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Секция 8. Политология
Section 8. Political science Секция 8. Политология
Kulinych Taras Oleksandrovich, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Institute of International Relations, Applicant of the Department of International Relations and Foreign Policy Supervisor: Doctor of Political Sciences, Prof. V. V. Kopiika
E-mail: [email protected]
Interplay of Spain and Ibero-American states in demographic dimension: history and present
Abstract: The present article considers migration trends between Spain and Ibero-American countries. Keywords: migration, demography, Spain, Ibero-America.
Relevance of the research topic. In historical retrospective, an extremely important factor in development of the countries both in the Ibero-American region (The term “Ibero-America" denotes the totality of all countries of the American continent that used to be Spanish or Portuguese colonies. The author believes this term is more correct than “Latin America" since the latter today is seen as a term consciously introduced by French politicians and publicists during the period of the Second Empire in order to justify France’s expansionist geopolitical projects in the regions and hence — as not quite correct and partisan) and in the Iberian Peninsula is the large-scale migration of their population. In different periods, migration processes were characterized by different trends and scope; at the same time, this factor preserved its significant impact on all dimensions of the life on both poles of migration — political, economic, ethno-cultural, linguistic, and demographic. In this context, research of migration flows and — in a larger sense — the demographic interplay of Spain and Ibero-American territories presents scientific relevance.
Analysis of recent publications. Dynamics, scope and trends of population migration between Spain and Ibero-American states were studied in the works by several foreign researchers, among which there is O. Bover, J.-C. Dumont, М. Klaumann Ca-novas, М. Lange, М. М. Mariefred, J. Mahoney, В. Padilla, J. Peixoto, М. vom Hau, М. Schrover and some other authors.
Problem identification. The objective of this article is to identify quantitative indicators, dynamics, and the vector of migration flows between Spain and Ibero-America, to identify the factors that caused these demographic processes, and to briefly characterize their impact on development of the discussed countries.
Results of author’s research. Large-scale migration from Spain and Portugal to Ibero-American states has continued for quite a long period, which started when the first conquistadors came to the Western hemisphere in XV century and lasted up to the first half of ХХ century. During this period in the history of Spain and Ibero-American countries, significant changes occurred — con-quista in general was finished, Spanish colonial empire was built in America, and new nations emerged in its territory, which rejected Spanish protectorate — whereas the migration (and hence — demographic, cultural and civilizing) influence of the Iberian Peninsula on this region remained constant and intensive.
Population of new lands in the Western hemisphere played a significant role on the agenda of Spanish administration from the initial stage of its presence in the region. The first regulatory guidelines in the sphere of Spain’s immigration policy in Ibero-America were developed by Christopher Columbus (in his capacity of Vice-King of New Spain) who ruled inter alia that Spanish population should be brought to the New World for settlement in the newly created towns with the same municipal governance regime as in Castile. To make migration irreversible and to avoid “seasonal" migrants, Columbus mentioned that only
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citizens of such settlements should be allowed to search and mine gold [1, 205].
In order to support the flow of immigrants to Spanish colonies, in 1501 the throne introduced unlimited trade in the latters’ territory, and in 1511 it significantly simplified the formal procedure of immigration to America (to come to the new continent, it was enough for the national to be registered by an authorized agency (Casa-de-contratacion) having indicated the name and place of residence). Trying to stimulate migration from Europe to American lands, in 1526 Charles V issued and ordnance, according to which not only the Spanish people were allowed to move to America, but also all nationals of his European territories subject to the only condition of their belonging to the Catholic Church; at the same time, to raise additional interest of large financial dynasties in sponsoring migration the King transferred management of Venezuela to the Velzers’ Banking House, and management of the Chile coast — to the Fuggers’ House. To the same end, in 1529 persons who provided funds for movement of a certain amount of migrants to America received the titles of nobility and lands [1, 243-246].
As a result of such migration-supporting policy, a constant flow of European migrants was formed (first of all, coming from the Iberian Peninsula) to Ibero-American lands of the Spanish Crown. In the course of the continent’s “pacification”, establishment of the system of civil administration and trade, and stabilization ofeconomy on the new lands, the influx of new population from the Old World to the New World acquired an objectively regular and widespread character. For understandable reasons, the actual factors are not known to the modern researchers; nonetheless, there are justifiable calculations of these figures. For instance, it is believed that in XVI century, from approximately 1.4 million to 100-150 ousand persons moved to Spanish colonies in America (the most reasonable figure is considered to be 240,000 persons) whereas in XVII this indicator achieved approximately
0.5 million immigrants [11]. Estimations of the scale of movement of Spanish citizens to Spain’s American territories in XVIII century differ significantly: the country was experiencing a difficult period of dynastic, political, and economic crisis, it was involved and partly became an arena of the Spanish Heritage War, and as a result suffered significant demographic losses, which in general could not but impact both the migration processes and the possibility to calculate their scope. Hence, the leading contemporary specialists in this sphere (for instance, Antonio Eiras-Roel and Magnus Miorner MariefTed) believe that during that century 200-300 thousand persons could
move from Spain to Ibero-America [8, 251-285]. As a result, by 1800 according to modern estimations, Ibero-American community of Spanish-speaking Europeans and their descendants achieved 6, 269, 000 people [7, 1426].
