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Copyright © 2021 by Academic Publishing House Researcher s.r.o.
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Published in the Slovak Republic Media Education (Mediaobrazovanie) Has been issued since 2005 ISSN 1994-4160 E-ISSN 2729-8132 2021. 17(2): 277-289
DOI: 10.13187/me.2021.2.277 www.ejournal53.com
Jacinda Ardern Framed as an Icon of Peace and Anti-Racist in the Muslim World Press
Rashid Ali Khuhro a , *, Bashir Memon a, Syeda Mannum Zehra Abedi a a University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan
Abstract
The Christchurch attack on March 15, 2019, on two mosques by a white supremacist is marked as a lethal incident in the history of New Zealand. In this deadly attack, at least 50 Muslims were killed and more than 50 got fatal injuries. The oddity found in this attack was that both the shootings, one on mosque Al Noor and the other on Linwood Islamic Centre, were broadcast live on Facebook. Though, the incident sparked a wave of anger throughout the Muslim world. However, that Jacinda Arden the Prime Minister of New Zealand stood in front and showed sympathy with Muslims by assuring them justice. In this way, the primary purpose of this study was to examine the representation and framing of Jacinda Ardern in post-Christchurch attack press coverage in the Muslim country newspapers. The study found that most of the stories related to Jacinda Ardern are found in Daily Dawn Pakistan, New Straits Times of Malaysia, and in the UAE's leading newspaper Khaleej Times. However, the Tehran Times of Iran has given less coverage to Jacinda. Further, findings of the framing of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim world press after Christchurch's attack showed most of the stories published in the four newspapers have and have framed her neutral and positive. Besides, frames like the icon of peace, anti-racist, Jacindamania, comparison of JA, and anti-Islamophobia are represented higher and paragon of leadership and redefining leadership are framed lowest in the Muslim world press.
Keywords: Christchurch attack, Jacinda Arden, framing, Muslim World Press.
1. Introduction
The Christchurch attack on March 15, 2019, during Friday prayers on two mosques by a white supremacist, is marked as a lethal incident in the history of New Zealand. In this deadly terrorist attack on Al Noor Mosque and Linwood Islamic Centre, at least 50 Muslims were killed and more than 50 got fatal injuries. Nevertheless, it was odd that the killer broadcast both shootings on Facebook by introducing himself and showing him driving to a mosque, entering the mosque, and shooting people randomly who were present there.
The attack occurred during Friday prayers on Al-Noor mosque at Christchurch at about 1.30 pm local time. A video made by the gunman himself, shows him pulling up in a car, taking a gun, and walking through the main gates and front door. In the continuous attack, the attacker returned to the car to re-arm himself during the attack, which lasted about 15 minutes. As a result, 41 people were killed on the spot and later the number exceeded 50. The injured persons were taken towards a nearby city hospital. Shortly after a couple of minutes at 2 pm, the second attack
* Corresponding author
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (R.A. Khuhro)
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took place at the Islamic Linwood mosque which was 6 km away from the Al-Noor mosque, and seven more people were shot dead in the second attack.
In a few moments, the video of the incident was shared on social networking sites. However, the incident sparked a wave of anger throughout the Muslim world. Though, the world leaders and the common people around the world started condemning this coward act. Nonetheless, it could be an act to bring a bad name to New Zealand which is considered one of the peaceful nations. Thus, in short, Jacinda Arden, the Prime Minister of New Zealand came forward. She condemned the attacks and called them terrorist acts. In a clear message of sympathy with the Muslims, she assured them to bring the culprit to the court of law.
Jacinda Kate Laurell Ardern (born 26 July 1980) is New Zealand's 40th incumbent Prime Minister since 26 October 2017. Ardern is New Zealand's third female prime minister. She is also a member of the Council of Women World Leaders. At age 37, since Edward Stafford (1856) she is the youngest one to become New Zealand's head of government. No leader can prepare for a moment like this, but she stood with her nation to overcome this tragedy. That is why Jacinda Ardern's attitude after Christchurch's attack has been admired across the world. Jacinda Ardern managed to maintain national unity, which was a challenge, but she created a platform of trust from where she could deliver meaningful change. In such a backdrop the primary purpose of this study is to examine the post-Christchurch attack representation and framing of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim world press.
It has been seen vastly that Western societies are gripped to a great extent under the Islamophobia after the US 9/11 attack (Nimer, 2007). Islamophobia is regarded as an exaggerated fear, hatred, and hostility toward Islam and Muslims (Amiri et al., 2015). Most of the western leaders used it as a political weapon to win elections. Donald Trump also used Islamophobia as a tool in his speeches during the 2016 presidential election campaign (Khan et al., 2019).
However, there are a few leaders who ignore this sentiment. Like after attacks on places of worship and Muslims Prime Minister of New Zealand Jacinda Ardern, President of France Emmanuel Macron, and Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau did so.
