Jesus cannot hear evil speaking about his mother». While Luther is dying, Jesus Christ forbids her to intercede in his favour31. The Grande irrision des leutheriens de Meaux (between 1527 and 1529) explains that a Lutheran in this town deserves the death penalty for having scorned the Virgin Mary and the saints32. Another, a native of Meaux but residing in Lagny, was chastised for having said that «breaking ymages / with stones or knives / or striking with hammers / all of this is done well»33. Heretics were above all blasphemers who should be punished. It was obvious and their opinion did not deserve a debate.
30 Le chappeau des lutheriens. S. l., [1530], USTC 53635.
31 Le chappeau. F. 8.
32 La Grande irrision des Lutheriens de Meaulx, avec la presumption de deux heretiques bruslez en leur obstination. Et la punition faite à Lagni d'ung garson heretique natif de Meaulx. S. l., [1528], USTC, 53712. F 3v.
33 La Grande irrision. F. 4.
This vision of heresy as a diabolical madness contributed to the success of the narratives on miracles and omens. They made it possible to prove that the truth was on the Catholics' side, while avoiding theologians' suspicion of controversy, because there truth manifested itself34. The History by Nicolas Volcyr de Serouville is full of these marvel-
lous narratives, which should prove to its readers that the Catholics w
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were right. Thus the 500 lansquenets in the army of the Duke of Lorraine reported «that they had seen Our Lord on the tree of the cross, at the very closest to the sun, as long as a great half-hour; which
evidence does not require debate — it is clear enough that open eyes
Numerous accounts of miracles were printed in those years. I have found four prints, which were on sale in the late 1520s and I am sure that there were even more. Thus, the booklet entitled Sensuyt le miracle notable, Faict en la ville de Paris published in 152836, tells, in verse, of a miracle which occurred in Paris after an iconoclastic act committed against a statue located on the corner of the Rue aux Juifs and the rue du Roi-de-Sicile on the night of June 1, 1528. Without telling the offence, the poem begins by congratulating Francis I on having fulfilled his duty by showing his devotion during the procession dedicated to the Virgin Mary. The king took part in the expiatory procession, when the mutilated statuette was replaced by a silver one. The mutilated statue was deposited in the church of Saint-Gervais and baptised as Notre-Dame-de-la-Souffrance (Our Lady of Sufferings). On June 6, five days after the procession, she apparently revived a stillborn child who could then be baptized. The poem — probably a song — celebrates the defeat of the Lutherans due to the union of the political community and to the striking manifestation of divine truth. Thus, the king, who was a «humble servant / to the gentle Virgin Mary», was followed by the princes, the Parliament court, and the bulk
34 For the use of miracle stories in the polemic against Protestants, see: Balzamo N. Les Miracles dans la France du XVIe siècle. Métamorphoses du surnaturel. Paris, 2014.
35 For the analysis of divine signs in Serrouville's work see: Crouzet D. Dieu en ses Royaumes. Une histoire des guerres de Religion. Seyssel, 2008. P. 297-299.
36 Le miracle notable faict en la ville de Paris. S. l., [1529], USTC 84558.
§ of the people. The mother of God then showed her benevolence
o by begging her son to breathe life into a stillborn child, not in front
tj of the Notre-Dame-des-Vertus and the Notre-Dame-de-Lorette
O statues, where the body was carried at first, but when it was in front
^ of the statue of Notre-Dame-de-Souffrance, in order to better con-
PQ
o found the heretics who persisted in believing that the representa-
g tions of the saints could not produce miracles. The poet highlights
^ the presence of many worthy witnesses — church people, mer-
2 chants and the Paris bourgeois — who were thus able to ascertain
^ the miraculous power of images. The story does not stop there,
^ because, some months later, a new booklet celebrated further resurta ' '
^ rections in front of the broken statue37. This poem is quite typical of anti-Lutheran narratives of the time — the content of the heretical beliefs is not addressed while the emphasis is on the duty of the king and on the miraculous manifestation of God's support of his faithful. Indeed, accounts of miracles are archetypes of power relationships in the Catholic universe. Thus, according to this little booklet which also recounts the miracle that took place in the town of Norden in 1529, it was indeed a priest who corrected a young, pregnant woman singing a hymn in favour of Luther, since the defence of the Church belonged to the clergy first38. But it was God who punished her when her child was born with its head, feet and hands turned upside down, thus making God's disapproval clear (Fig. 3). And the whole population ofbeliev-ers in the town were called to witness, because the young woman was chained to the entrance of the cathedral with her child to serve as proof of the diabolical character of heresy.