Perturbation of the period of Spanish colonies’ fighting for independence (which conventionally can be dated 1810-1830) had an arguable impact both on the dynamics of migration from Spain to the region and on the ability of official institutions and later researchers to assess its directions and scope. On the one hand, the independence war negatively influenced the motivation of migrants to Ibero-America; on the other — a significant incentive for the Spanish migrants was a series of wars in Europe known as Napoleon’s wars. With stabilization of a political, social and economic situation in the presently former Spanish colonies (and simultaneously, with escalation of critical occurrences in the Old World), the trend of the Spanish people’s movement to the region increased again. Generally, it is believed that the influx of new migrants to Ibero-America in XIX century achieved 3 million persons [6, 115].
The documented period of massive migration lasted from 1882 to 1967. The first date seems significant since this was the year when official statistics of coming and leaving passengers was introduced in Spanish ports. The data received from that moment are more reliable and representatives than those that partially existed during the previous years. This period in general was characterized by the same trend as the previous years — Spain, as before, was a powerful demographic donor for the “New World”. 1967 witnessed re-orientation of Spanish migration to Europe. This year was the year of celebration of the fifth anniversary of a positive balance, which means more people returned from Ibero-American countries than went there. It is generally believed that this 85-year period is the most representative in Spanish migration to Ibero-American countries, and can be used as a reference for its comparison to foreign policy of Iberian state during this time. In general terms, all authors agree that the scope of Spanish migration during the last decades of XIX and the first decades of ХХ centuries that is viewed proportionally to the democratic growth experienced by Spain is comparable to the processes that took place in many other European countries, such as England or Italy, which also experienced a significant outflow of immigrants [4, 12].
Iberian migration movements to Ibero-American counties were cyclical. Researchers identify two large stages of the increased exit of immigrants. The first of them is dated from 1903 to 1912, and the second — from
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1947 to 1955. Simultaneously, four small peaks were registered in 1887-1889; 1895-1896, 1919-1920 and 19231924. During all these periods, the migration balance became strongly negative, and 1912 stands out when the exit level achieved its maximum and totaled 202, 218 persons (the negative balance totaled 133, 089 persons).
Another observation concerns the stages, during which the largest number of returns of the immigrants to the Iberian Peninsula was reported. During the preCivil War period of the 1830s, there were three periods of backward migration movement. The first took place in 1897-1899 when 111,795 persons returned. Logically, this process is directly related to the end of Spain’s presence in Cuba and Puerto-Rico. The second period of immigrants’ return occurred from 1914 to 1918 that coincided with the First World War when the country’s neutrality facilitated the powerful growth of Spanish economy. Finally, the third stage lasted from 1931 to 1934. The main reasons of a high number of returns were such important social and economic reasons as the 1929 Great Depression and establishment ofthe Second Republic in Spain, which resulted in a large number of returning immigrants who left the country for political reasons.
The figures characterizing immigration during the Civil War (1936-1939) and during the first post-war years (1940-1945) that coincided with the Second World War are insignificant and not completely reliable because of the absence of control of the migration flows to Ibero-American countries through Spanish ports as well as because of the absence of statistics concerning the secret Spanish immigration to other countries, especially from the territory of France and Portugal.
Studies of Spanish immigration during this period were focused mainly on the issue of exiled political leaders and intellectuals. The stay of exiled Spanish in some Ibero-American countries, for instance in Mexico, was extremely important for the further evolution of diplomatic relations with Spain during Franco’s rule.
The period from 1946 to 1967 consists of two rather different stages. The first lasted from 1946 to 1959 during the international isolation of Franco’s regime, and coincided with implementation of tough authoritarian policy in the economic sphere when the Country Stabilization Plan was introduced. The second stage that lasted during the sixties is characterized by gradual liberalization of economy that was based on several “Development Programs" as well as an open support from the Western Bloc led by the United States of America.
Migration data demonstrate the presence of two trends inherent to each of these two stages. During the
first, a significant increase in the number of migrants was observed, which reached its peak in 1955 when the respective figure totaled 61,975 persons. It should be noted that this stage was also characterized by a constant growth — although insignificant — of the number of returns. In general, a negative balance continued during this period, which amounted to 354, 756 persons [3, 14].