The Strasbourg attack in France on 11 Dec 2018 at Christkindelsmarik (Christmas market) was done by a Muslim-converted shooter who had an allegiance with a terrorist organization (Nesser, 2019). President Macron tried to manage the situation by calming the protestors but failed to do so. Instead, they demanded his resignation. Like the Christchurch attack in the Quebec City mosque shooting in Canada done by a far-right, white nationalist and Anti-Islamic shooter killed six France based Muslims (Mahrouse, 2018). Trudeau over this incident expressed condolences and denounced the attack.
Both the heads of governments of France and Canada spoke in favor of their citizens and denounced xenophobic, racist, and Islamophobic attacks done all over the world. Politicians tried to maintain law and control but hardly handled this in an impactful manner. Against it, however, New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern became prominent all around the world in the aftermath of Christchurch's attack. Media around the globe kept an eye on Jacinda's stance. However, her stance was clear and appreciable which was to stand for humanity. Jacinda finely handled this matter of concern which ultimately presented her as a leader of time who worked on the principle of egalitarianism. Since it has been stated that very few western leaders have Anti-Islamic beliefs and thoughts and came forward denouncing Islamophobia and racist ideologies. This study aims to fulfill the research gap and was conducted to examine the media portrayal of Jacinda Arden in the Muslim World Press after the Christchurch attack. That is further to know either she is portrayed positively or negatively. In this context, the researchers have developed research objectives RO(i) is "To determine coverage patterns about Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim World Press after the Christchurch attack." Following it, research question RQ(i) What are the coverage patterns of Muslim World Press about Jacinda Ardern after Christchurch's attack? Further, the RO (ii) is "To examine the News frames of Muslim World Press about Jacinda Ardern after the Christchurch attack." Following it, RQ (ii) is "How did Muslim World Press frame Jacinda Ardern after the Christchurch attack?"
2. Materials and methods
This research was conducted under a quantitative content analysis methodology that chooses news, literature, and studies specifically reported on New Zealand's Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern after the Christchurch terror attack. The quantitative approach aims to inquire about a social
problem, interpret phenomena by gathering numerical data that are analyzed using mathematical methods (Aliaga, Gunderson, 2002). The content analysis is used to analyze communication in a systematic, objective, quantitative manner to measure variables. Other research studies conducted on leadership framing patterns around the world also learned intensively to bring out the best of this framing analysis (Krippendorff , 2013).
News, reports, and other write-ups such as articles, features, editorials, etc. regarding Jacinda Ardern, the Prime Minister of New Zealand have been picked out from different newspapers of Muslim states to analyze her image development in Muslim countries. Khaleej Times newspaper from Saudi Arabia has been chosen due to the kingdom's influence on state and press and its functionality under the authoritarian government. Tehran Times has been taken from Iran as it also follows rigid Islamic ideology in governance and press. Whereas the rest of the two newspapers are Daily Dawn and News Strait Times from the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and Malaysia respectively. This population of newspapers had been carried out because of their higher circulation and credibility among the masses.
A purposive sampling technique was used to study the subject, as it opts out deliberately a specific and subject, element, or person among the whole population. The purposive sampling chooses members with a purpose to represent a location or type about the criterion (Ritchie et al., 2003).
The coding sheet was set to determine the subject's representation in Islamic states' Press. There were seven categories enlisted in the sheet which starts from newspaper name, type of story, byline, visuals, headline type, tone of the story and the last was framing which is subdivided into thirteen frames that were obtained in data collection and analyzed later.
For the topic under study four newspapers Daily Dawn from Pakistan, Daily News Straits Times from Malaysia, Daily Khaleej Times from Saudi Arabia, and Daily Tehran Times from Iran were chosen to find a representation of New Zealand's Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern's post-Christchurch terror attack. The coding sheet was first set for this framing analysis.
The data were analyzed through the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 25. After the collection of data, the researcher entered data into SPSS software. That was then analyzed descriptively, and the findings were presented in tables.
3. Discussion
Christchurch Attack
The Christchurch mosque shootings were two consecutive terrorist attacks at mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, during Friday Prayers on 15 March 2019. The Al Noor Mosque which was attacked first is in the suburb of Riccarton, and second, was the Linwood Islamic Centre. The number of people killed in Friday's massacre was 50 and 50 injured when a gunman, Australian native Brenton Harrison Tarrant, opened fire inside a pair of mosques at Christchurch (Sullivan-Halpern, 2021). He broadcast live stream footage on Facebook introducing him and showing him driving to a mosque, entering, and shooting randomly at people there. New Zealand history marks Friday's terror attack as one of the deadliest in the country (Sehar et al., 2021).
New Zealand is often regarded as a safe country and has a relatively low level of homicide. Since the Raurimu massacre in 1997 these attacks were the first mass shooting in New Zealand. The 1990 Aramoana massacre, in which 13 people died was the prior deadliest public mass shooting (Fakhrurroja et al., 2019). Experts have opinioned that far-right extremism has been growing in New Zealand in recent years; however, it has been seen that the country is rarely associated with the extreme right. Australia, where the alleged shooter belonged, has also seen a recent increase in xenophobia, racism, and Islamophobia.