This type of militant writing seemed to be encouraged by the Doctors. On the other hand, they jealously watched the laity who, under pretext of defending the Church, encroached on the prerogatives of theologians in their writings. It was this necessity to defend the authority and reputation of the clergy which ultimately prompted them to publish in French. In 1530, an anonymous Doctor from
37 Aultres nouveaulx miracles de nostre dame de souffrance. S. l., s. d., USTC 53747.
38 Le Grant Miracle dernierement advenu par la voulente de dieu en la ville de Norden au pays de frise, en Allemaigne. A la confusion de lheresie de Martin Leuther. S. l., [1529-1530]. This copy was auctioned on 26 February 2014 at the hotel Drouot. Another copy, in the form of a placard, dated 1544, is kept at the Staatsbibliothek of Berlin.
the Sorbonne published the Apologie pour la foy chrétienne to oppose the book written by Georges d'Hallewijin, humanist and friend of Erasmus, which was printed in French, against Luther. But Hallewijn, in his refutation, was disrespectful toward the ecclesiastics. His book, which is lost today, had to be publicly
refuted in order to defend the Church's reputation. This was w
t
made and brought rightly to reject mistakes and heresies»39 but they w
a
skills was also the objective of Jerome de Hangest's The assured way § in controversy, published in 153640, after the Affair of the Placards.
the main objective of the Apologie. Its author, by demonstrating the errors of Hallewijn's arguments, thus showed his competence in the controversy. He asserted that theological disputes «have been
were to be reserved for theologians. The demonstration of Doctors'
This name refers to two incidents that took place in October 1534 and January 1535, when very aggressive posters and books against the mass, supporting the Zwinglian position and written by Antoine de Marcourt, were displayed in public places in Paris and in some other cities41. This case and the subsequent investigation showed the wide dissemination of new ideas among all social groups. Heretics could then approach anyone. While the royal power was definitely committed to repression, Jerome de Hangest, theologian, Doctor of the Sorbonne and vicar general of Le Mans, published his first book in French in order to oppose Antoine de Marcourt's attacks42. A year later, he issued the second treaty, The assured way in controversy which was to refute all Lutheran errors (Fig.4). In this book, he addressed an audience of nobles. To better refute Lutheran ideas, he supported his arguments with biblical passages, quoting them in Latin and translating them into French, commenting and referencing them in the margins. This device demonstrated the author-theologian's
39 Apologie pour la foy chrestienne. Paris, 1531 [1532 new style], USTC 16120. F. 18v°.
40 Jérôme de Hangest. En controtrouersie voye seure, Auec priuilege du Roy & permission de la faculte de Theologie. Paris, 1536 (1537 n. s.), USTC 3825.
41 On October 1534, the placards were displayed in Rouen, Blois, Orleans, Tours, Amboise. See: Elwood C. The body broken: The Calvinist doctrine of the Eucharist and the symbolization of power in Sixteenth-century France. New York; Oxford, 1999. P. 27-32.
42 Jérôme de Hangest. Contre les tenebrions Lumiere euangelicque. Paris, 1534 [n. s. 1535], USTC 6968.
m scholarly skills and indicated to the reader that he was a Bible scholar.
o While De Hangest accepted enlightening his lay readers on the main
tj points of controversy in order to confirm them in their faith, he
O strongly advised them not to use this knowledge to try to confuse
^ heretics. They should avoid heretics and send anyone who doubted
CQ
o the faith to the priest. For the lack of a thorough knowledge of scripts ture could be detrimental even to a zealous Catholic; when pressed by ^ a heretic, he may begin to doubt his faith, to sow doubt in his entou-2 rage, or to comfort the heretic in his pride43. This task should be left ^ for specialists like himself.