During the second stage of this period, the trend changed significantly. The migration flow to Ibero-American countries first decreased, and then changed in such a way that starting 1963, a constant positive balance was preserved, which means the number of those who returned exceeded the number of those who left. However, Spain still remained a country with a high emigration level. The difference was that in the early sixties, Spanish emigration began to be directed to European countries, and the total number of such emigrants achieved an unusually considerable level and totaled approximately 1,500,000 persons. There is no doubt that the American continent ceased to be a kind of the migration Eldorado for Spanish emigrants [2].
At the same time, another, opposite trend developed: the Ibero-Americans began to come to European countries, including Spain. This was facilitated by several mutually-strengthening factors. The majority of researchers point out to the fact that both the Ibero-Americans and the Spanish spoke the same language and have similar cultures as the key factor that makes a migration demographic exchange between Spain and Ibero-American countries a natural and constant phenomenon. In addition to this powerful factor, there were several other circumstances that stimulated migration and determined its dominating direction. Thus, according to the migration researchers, including the author a significant share of active Ibero-American population today is in the condition of increased mobility as a result of the impact of factors that stimulate emigration and has a political (political and safety instability, including in the form of the growing risks and threats for life due to the growth of crimes and political challenges), economic (decline of economic activities as a result of the global crisis and hence the growing unemployment, incomplete or insufficient employment of population) and social nature (degradation of the social services sector resulting from critical phenomena in the economic sphere and ensuring general decrease of the living standards). On the other hand, the movement from the New World to the former metropolis is facilitated by such factors as better (compared to some Ibero-American states) political and economic situation and higher living standards in Spain as
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well as, like in the previous centuries, efficient centralized policy of migration management (at present, in the form of immigration support for Ibero-American countries).
The latter provides for stimulation of legal movement to Spain for the temporary or permanent stay of Ibero-speaking citizens of American countries. For instance, before enforcement of Schengen Agreements, citizens of former Spanish and Portuguese colonies could enter Spain and Portugal without visas; after the said agreements were enforced, Spain managed to preserve a visafree regime within the entire Schengen zone for visitors from the Southern Cone countries (members of the Mercosur Integration Association, which include Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela). Easy border crossing significantly facilitated migration of the most mobile Ibero-American population to Spain. Another element of Spain’s immigration policy was its introduction of several labor migration programs in Ibero-American countries, which provided for a simplified regime of employment and naturalization for the Ibero-Americans. In this sphere, Spain ventured into such an unprecedented step as granting access to Spanish military service for Argentina and Uruguay citizens of Spanish origin. Finally, Spain began to encourage applications for double citizenship for the Ibero-Americans [9].
These activities strengthened by other aspects described above resulted in a considerable increase of the influx of population of Spain in the end of ХХ and the beginning of ХХ1 centuries. As of the mid 2000s, various researchers estimated the number of foreign Ibero-Americans in Spain totaling 1.1 million people, and the number of Spanish citizens of Ibero-American origin — 840, 000 people. There are no statistics concerning
double citizenship, but at the same time the majority of researchers working in this area believe that the number of people with double citizenship is “very high" and totals from several thousands to one million persons [5].
Researchers refer to an extreme importance of these demographic processes for economy, politics and cultural environment of Ibero-speaking countries on both sides of the Atlantic [10]. We agree with them believing that common ethnic origin, intensive mutually directed demographic processes, and dynamic interpersonal (professional, friendly, family) relations constitute a powerful factor that facilitates political and economic approximation of Spain and its former dependent territories in America, and stimulates comprehensive and multi-dimensional cooperation among them.
Conclusions. Spain served as a large (and leading among other European countries) donor of population for its colonies, and later — independent Ibero-American countries. Mass immigration from Spain to the New World to a large extent determined demographic as well as linguistic and cultural landscape of Ibero-American region. Migration of population between Spain and Ibero-America historically developed in two opposite directions; the prevalence of one of them at each individual stage is determined by higher attractiveness of the destination region in social, economic, safety and political terms. From the beginning of population of South America by the Europeans till the second half of ХХ century, the migration balance was in favor of Ibero-America, and from the second half of ХХ century — in favor of Spain. Migration processes constitute one of the key factors in development of Spain and Ibero-American cooperation.
Reference:
1. Bourne E. G. Spain in America [text]/Barnes & Noble, - 1962.
2. Bover O. Migrations in Spain: Historical Background and Current Trends [text]/Bover O. Velilla P. - Madrid: Banco de Espana, - 2001.