Al Noor Mosque
The cruelest attack in the history of New Zealand occurred during Friday prayers was on Al-Noor mosque at Christchurch at about 1.30 pm local time on 15 March 2019. A video made by the gunman shows him pulling up in a car, taking a gun, and walking through the main gates and front door. Then he returned to the car to re-arm himself during the attack, which lasted about 15 minutes. A total of 41 people were killed on the spot' however, later the number exceeded 50. The injured persons were taken towards the nearby city hospital.
Linwood Mosque
Shortly after a couple of minutes at 2.00 pm, the second attack took place at the Islamic Linwood mosque which was 6 km away from the Al-Noor mosque. Reports said seven more people
were shot dead. Countering the attack one of the worshippers seized the gunman's arms and tried to catch him but the attacker fled.
Jacinda Ardern
Jacinda Kate Laurell Ardern (born 26 July 1980) is New Zealand's 40th and incumbent Prime Minister since 26 October 2017. On 19 October 2017, New Zealand's First leader Winston Peters agreed to form a coalition with Labour, making Ardern the next Prime Minister. This coalition has received confidence and supply from the Green Party. After Jenny Shipley (19971999) and Helen Clark (1999-2008), Ardern is New Zealand's third female prime minister. She is also a member of the Council of Women World Leaders. At the age of 37-year-old, since Edward Stafford (1856), she is the youngest one to become New Zealand's head of the government (Curtin, Greaves, 2020).
No leader can prepare for a moment like this, but she stood with her nation to overcome this tragedy. That is why Jacinda Ardern's attitude after Christchurch's terror attack has been admired across the world (Monin, 2020). Compassionate but composed, from the first few hours she placed herself on the side of the victims and their families. Wearing a hijab as a sign of respect may seem a simple gesture but taken as a symbol of solidarity. Repeating deliberately since the attack - "we are one, they are us" - spoken to the families of victims in Christchurch, and seen it written on countless cards and posters alongside all the bouquets. Jacinda Ardern managed to maintain national unity, which was a challenge, but she has created a platform of trust from where she could deliver meaningful change (Besley, Peters, 2020).
Framing and Leadership
Similar case studies have been found which relate to the subject under study. Among them is a case study of news framing of Obama, racialized scrutiny, and symbolic racism (1) which shows how media built up the attitude of the public on racism when in the history of the US, a non-white became a leader of whites. It is stated that the salient schemas of public figures have been used by media to frame and make a variety of strategies (Scheufele, 2000; Scheufele, Tewksbury, 2007). A recent study explored the effects of news frames of President Obama within the framework of symbolic racism and racialized scrutiny. It represents positive versus negative frames of President Obama in influencing white audiences' racial attitudes toward African Americans (Ramasubramanian, Martinez, 2017).
Further, a study about political communication of leadership, explores the political communication strategies of Jacinda Ardern after the two mosques attack in Christchurch. The study discovered from the analysis of Jacinda's speeches that the leader used various methods and ways to handle the terror attacks on the two mosques such as politics of tears, hugs, and greetings typic of Muslims (Mustaqim, 2019). Another study of Barack Obama as the new president in international coverage shows that how electronic media of both the western and eastern world frame him in the positive and negative frames of representation (Farnsworth, Lichter, 2011).
Content analysis of newspaper New York Times was conducted in 2000 to find out the framing patterns of Hillary Clinton after the Senate Elections. Another study states four possible framing patterns of Hillary Clinton that are gender-based stereotyping, horserace, the traditional first lady, and political activity had been achieved after the study (Busher, 2006).
Gender and race-based discrimination of leaders and politicians or pointing out them on their ethnicity have also been seen in a few studies which help us to understand that these beliefs would have been played on political grounds too. It is showed in a study of race versus gender between Obama and Clinton. If it is the first-ever Black-man the head of America or the first-ever White-woman, if elected, head of America. This nominee of the higher authoritative position draws the attention of the world because of its foremost happened minority and womanhood representation at this prime stage of the United States of America (Zacharias, Arthurs, 2008).
Different studies show how leaders around the world are framed in different mediums. A critical discourse analysis study regarding characteristics of discourses of Jacinda Arderna and Donald Trump about the Christchurch mosque shooting revealed that message of Trump is obsessed with anti-Muslim sentiments. It also shows his inclination towards the white supremacists' narrative. Whereas Arden tried hard to shatter the dichotomization between Muslims and other residents of New Zealand, supporting co-existing morals. Arden's antiorientalist dialogue is endorsed as a model that can motivate change to the orientalist stance dominating the West (Jalalian Daghigh, Rahim, 2020).
In the research study racialized scrutiny, tokenism, and presidential burdens of American President Barack Obama shows that Black leaders in token roles in majority White organizations experience tremendous stress because of a sense of isolation and the need to demonstrate greater levels of competence than their White peers (Jackson et al., 1995) which means masses and media compare the performance and decisions of leaders on these bases (Ramasubramanian, Martinez, 2017).