^ At the end of the 1530s, the Doctors of the Sorbonne arrived
^ at the conclusion that the publication of works in French could be useful for reinforcing their authority and persuading readers of their skills in the face of Lutheran authors. But the relationship with the controversy remained ambiguous for a long time because of their refusal to give a voice to the adversary. Thus, Pierre Doré (1500-1559), another divine from the Sorbonne, who began to write in French on theological subjects in order to instruct believers in the late 1530s, preferred to ignore the adversary and to carry out his attacks implicitly. In 1538, when he tried to refute Megan-der's Zwinglian catechism, he created a dialogue that addressed and explained the same sacred texts, but from the Catholic point of view, without referring to the writing he was fighting44. However, he took care to base his arguments on the Bible only, as his adversaries recognized its authority. His work was therefore used by priests or by laymen as a useful repository of arguments to fight against heretics.
In the 1520s and the beginning of the 1530s, the circulation of information on heresy was therefore subject to many constraints. While the political authorities and the people, i.e. the non-specialist audience, had to be warned of the danger, the fear of giving a voice to the adversary or of encouraging independent reflection on theological subjects created an obstacle. The Doctors' attitudes
43 Jérôme de Hangest. En controtrouersie. F. 10-11v.
44 Pierre Doré. Le dialogue instructoire des chrestiens en la foy, esperance et amour en Dieu. Paris, 1538, USTC 66244. About this refutation see: Hig-man F. La réfutation par Pierre Doré du catéchisme de Megander // Aux origines du catéchisme en France. Paris, 1989. P. 63.
were therefore defensive and characterised by their great caution. In general, in these years, Lutheran «heresy» was rarely described. If it was necessary to list some of distinctive traits so as to be able to identify the wrong doctrine, it was particularly necessary to emphasise its offensive and seditious nature. It was vital to make
t
it clear that God supported his Church, without mobilising rational w
t
The authors probably believed in the possibility of influencing their w
a
our of the public. However, towards the end of the 1530s, the suc- §
H
arguments, hence the success of miracle accounts and defamatory poetry. The king and the nobles, that is to say those who had the power to act in society, were the first targets of these writings.
policies towards greater severity in repression by using the clam-
cess of the Lutheran doctrine persuaded the Doctors of the need to defend the attacks on the Church publicly. They now admitted the necessity of strengthening the consciences of their believers with arguments that would enable them to resist temptation, which was more and more present in daily life. But this change of attitude did not mean the renunciation of their authority. On the contrary, the French-language prints became, for the Divines, a tool for asserting their position as specialists, which was indispensable in the struggle against heresy.
Источники И ЛИТЕРАТУРА
1. Anonymous. Apologie pour la foy chrestienne. — Paris: Geoffroy Tory, 1531-1532 new style. — 36 f.
2. Anonymous. Aultres nouveaulx miracles de nostre dame de souffrance. — S. l.: S. n., [1530]. — 4 f.
3. Anonymous. Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris sous le règne de François 1er / Éd. L. Lalanne. — Paris: Jules Renouard, 1854. — 512 p.
4. Anonymous. La Balade des leutheriens auec la chanson. — S. l. [Lyon]: [Jacques Moderne], [1525]. — 4 f.
5. Anonymous. La Grande irrision des Lutheriens de Meaulx, avec la presumption de deux heretiques bruslez en leur obstination. Et la punition faite à Lagni d'ung garson heretique natif de Meaulx. — S. l.: [1528]. — 4 f.
6. Anonymous. Le chappeau des lutheriens. — S. l.: S. n., n. d. (1530). — 16 ff.
7. Anonymous. Le Grant Miracle dernierement advenu par la voulente de dieu en la ville de Norden au pays de frise, en Allemaigne.
m A la confusion de lheresie de Martin Leuther. S. l.: n. d., 1529-1530. — S 4 ff.
^ 8. Anonymous. Le Grant Miracle dernierement advenu par
m la voulente de dieu en la ville de Norden au pays de Frise, en Allemaigne. A la confusion de lheresie de Martin Leuther. — S. l.: S. n., 1544. — 1 f.