3. Calduch Cervera R. Espanoles de ambas orillas [text]//Revista de Universidad Complutense de Madrid. -5-6 de Mayo - 1998.
4. Dr. D Rafael Calduch Cervera. Espanoles de ambas orillas [text]. Revista de Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 5-6 de Mayo - 1998.
5. Dumont J.-C. Counting Immigrants and Expatriates in Countries: A New Perspective. [text]/Dumont, J.-C. Lemaitre G. - Paris: OECD, - 2005.
6. Klaumann Canovas M. A grande imigra^ao Europeia para o Brasile o imigrante Espanhol no cenarioda cafeicultura paulista: aspectos de uma (in)visibilidade [text]//S$culum - Revista de historia. - 2004.
7. Lange M. Colonialism and Development: A Comparative Analysis of Spanish and BritishColonies/Lange M., Mahoney J., vom Hau M.//American Journal of Sociology. - 2006 (March). - Vol. 111. - No. 5.
8. Mariefred M. M. Spanish Historians On Spanish Migration To America During The Colonial Period [text]//Latin American Research Review. - April 1995. - Vol. 30. - No. 2.
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9. Padilla B. Latin American Immigration to Southern Europe [Electronic resource]/Padilla B., Peixoto J.//Mi-gration Information Source: [web-site]. - Electronic data. - Access regime: http://www.migrationinformation. org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=609 (09.08.2005). - Title as on the screen.
10. Peixoto J. A socio-political view of international migration from Latin America and the Caribbean: the case of Europe. [text]//Expert Group Meeting on International Migration and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean. - Mexico City: United Nations, - 2005.
11. Schrover M. Migration to Latin America [Electronic resource]//History of International Migration: [website]. - Electronic data. - Access regime: http://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/history/migration/chapter53.html#1 (09.04.2011). - Title as on the screen.
Strelkov Aleksei Yakovlevich, Northern (Arctic) Federal University, postgraduate student, Department of Regional Studies and International Relations E-mail: [email protected]
Russian interests and the future of the Arctic
Abstract: The article deals with the Russian Arctic strategy in the context of international relations. The analysis of the priorities of the Russian Arctic strategy reveals similarities with other Arctic countries and specifies its focus on strategic partnership, but not confrontation.
Keywords: the Arctic, Arctic strategy, national interests, strategic partnership, confrontation
Russia being an Arctic country has certain national interests in the Arctic on a legitimate basis. First, the Russian arctic coastline is 22 600 kilometres which constitutes 58 % of the whole Arctic coastline. And the Russian Arctic territory is by 1.42 more than the territory of the other four Arctic states taken together [6]. Russian researchers point to the natural advantages of the Russian Arctic, “Regions of the Russian North generate 20 % of GDP in Russia, 18 % of electric power, 25 % of wood and timber products, more than 90 % of natural gas, 75 % of oil, 45 % of coal, 80 % of gold, 90 % of copper and nickel, almost all diamonds, cobalt, platinoids, apatite concentrate. The regions of the North ... provide almost 60 % of currency input in Russia" [9, 116]; “The percentage of oil from northern deposits compared to the national production of oil is 82 % in Russia, 31 % in the USA, 26 % in Norway, 1.2 % in Canada. The percentage of gas from northern deposits compared to the national gas production is 97 % in Russia, 18 % in Norway, 1.1 % in Canada (the USA have only oil production in Alaska)” [5, 45]. Western experts also believe that the Russian Arctic is rich in natural resources because about 70 % of all the Arctic oil and gas resources are concentrated there, which makes Russia a major player in the Arctic region [3].
Second, the history of Russian explorations in the Arctic encompasses more than 8 centuries. It was Russia
that started economic activities in Alaska, and only after acquiring the latter the USA became an Arctic state. During the times of the Soviet Union Russia began active transportation along the Northern Sea Route. In other words, Russia started revealing its interest in the Arctic at the times when nobody spoke about the resources of the Arctic shelf or climate changes [14].
Third, the Russian Arctic is more densely populated compared to the Arctic territories of the other Arctic states. It is also characterized by a developed infrastructure due to direct governmental investments with oil and gas facilities, pipelines, electrical power stations, mines, railways, and sea and river stations. Though one should bear in mind that nowadays Russia is facing several economic challenges in the region: the shift from the planned economy to market economy and entrepreneurship as well as reductions and cuts in the governmental investments into the Russian Arctic have led to deterioration and depreciation of plants and equipment. This results in a demand to revive direct state support in the form of various programmes in combination with private investments [8].
But with all its competitive advantages Russia is not the only player in the Arctic region. The present period of the Arctic development is characterized as an Arctic boom’ which means that the Arctic states are drawing much more attention to their Arctic territories and their
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