Although Americans claimed themselves having a nonjudgmental egalitarian attitude but at certain times, they do racial ambivalence which exhibits they still have a racist approach. Wingfield and Wingfield (Wingfield, Wingfield, 2014) described that those who are in token authority positions their actions, reactions, appearance, and decisions examined keenly and continuously. Under this in-depth scrutiny and extreme examination, Black leaders held to a higher bar of expectations, their minor and major steps are magnified in the eyes of the public and media rather than their counterparts from majority groups.
Framing analysis of Hillary Clinton through the chosen newspaper New York Times and selected time duration year 2000 shows Clinton in possibly four frames in which research findings were highest in her political activity. Her activeness in the political ground, breaking the grounds of gender-based stereotypes and emerging to be the foremost female presidents of the US in its history if elected. This framing found the greatest amount of space in news among others (Busher, 2006).
It has been found in the previous research that female candidates receive more horserace coverage than coverage of their political activities (Kahn, 1994a, 1994b, 1996). When the horserace frame is dominant for coverage of female candidates, it shows female candidates as being less viable than their male counterparts(Kahn, 1994a, 1994b, 1996). Contradictorily, Clinton's representation than other female candidates never had been given in the same media way just because there was none before her to strive for this highly esteemed position in the country. Other female candidates have always been presented in the horserace frame by media, but Clinton managed to outstand with her political activeness.
In a research study it is said that gender versus race between Clinton and Obama explains through the content analysis of a cinematic moment in the history of the US when white but first female nominee of the presidency was the competent of the masculine but first black, African-American man (Zacharias, Arthurs, 2008).
In another study, it is elaborated that during his early months as president, Barack Obama sought to build positive feelings, both for the United States and for himself, in the international arena as stated in the research study of international news coverage of Barack Obama as a new president (Farnsworth, Lichter, 2011). From Europe to the Middle East he got praised in the international world notably because he attempted to connect with the Muslim public (Shear, Sullivan, 2009; Zeleny, Cowell, 2009; Zeleny, Kulish, 2008).
Public opinion polls have been carried out on comparison of Obama's and Bush's presidency in Germany and Europe to examine public attitudes framed through their media outlets. Same as the public conduct has been carried out in Muslim countries like Lebanon, Turkey, and Egypt where to a fair extent positive representation has been seen (Wike et al., 2010).
In this way, this research aims to focus on New Zealand's Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern's post-Christchurch terror attack representation in the Muslim World Press. That is how she clearly explains her belief in egalitarianism with her words and actions. Her stance that she stood with one percent Muslim minority of her state during the time of turmoil and managed to denounce racist and Islamophobic beliefs which are the causative agent of the killing. This study also focuses on how the Muslim World Press presented and framed her in their dailies. Altogether this study will help in understanding the states' and publics' attitudes and views on Jacinda Ardern's crystal clear actions, public-oriented decisions, and invincible performance.
4. Results
The primary purpose of this study was to examine the post-Christchurch attack representation and framing of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim world press. In that context, the research objective (i) is "To determine coverage patterns about Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim World Press after Christchurch attack." Following the above research objective research question (i) is "What are coverage patterns of Muslim World Press about Jacinda Ardern after Christchurch's attack?" The results given below are obtained after setting the coding sheet and then its systematic evaluation. The methodology used in the study was quantitative content analysis which takes out the numerical results of each finding. First, the findings of RO(i) and RQ(i) are
presented below. Thus, the results are presented in frequencies and percentages set in the tables to represent the numerical findings. Also, each table is cross tabulated to show results in comparison with each other.
Frequency of Coverage in the Muslim World Press
Table 1. Frequency of stories published in the Muslim World Press
Newspaper Name Frequency Percent (%)
Dawn-Pakistan 51 (34-9)
New Straits Times-Malaysia 49 (33.6)
Khaleej Times-Saudi Arabia 40 (27.4)
Tehran Times-Iran 6 (4.1)
Total 146 (100)
Table 1 presents the data about the frequency of Jacinda related stories published in Muslim World Press. The findings reveal that the total number of stories published stands 146. Out of which the highest proportion that is a bit over than one third (34.9 %) of the stories has been published in Daily Dawn Pakistan. And the second-highest proportion of one-third (33.6 %) of the stories has been published in the New Straits Times of Malaysia, whereas, in the UAE's leading newspaper Khaleej Times has published the third-highest proportion of over than a quarter (27.4 %) of the stories. However, the lowest proportion of just 4.1 % of the stories has been carried by the Tehran Times of Iran.
Table 2. Frequency of content-type in the Muslim World Press
Content-type Frequency Percent (%)
Editorial 5 (3.4)
News 110 (75.3)
Column/Article 16 (11.0)
Feature 1 (0.7)
Letter to the Editor 14 (9.6)
Total 146 (100)
Table 2 describes the data regarding content type published in the chosen newspapers in which it surfaced that the first highest proportion of three quarters (75.3 %) published in the selected four newspapers was news stories. And the second-highest proportion of little over one-tenth (11.0 %) published was columns/articles. Added the third-highest proportion of about one-tenth (9.6 %) stood for letters to editor section, whereas, against it, the lowest proportions came out for feature (.7 %) and editorial (3.4 %).