9. Anonymous. Le miracle notable faict en la ville de Paris. — O S. l.: S. n., [1529]. — 4 f.
10. Balzamo N. Les Miracles dans la France du XVIe siècle. ^ Métamorphoses du surnaturel. — Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2014. — t* 528 p.
® 11. Bischoff G. La guerre des paysans. L'Alsace et la révolution
S du Bundschuh, 1493-1525. — Strasbourg: La Nuée bleue-Editions h de l'Est, 2010. — 496 p.
12. Brunet J.-C. Manuel du libraire et de l'amateur de livres. — T. 1. Paris: Firmin Didot frères, 1861. — 768 p.
13. Charles V. [E]Dit et mandement de Charles cinquiesme de ce nom esleu empereur des Romains &c. Ordonne & fait a la iournee imperiale celebree en la cite de vvormes. Lan de grace Mil cinq cens. xxi. Contre Frere Martin Luther, Cum priuilegio. — [Paris]: P. G. [Pierre Gromors], s. d. [1521]. — 10 f.
14. Charles V, emperor. Edit et mandement de Charles cinquiesme de ce nom esleu empereur des Romains. — [Paris]: S. n., 1523. — 10 f.
15. Crouzet D. Dieu en ses Royaumes. Une histoire des guerres de Religion. — Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2008. — 537 p.
16. Cullière A. Le Sermon de charité de Thomas Illyricus (Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, 1525) // Le Pays lorrain. 2009. Sept. P. 211-220.
17. Du Rouré de Beaumont-Brison, marquis of. Analectabiblion ou Extraits critiques de divers livres rares, oubliées ou peu connus, tirés du cabinet du Mis D.R. — T. 1. Paris: J. Techener, 1837. — 485 p.
18. Faculty of theology of the Sorbonne. Determinatio Theologicae facultatis Parisiensis super Doctrina Lutheriana hactenus per eam visa. — [Paris]: Josse Bade, 1521. — 16 f.
19. Faculty of theology of the Sorbonne. Determinatio Theologicae facultatis Parisiensis super Doctrina Lutheriana hactenus per eam visa. — Paris: Antoine Bonnemère, 1521. — 16 f.
20. Faculty of theology of the Sorbonne. Determinatio Theologicae facultatis Parisiensis super Doctrina Lutheriana hactenus per eam visa. — Paris: Enguilbert & Jean de Marnef, 1521. — 16 f.
21. Fraikin M.J. Nonciatures de Clément VII. T. 1. — Paris: Picard, 1906. — 538 p.
22. Guillaume Petit. Le viat de salut tresnecessaire et utile a tous chrestiens pour parvenir a la gloire éternelle. — Troyes: Jean Le Coq, 1526. — 48 f.
23. Guy de Perpignan. Summa de haeresibus et earum ^ confutationibus. — Paris: Josse Bade, 1521. — 76 p. o
24. Higman F. Censorship and the Sorbonne: A bibliographical study of books in french censured by the Faculty of theology 0 of the University of Paris, 1520-1551. — Genève: Droz, 1979. — 58 f. p
25. Higman F. La diffusion de la Réforme en France: 1529-1565. — a Genève: Labor et Fides, 1992. — 277 p. «
26. Higman F. La réfutation par Pierre Doré du catéchisme o de Megander // Aux origines du catéchisme en France. Paris: Desclée, e 1989. P. 55-66. o
27. Higman F. Premières réponses catholiques aux écrits i de la Réforme en France, 1525 - c. 1540 (1988) // Lire et découvrir: a la circulation des idées au temps de la Réforme. Genève: Droz, 1998. 0 P. 497-514. u
28. Jerosme de Hangest, Contre les tenebrions Lumiere a euangelicque. — Paris: Jean Petit, 1534 [n. s. 1535]. — 60 f. r
29. Jerosme de Hangest. En controuersie voye seure, Auec s priuilege du Roy & permission de la faculte de Theologie. — Paris: Jean ? Petit, 1536 [1537 n. s.]. — 36 f.