Table 3 represents the comparison of content type and newspaper. The total frequency of news stories is 110 (100 %), out of which 38 (34.5 %) has been contributed from New Straits Times, 34 (30.9 %) from Khaleej Times, 32 (29.1 %) from Dawn, and 6 (5.5 %) from Tehran Times. Column/Article has the second-highest frequency of 16 (100 %); out of which two newspapers that are Dawn and New Straits Times had the same frequency 7 (43.8 %) and (43.8 %) respectively. Whereas the frequency of 2 (12.5 %) has been contributed from Khaleej Times and Tehran Times stands with 0 (0 %) frequency.
Table 3. Comparison of content-type by newspaper
Content-type Newspaper Name Total (%)
Dawn Pakistan (%) News Straits Times, Malaysia (%) Khaleej Times Saudi Arabia (%) Tehran Times Iran (%)
Editorial 3 (60) 0 (0.0) 2 (40) 0 (0.0) 5 (100)
News 32 (29.1) 38 (34.5) 34 (30.9) 6 (5.5) 110 (100)
Column/Article 7 (43.8) 7 (43.8) 2 (12.5) 0 (0.0) 16 (100)
Feature 0 (0.0) 1 (100) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 1 (100)
Letter to the Editor 9 (64-3) 3 (21.4) 2 (14-3) 0 (0.0) 14 (100)
Total 51(34-9) 49 (33-6) 40 (27.4) 6 (4.1) 146 (100)
Letter to the editor section has the third highest frequency of 14 (100 %); out of which 9 (64.3 %) has been published in Dawn, 3 (21.4 %) in New Straits Times, 2 (5.0 %) from Khaleej Times, and 0 (0 %) from Tehran Times. Added to it editorials have the fourth highest frequency 5 (3.4 %); out of which Dawn published 3 (5.9 %), Khaleej Times 2 (14.3 %), while New Straits Times and Tehran Times had same frequencies 0 (0 %). The lowest frequency has been brought by the section of a feature that is 1 (100 %); which is contributed only by New Straits Times 1 (100 %); while Dawn, Khaleej Times and Tehran Times had not published any feature so have the same frequency of 0 (0 %). Though to compare overall content-type in the Muslim world press Chi-Square test was used.
Table 4. Frequency of byline type in the Muslim World Press
Byline Frequency Percent (%)
Reporter/Correspondent 10 (6.8)
News Agency 102 (69.9)
Author/Writer 17 (11.6)
Citizen 14 (9.6)
Editor 3 (2.1)
Total 146 (100)
Table 4 shows the frequency of byline types in the Muslim World Press which resulted that the first highest proportion of over two-thirds 102 (69.9 %) was a news agency. Whereas the second-highest proportion of over than one-tenth 17 (11.6 %) stood as author/writer; however, the remaining bylines of varying proportions were determined as follows in descending order 14 (9.6 %) citizen, 10 (6.8 %) reporter/correspondent, and 3 (2.1 %) editor.
Table 5. Comparison of byline type by newspaper
Byline type Newspaper Name Total (%)
Dawn Pakistan (%) News Straits Times Malaysia (%) Khaleej Times Saudi Arabia (%) Tehran Times Iran (%)
Reporter/Correspondent 4 (40) 2 (20) 4 (40) 0 (0.0) 10 (100)
News Agency 28 (27.5) 37 (36.3) 32 (31.4) 5 (4.9) 102 (100)
Author/Writer 7 (41.2) 7 (41.2) 2 (11.8) 1 (5.9) 17 (100)
Citizen 9 (64.3) 3 (21.4) 2 (14.3) 0 (0.0) 14 (100)
Editor 3 (100) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 3 (100)
Total 51 (100) 49 (100) 40 (100.0) 6 (100.0) 146 (100)
Table 5 presents data of comparison of byline type and newspaper in the Muslim World Press. The total frequency is 146 of the different published content types from different sources. In which news gathered through news agency has the highest proportion 102 (100 %); Thus, out of the total of 102 items bylined with news agency 37 (36.3 %) are from New Straits Times, 32 (31.4 %) from Khaleej Times, 28 (27.5 %) from Dawn and the remaining 5 (4.9 %) from Tehran Times. Whereas stories contributed through authors/writers are in aggregate 17 (100 %). Regarding this, it was observed that Dawn and New Straits Times have the almost same proportion of 7 (41.2 %) and 7 (41.2 %) respectively. Added Khaleej Times has published stories bylined as author/writer with a frequency of 2 (11.8 %), while Tehran Times has published with a frequency of only 1 (5.9 %). Further, bylined with the name of the citizen has been published a total of 14 (100 %) items, which is additionally broke-up as Dawn 9 (64.3 %), New Straits Times 3 (21.4 %), Khaleej Times 2 (14.3 %) and Tehran times 0 (0 %). Added, frequency of bylined as reporter/correspondent is a total of 10 (100 %) items. Among them Dawn has 4 (40 %), Khaleej Times also has a frequency of 4 (40 %), New Straits Times has just 2 (20 %), and Tehran Times 0 (0 %). Finally, stories published
in editorial form in total are 3 (100 %); out of which frequency of 3 (100 %) is contributed only by Dawn; while New Straits Times, Khaleej Times and Tehran Times had same 0 (0 %) frequency.
Table 6. Frequency of stories with visuals in the Muslim World Press
Visuals Frequency Percent(%)
Without Visuals/photos 30 (20.5)
With visuals/photos 116 (79-5)
Total 146 (100)
Table 6 presents data regarding the frequency of content published with visuals about Jacinda Arden in the Muslim World Press that is the pictorial representation of the subject. Thus, as per data, it was observed that in total there were 116 (79.5 %) items/stories published with photos; however, the remaining proportion of 30 (20.5 %) of the published items had no visuals.
Table 7. Comparison of stories with visuals/photo by newspapers
Visuals Newspaper Name Total (%)
Dawn, Pakistan (%) New Straits Times Malaysia (%) Khaleej Times Saudi Arabia (%) Tehran Times Iran (%)
Without Visuals 26 (86.7) 0 (0.0) 4 (13.3) 0 (0.0) 30 (100)
With visuals 25 (21.6) 49 (42.2) 36 (31) 6 (5.2.) 116 (100)
Total 51 (100) 49 (100) 40 (100) 6 (100) 146 (100)
Table 7 regarding the distribution of visuals by newspaper describes that the proportion of nearly four-fifth 116 (100 %) is a total of such content which is published with visuals. Further, it was observed that the highest visual representation was in New Straits Times 49 (49.2 %) then it was followed by Khaleej Times 36 (31 %), Dawn 25 (21.6 %), and Tehran Times 6 (5.2 %) in descending order. Out of them the proportion of one fifth 30 (100 %) of the stories was without visuals. Whereas the remaining proportion of nearly four-fifth of stories 26 (86.7 %) in Dawn and 4 (13.3 %) in the Khaleej Times were published stories are without visuals/ photos.
Table 8. Frequency of headline type in the stories of the Muslim World Press
Headline type Frequency Percent(%)
Single 121 (82.9)
Multiple 25 (17.1)
Total 146 (100)
Table 8 shows the proportion of headlines type in the stories of Muslim World Press. In this way, it was found that out of the total of 146 headlines the proportion of over than four-fifth 121 (82.9 %) of the headlines was of a single line, whereas the remaining proportion of little less than one fifth 25 (17.1 %) of the headlines was of multiple lines. Thus, it was concluded that most of the stories were of single line headlines.
Table 9 above compares headline types and the newspaper in the Muslim World Press. Thus, it was found that out of the total of 146 (100 %) content items the proportion of single line headlines were over four-fifth 121. That further newspaper wise accounted that the highest proportion of single line headlines in descending order was first, in New Straits Times 47 (38.8 %), second in Dawn 39 (32.2 %), third in Khaleej Time 31 (24.6 %) and finally the lowest proportion of single line headlines was in Tehran Times 4 (3.3 %). Regarding multiple type headlines, it was found that out of the total of 25 (100 %) the first highest frequency of such headlines was in Dawn 12 (48 %), second Khaleej Times with a frequency of 9 (36 %); however, the lowest frequencies were in New Straits Times 2 (8 %) and Tehran Times 2 (8 %) with the same number respectively.
Media Education (Mediaobrazovanie). 2021. 17(2) Table 9. Comparison of headline type by newspaper
Headlines Newspai per Name Total (%)
Dawn Pakistan (%) New Straits Times Malaysia (%) Khaleej Times Saudi Arabia (%) Tehran Times Iran (%)
Single 39 (32.2) 47 (38.8) 31(24.6) 4 (3.3) 121 (100)
Multiple 12 (48) 2 (8) 9 (36) 2 (8) 25 (100)
Total 51 (100) 49 (100) 40 (100) 6 (100) 146 (100)
Framing of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim World Press
Though research objective (ii) is "To examine the News frames of Muslim World Press about Jacinda Ardern after Christchurch attack." Following the above research objective, the research question (ii) is "How did Muslim World Press frame Jacinda Ardern after Christchurch attack?" Though the findings given below represent the RQ(ii) and RQ(ii).
Table 10. Frequency of the tone of stories in the Muslim World Press
The tone of the story Frequency Percent (%)
Positive 38 (26.0)
Neutral 108 (74.0)
Total 146 (100.0)
Table 10 describes the frequency of the tone of stories published in the Muslim World Press. In this way, it was observed that the stories with neutral tone have gathered the largest number with the proportion of almost three quarters108 (74 %); however, against it, the remaining proportion of little over than a quarter 38 (26.0 %) was of such stories who had a positive tone.