30. Knecht R. J. Francis I. — Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. — 495 p.
31. Labarre A. La répression du livre hérétique en France au XVIe siècle // F. Barbier. Le berceau du livre. Autour des incunables. Etudes et essais offerts au professeur Pierre Aquilon. Genève: Droz, 2004. P. 335-360.
32. Martin Luther. De captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae praeludium. — [Paris]: [Jean II du Pré], [1521]. — 40 f.
33. Nicolas Volcyr de Sérouville. L'histoire & recueil de la triumphante et glorieuse victoire obtenue contre les seduyctz et abusez Lutheriens mescreans du pays d'Ausaiys & autres par treshault et trespuissant prince & seigneur Anthoine par la grace de Dieu duc de Calabre, de Lorraine, de Bar &c. — Paris: Gailloit du Pré, 1526. — 58 f.
34. Parlement de Paris. Les arrestz et ordonnances de la court contre Luther: Les lutheriens et leurs liures: Et aultres liures deffendus: publiés à Paris, Cum privilegio. — [Paris]: S. n., 1525 [1526 n.s.]. — 4 f.
35. Pierre Doré. Le dialogue instructoire des chrestiens en la foy, esperance et amour en Dieu. — Paris: J. Real, 1538. — 4 f.
36. Pierre Gringore. Le blazon des heretiques. — Saint-Nicolas-de-Port: Jérôme Jacobi, 1524. — 25 f.
37. Pierre Gringore. Le blazon des heretiques / Reprod. by C. C. F. Hérisson. Paris: Philippe Le Noir, n.d. (1524). — Chartres, Garnier fils, 1832. — 25 f.
38. [Pierre Gringore]. Le blazon des hereticques. Les hereticques Lutheriens. — [Lyon?]: [Jacques Moderne], s. d. [vers 1530]. — 37 f.
39. Reid J. A. King's sister — Queen of Dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549 ) and her evangelical network. — Vol.1. Leiden: Brill, 2009.— 819 p.
40. Thomas Aquinas. Somme théologique / Trans. by H. Antonin-Marcel. — Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1985. T. 3. — 1170 p.
41. Thomas llyricus. Le sermon de charité avec les probations des erreurs de Luther / Tran. by N. Volcyr de Sérouville. — Saint-Nicolas-du-Port: Jérome Jacobi, 1525. — 20 f.
42. William Monter A. A bewitched Duchy: Lorraine and its Dukes, 1477-1736. — Genève: Droz, 2007. — 176 p.
Неопубликованные источники
AN (Archives Nationales)
X 1A 1323. F. 1-2: Parlement of Paris (unpublished). Arrêt du Parlement qui condamne des Livres imprimés en faveur de Luther et de ses heresies. Extrait des Registres du Parlement du 30 juillet et 1er aoust 1521.
BnF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France)
Ms. fr. 22087. F. 1-2: Parlement of Paris (unpublished). Arrêt du Parlement qui condamne des Livres imprimés en faveur de Luther et de ses heresies. Extrait des Registres du Parlement du 30 juillet et 1er aoust 1521.
References
1. Anonymous (1531) Apologie pour la foy chrestienne, Paris, Geoffroy Tory, 1531 [1532 n. s.], USTC 16120, 36 f.
2. Anonymous (around 1530) Aultres nouveaulx miracles de nostre dame de souffrance, S. l.: s. n., s. d, USTC 53747, 4 f.
3. Anonymous (1525) La Balade des leutheriens auec la chanson, S. l.: Lyon, Jacques Moderne, USTC 3823, 4 f.
4. Anonymous (around 1528) La Grande irrision des Lutheriens de Meaulx, avec la presumption de deux heretiques bruslez en leur obstination. Et la punition faite à Lagni d'ung garson heretique natif de Meaulx, S. l.: s. n., USTC 53712, 4 f.
5. Anonymous (around 1530) Le chappeau des lutheriens, S. l.: s. n., USTC 53635, 16 f.
6. Anonymous (1529) Le Grant Miracle dernierement advenu par la voulente de dieu en la ville de Norden au pays de frise, en Allemaigne. A la confusion de lheresie de Martin Leuther, S. l.: s. n., UCTC 73254, 4 f.
7. Anonymous (1544) Le Grant Miracle dernierement advenu par la voulente de dieu en la ville de Norden au pays de Frise, en Allemaigne. A la confusion de lheresie de Martin Leuther, S. l.: S. n., 1 f.
О m
H
с
H ^
и О
л m О
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л
н
H «
S
s
H Л
m
H
8. Anonymous (1529) Le miracle notable faict en la ville de Paris S. l.: S. n., USTC 84558, 4 f. 0
9. Antonin-Marcel H. (1985) Thomas Aquinas, Somme théologique, Paris: Éditions du Cerf, t. 3, 1170 p. 0
10. Balzamo N. (2014) Les Miracles dans la France du XVIe siècle. p Métamorphoses du surnaturel, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 528 p. a
11. BischoffG (2010) La guerre despaysans. L'Alsace et la révolution « du Bundschuh 1493-1525, Strasbourg:La Nuée bleue-Editions de l'Est, 0 496 p.
12. Brunet J.-C. (1861) Manuel du libraire et de l'amateur de livres,
Paris: Firmin Didot frères, 768 p. i
13. Charles V (1521) [E]Dit et mandement de Charles cinquiesme a de ce nom esleu empereur des Romains &c. Ordone & fait a la iournee 0 imperiale celebree en la cite de vvormes. Lan de grace Mil cinq cens. xxi. t Contre Frere Martin Luther, Cum priuilegio, S. l. [Paris]: P. G. [Pierre a Gromors], USTC 38066, 10 f. R
14. Charles V, emperor (1523) Edit et mandement de Charles s cinquiesme de ce nom esleu empereur des Romains, S. l. [Paris], USTC ? 20829, 10 f.
15. Crouzet D (2008) Dieu en ses Royaumes. Une histoire des guerres de Religion, Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 537 p.
16. Cullière A. (2009) Le Sermon de charité de Thomas Illyricus (Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, 1525), Le Pays lorrain, sept., pp. 211-220.
17. Doré P. (1538) Le dialogue instructoire des chrestiens en la foy, esperance et amour en Dieu, Paris: J. Real, USTC 66244, 4 f.
18. Faculty of Theology of the Sorbonne (1521) Determinatio Theologicae facultatis Parisiensis super Doctrina Lutheriana hactenus per eam visa, Paris: [Josse Bade], USTC 145393; Paris: Antoine Bonnemère, USTC 184204; Paris: Enguilbert & Jean de Marnef, USTC 145392, 16 f.
19. Fraikin M. J. (1906) Nonciatures de Clément VII, Paris: Picard, 1906, vol. 2, 538 p.
20. Gringore P. (1524), Hérisson C. C. F. (1832) Le blazon des hérétiques, Paris: Philippe Le Noir, Chartres, Garnier fils, USTC 72883.
21. Gringore P. (1530 ?) Le blazon des hereticques. Les hereticques Lutheriens, Lyon: s. d. [1530], USTC 53701 (no known copy)
22. Hangest J., de (1534) Contre les tenebrions Lumiere euangelicque, Paris: Jean Petit, USTC 6968, 60 f.
23. Hangest J., de (1536) En controtrouersie voye seure, Auec priuilege du Roy & permission de la faculte de Theologie, Paris: Jean Petit, USTC 3825, 36 f.
pq 24. Higman F. (1979) Censorship and the Sorbonne: A bibliographical
u study of books in french censured by the faculty of theology of the University ^ of Paris: 1520-1551, Genève, Droz, 118 f.
m 25. Higman F. (1992) La diffusion de la Réforme en France: 1529-
1565, Genève, Labor et Fides, 277 p.
26. Higman F. (1989) La réfutation par Pierre Doré du catéchisme ° de Megander, Aux origines du catéchisme en France, Paris: Desclée, g pp. 55-66.