Table 11 describes the comparison of the tone of the story by a newspaper in the Muslim World Press. In this way, out of the total of 146 (100 %) stories the proportion of nearly three-quarter stories 108 had a neutral tone. Moreover, out of the total 108 (100 %) stories with the neutral tone the first highest frequency was in New Straits Times 38 (35.2 %), second 32 (29.6 %) in Khaleej Times, and third 32 (29.6 %) in Dawn, whereas the lowest frequency of stories with neutral tone was in Tehran Times 6 (5.6 %). The stories with a positive tone maintained a frequency of 38 (100 %) out of a total of 146 gathered stories.
However, among those stories with the positive tone the highest frequency in descending order was found first in Dawn 19 (37.3 %), second in New Straits Times 11 (29.9 %), third in Khaleej Times with a frequency of 8 (21.1 %); whereas Tehran times was observed with 0 (0 %) frequency of positive tone stories.
Table 11. Comparison of the tone of stories by newspaper
The tone of the Story Newspaper Name Total (%)
Dawn Pakistan (%) New Straits Times Malaysia (%) Khaleej Times Saudi Arabia (%) Tehran Times Iran (%)
Positive 19 (50) 11(28.9) 8 (21.1) 0 (0.0) 38 (100)
Neutral 32 (29.6) 38 (35.2) 32 (29.6) 6 (5.6) 108 (100)
Total 51 (100) 49 (100) 40 (100) 6 (100) 146 (100)
Table 12 states the framing frequency of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim World Press after the Christchurch terror attack which resulted that 55 (37.7 %) times she has been termed as an icon of peace in newspapers. Further, Jacinda Ardern 32 (21.9 %) has been termed as Anti-Racist because of her unbiased religious and ethnic views and statements. The rise of her fame as "Jacindamania"
not only in New Zealand but also all around the globe was reported in the Muslim World Press with a frequency of 17 (11.6 %).
Table 12. Frequency of framing of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim World Press
Frames about Jacinda Frequency Percent (%)
Icon of Peace 55 (37-7)
Anti-Racist 32 (21.9)
Jacindamania 17 (11.6)
Comparison of JA 15 (10.3)
Anti Islamophobia 15 (10.3)
Paragon of leadership 9 (6.2)
Redefining leadership 3 (2.1)
Total 146 (100)
Additionally, the framing of Jacinda Ardern in comparison with other state heads and anti-Islamophobia both was found with the same number 15 (10.3 %). Second, last, the results of the New Zealand Prime Minister's framing often termed as a paragon of leadership in the published stories in the selected population are 9 (6.2 %). And finally, findings obtained for the framing of her representation in redefining leadership are 4 (2.1 %).
Table 13. Comparison of framing of Jacinda Ardern by newspaper
Framing Newspaper Name Total (%)
Dawn Pakistan (%) New Straits Times Malaysia (%) Khaleej Times Saudi Arabia (%) Tehran Times Iran (%)
Icon of Peace 14 (25.5) 22 (40) 14 (25.5) 5 (9.1) 55 (100)
Anti-Racist 11 (34.4) 11 (34.4) 9 (28.1) 1 (3.1) 32 (100)
Jacindamania 7 (41.2) 5 (29.4) 5 (29.4) 0 (0.0) 17 (100)
Comparison of JA 6 (40) 4 (26.7) 5 (33.3) 0 (0.0) 15 (100)
Anti Islamophobia 5 (33.3) 7 (46.7) 3 (20) 0 (0.0) 15 (100)
Paragon of leadership 6 (66.7) 0 (0.0) 3 (33.3) 0 (0.0) 9 (100)
Redefining leadership 2 (66.7) 0 (0.0) 1 (33.3) 0 (0.0) 3 (100)
Total 51 (100) 49 (100) 40 (100) 6 (100) 146 (100)
Table 13 shows the cross-tabulation between the framing of New Zealand's Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim World Press and newspaper which resulted as follows. The first frame was an icon of peace which has been counted 55 (100 %) times altogether in the four newspapers; further, its newspaper wise breakdown shows that Dawn 14 (25.5 %), New Straits Times 23 (40 %), Khaleej Times 14 (25.5 %) and Tehran Times has 5 (9.1 %) frequencies.
Second, Jacinda Ardern has been seen in the frame of Anti-Racism 32 (100 %) times. Its further break-up shows that Dawn 11 (34.4 %), New Straits Times 11 (34.4 %), Khaleej Times also 9 (28.1 %), and Tehran Times have 1 (3.1 %) frequency.
Third, the rising fame of Jacinda termed as Jacindamania was seen in a total of 17 (100 %) stories which shows her admiration not only among the masses but also in world leaders. So, in the context of this framing Dawn 7 (41.2 %), New Straits Times 5 (29.4 %), Khaleej Times 5 (29.4 %), and Tehran Times have 0 (0 %) frequency.
Fourth, Jacinda Ardern has also been compared to a total of 16 (100 %) times with the leaders of other states of the world who managed to handle their country and image as well in the international arena. In this way, regarding this frame, the frequencies shown in the four newspapers are Dawn 6 (40 %), New Straits Times 4 (26.7 %), Khaleej Times 5 (33.3 %), and Tehran Times 0 (0 %).