^ 27. Higman F (1998) Premières réponses catholiques aux écrits
de la Réforme en France, 1525 - c. 1540 (1988), Lire et découvrir: ® la circulation des idées au temps de la Réforme, Genève: Droz, 1998, ES pp. 497-514.
w 28. llyricus T. (1525) Le sermon de charité avec les probations
des erreurs de Luther (transl. by N. Volcyr de Sérouville), Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, Jérome Jacobi, 20 f.
29. Lalanne L. (1854) Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris sous le règne de François 1er, Paris: Jules Renouard, 512 p.
30. Knecht R. J. (1984) Francis I, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 495 p.
31. Labarre A. (2004) La répression du livre hérétique en France au XVIe siècle, Le berceau du livre. Autour des incunables. Etudes et essais offerts au professeur Pierre Aquilon (dir. F. Barbier), Genève: Droz, pp. 335-360.
32. Luther M. (1521) De captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae praeludium, [Paris: Jean II du Pré, 1521], USTC 184174, 40 f.
33. Monter W. A. (2007) A bewitched duchy: Lorraine and its dukes, 1477-1736, Genève: Droz, 176 p.
34. Parlement de Paris (1525) Les arrestz et ordonnances de la court contre Luther: les lutheriens et leurs liures: et aultres liures deffendus: publiés à Paris: Cum privilegio, S. l.: s. n., 1525 [1526 n. s.], USTC 13009, 4 f.
35. Petit G. (1526) Le viat de salut tresnecessaire et utile a tous chrestiens pour parvenir a la gloire éternelle, Troyes, Jean Le Coq, t. 1, USTC 10372, 48 f.
36. Reid J. A, King's sister — queen of dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549 ) and her evangelical network, Brill, 2009, t. 1, 819 p.
37. Techener J. (1837) Du Rouré de Beaumont-Brison, marquis of (1836-1837) Analectabiblion ou Extraits critiques de divers livres rares, oubliées ou peu connus, tirés du cabinet du Mis D.R., Paris: J. Techener, t. 1, 485 p.
38. Volcyr de Sérouville N. (1526) L'histoire & recueil de la triumphante et glorieuse victoire obtenue contre les seduyctz et abusez Lutheriens mescreans du pays d'Ausaiys & autres par treshault et trespuissant prince & seigneur Anthoine par la grace de Dieu duc
de Calabre, de Lorraine, de Bar &c., Paris: Gailloit du Pré, 1526, USTC _
11053, 78 f. o
W
Archival materials t
o
AN (Archives Nationales) s
X 1A 1323. F. 1-2: Parlement of Paris (unpublished). Arrêt a
du Parlement qui condamne des Livres imprimés en faveur de Luther W
et de ses heresies. Extrait des Registres du Parlement du 30 juillet et 1er °
aoust 1521. e
BnF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France p
Ms. fr. 22087. F. 1-2: Parlement of Paris (unpublished). Arrêt E
du Parlement qui condamne des Livres imprimés en faveur de Luther A et de ses heresies. Extrait des Registres du Parlement du 30 juillet
et 1er aoust 1521. t
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Fig. 1. First print in French that describes the content of the Lutheran doctrine
Source: Edit et mandement de Charles cinquiesme de ce nom esleu empereur des Romains &c. Ordonne & fait a la iournee imperiale celebree en la cite de Woermes, Paris, Pierre Gromors, s. d. [1521]. Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève (Paris, France)
Fig. 2. Story of the miracle happened in the city of Norden, 1529 Source: Le Grant Miracle dernierement advenu par la voulente de dieu en la ville de Norden au pays de frise, en Allemaigne. A la confusion de lheresie de Martin Leuther, S.l.n.d.,1529-1530. Private collection
BbmyCR VI
o ffl
H
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Fig. 3. A pamphlet containing a ballad and a song against the Lutherans, 1529
Source: La balade des leutheriens auec sa chanson. S. l., s. d. [1529] Bibliothèque de la société du protestatisme français, Paris, France.
Fig. 4. One of the first arguments against Lutheran doctrine in French
Source: Jerosme de Hangest. En controuersie voye seure, Auec priuilege du Roy & permission de la faculte de Theologie. Paris: Jean Petit, 1536 (1537 n. s.).
Bibliothèque Mazarine, Paris (France).