Fifth, Jacinda's anti-islamophobia gestures, statements, and views were worldly appraised and reported with total frequency accounting 15 (100 %). Among them Dawn has reported 6
(33.3 %), New Straits Times 7 (46.7 %), Khaleej Times 3 (20 %), and Tehran Times reported with 0 (0.0 %) frequency. Second, last her framing as a paragon of leadership resulted in frequency totaling 9 (100 %). That further stood as Dawn 6 (66.7 %), New Straits Times 0 (0 %), Khaleej Times 3 (33.3 %) and Tehran Times 0 (0 %) frequency.
Lastly, the frame of redefining the leadership of Jacinda Ardern has been seen as a total of 3 (100 %) times. Among those 2 (66.7 %) have been found in Dawn, 0 (0 %) in New Straits Times, 1 (33.3 %) in Khaleej Times and 0 (0 %) in Tehran Times.
5. Conclusion
The primary purpose of this study was to examine the post-Christchurch attack representation and framing of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim world press. In that context, findings of RQ (i) elaborated that the main proportion of the stories related to Jacinda Ardern are found in Daily Dawn Pakistan with 34.9 percent. Following it, the New Straits Times of Malaysia also published a significant proportion of the stories with a value of 33.6 percent. Then the UAE's leading newspaper Khaleej Times reported Jacinda Ardern with a value of 27.4 percent. However, the lowest frequency of stories about Jacinda Ardern is found in the Tehran Times of Iran with a percentage value of 4.1. Further in the context of content type, the findings stood that 75.3 percent of content is published as news stories. However, the percentage value of another type of content is found such as column/articles 11 percent and letter to editor 9.6.
Further, the results in the context of byline type in the Muslim World Press showed that the main proportion of bylines is found as a new agency with a value of 69.9 percent. Whereas, the other bylines are author/writer 11.6 percent, citizen 9.6, reporter/correspondent 6.8 percent, and editor 2.1 percent. Regarding the findings of the pictorial representation of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim World Press, it was found that a proportion of 79.5 percent of stories is published with visuals/photos. However, the remaining value of 20.5 percent of the stories does not carry any visuals/pictures.
Moreover, subject to headline type of the stories of Muslim World Press showed that the value of 82.9 percent headlines was with a single line, and the remaining proportion 17.1 headlines were found with multiple lines. Additionally, the findings of RQ (ii) showed that the frequency of the tone of stories published in the Muslim World Press revealed that the tone of 74 percent of the stories about Jacinda Ardern was neutral and the remaining proportion of 26 percent stories had a positive tone.
Finally, the findings of the framing of Jacinda Ardern in the Post-Christchurch terror attack in the Muslim World Press was as an icon of peace represented with value 38.4 percent. as anti-racist represented with value 21.9 percent, as Jacindamania with 11.6 percent, comparison of JA and anti-Islamophobia with 10.3 percent. However, she is framed as the paragon of leadership with a value of 6.2 percent and redefining leadership with 2.1 percent. In this way, overall, the findings showed that the majority frames of Jacinda in the Muslim World Press are constructed and represented positively.
Conclusively, the study found that most of the stories related to Jacinda Ardern are found in Daily Dawn Pakistan, New Straits Times of Malaysia, and in the UAE's leading newspaper Khaleej Times. However, the Tehran Times of Iran has given comparatively less coverage to Jacinda. The findings regarding the content-type showed that most of the content published in the four newspapers are news stories. About the byline types in the Muslim World Press showed that the new agency is represented greatly higher in comparison with other types of bylines. Additionally, in context to the pictorial representation of Jacinda Ardern in the Muslim world press, it was observed that the majority of the stories carry her pictorial representation. Besides, findings of the headline type showed that the majority of the stories were consisted of as single-lined headlines.
Further, it was found that the content published about Jacinda Ardern in the post-Christchurch Muslim World Press was neutral and positive in tone. this study supported the findings given by (Jalalian Daghigh, Rahim, 2020; Mustaqim, 2019). Also, the results about types of frames represented in the Muslim World Press showed her mainly as an icon of peace, anti-racist, Jacindamania, comparison of JA, and anti-Islamophobia. However, she is framed as a paragon of leadership and redefining leadership comparatively lesser than other frames in the Muslim World Press. Overall, it is evident from the findings that Jacinda Ardern is framed positively in the Muslim World Press.
Finally, this is a significant study, because after the Christchurch attack, being prime minister of New Zealand handled the political situation inside the country. She also played to control the sentiment of the Muslims living around the globe and negated the narrative of white supremacism. Jacinda proved that being a woman she has charismatic leadership qualities to handle terror attacks (Reicher et al., 2019). Although, the action of Jacinda Ardern was positive to tackle this attack. Thus, this study exhibited that she was framed Icon of peace and anti-racist in the Muslim world press, which becomes a positive sign for the peace of the world.
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