CC BY
27
V. Peshkova,
Ph.D. (Hist.), researcher at the Center of Conflict and Regional Sociology
(Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences)
INFRASTRUCTURE OF LABOR MIGRANTS
IN MODERN RUSSIAN CITIES
(Migrants from Uzbekistan
and Kyrgyzstan in Moscow, as an example)
Brief Description
of the Migration Situation in Russia
The Russian Federation has developed as an immigration receiving state only in the 2000s, although the influx of foreign migrants in Russia continued throughout the post-Soviet period. According to the Federal Migration Service, there are 10-11 million foreign nationals in recent years in our country at the same time. As of August 2014, almost 9 million of them are from countries that were part of the Soviet Union, more than 40% or about 4.9 million people - from Central Asia, 2 million - from Ukraine, 600 thousand people -Moldova and the same came from Azerbaijan [Official statistics in 2014]. It should be noted that the share of foreign workers from the three Central Asian countries has changed significantly since the second half of the 2000s: in 2005 the total flow of migration from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan was 16.8%, then since 2008
it has already been 55% of all formally employed foreigners in Russia, and almost three-quarters (73%) of workers from the CIS countries. [Florinskaya 2013].
Cities are the centers of attraction of migrants, in particular -megacities, that is quite clear, as the urban population prevails among the Russians. It is much easier to find work in the cities on the socioeconomic reasons, especially in Moscow and St. Petersburg, as well as in Moscow and Leningrad regions. Although statistics are not available, the various expert estimates record quantity of 1 million workers (referring to FMS data).
External labor migration in the Russian cities leads to significant social, political and ethno-cultural transformations, which, in turn, are serious challenges for the Russian government, and for society as a whole. Moreover the reaction of the state and the receiving society are delayed, or the execution of migration policy is very distant from the provisions prescribed in the Concept of the state migration policy of the Russian Federation [Concept of the state migration policy of 2012]. Migrants are looking for their own way by means of different self-organization strategies when faced with multiple daily needs and finding no way to satisfy them with the existing institutions in the Russian cities. In other words, the incorporation of foreign migrants is a two-way process, the success of which depends not only on the policy of the receiving state, but also on the behavior of migrants themselves. Migrants in this case act as an object of the migration policies and practices of the receiving society, and as a subject and an equal actor of the incorporation process.
It should be borne in mind that the arrivings in Russia in the composition of different waves of migration throughout the post-Soviet period are not homogeneous in their socio-demographic characteristics. Interaction of the old-timers, who arrived in the Soviet period, and the
newly arrived migrants plays a significant role in the organization of formal and informal migrant communities and relationships. As a result, communities are formed with their economic needs and which are heterogeneous in their needs, relocation stories, strategies and level of self-organization. There are new economic niches and original migrants-oriented infrastructure, primarily in the area of consumer and intermediary services. Do the social institutions promote their incorporation (created and targeted to migrants) or provoke the formation of a parallel social space and lead to exclusion or segregation? What role do ethnic and non-ethnic strategies take in this? This article attempts to answer these questions by the example of the Uzbek and Kyrgyz migrant workers in Moscow.
The article is based on the data of several research projects. The first, made in 2009-2011, was dedicated to the media of diasporas, and was based on 25 in-depth semi-structured expert interviews with editors and publishers of newspapers and magazines of diaspora, with activists of ethnic public organizations, as well as qualitative analysis of the thematic content of the print media of diaspora (not less than 40 names total). The second research was conducted in 2012 and in 20131: it was focused on the study of "ethnic" cafes and their role in the incorporation of migrants and the transformation of the capital's urban space. The empirical part consists of a series of participant observations (about 40 cafes: 21 Kyrgyz and 15 Uzbek), the analysis of media publications, expert interviews with the employees of the cafes (20 interviews), visitors' survey (collected 210 questionnaires) and in-depth interviews with the cafe visitors (20 interview). Finally, the third study of 2013-20142 has been focused on adapting to the social and urban space of the Russian capital by migrants from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, how is the settlement and the formation of urban spaces with migrant-oriented infrastructure. The empirical base of this
project was made up of 60 in-depth interviews with Kyrgyz and Uzbeks (ethnicity was determined by the mother tongue), collected 397 profiles3.
Western approaches to the influence of the settlement of migrants onto the formation of ethnic and migrant communities in the cities
The study of immigrant settlement is an integral part of most Western theoretical work aimed at explaining the formation of ethnic communities and the integration / segregation. The English-language scientific tradition (it is the American one), begins its countdown with the beginning of the XX century, when the Chicago school was founded, which was the single dominant paradigm for understanding the spatial migrant mobility for a long time, and the way in which there is the incorporation of immigrants' into American society . There have been isolated and studied forms of migrants settling in cities like ghetto or ethnic enclaves, which (according to the Chicago school) are the result of a combination of both external push factors (for example, discrimination and prejudice), and internal reasons (ethnic solidarity and mutual interest).
The model for the settlement of the American immigrant communities were the New York ghettos, located in the city center, as a rule, [Wirth 2005]. The majority of the inhabitants of these settlements had to live in them because of the limited social and human capital, in addition, frequently based on ethnic relations, and this led to segregation of migrants [Flippen, Parrado 2012; Logan, Wenquan, Alba 2002; Massey 1985]. But many immigrants were eager to move out of ethnic enclaves in areas not inhabited by immigrants, and gradually assimilated, with the improvement of material conditions as well as the
growth of education level and knowledge of the English language. This process is described by the well-known Chicago-based model of the spatial assimilation of immigrants [Burgess 2000; Park 2002].
Changes in the composition of international migration, as well as new trends in urban development (the emergence of multiple cores of settlement, multi-functional zoning, gentrification) have been reflected in Los Angeles School of Urban Studies [Dear, Dishman 2002; Marcuse, Kempen 2000; Bolt, Burgers, Kempen 1998; Brettell 2005; Kavita, Holloway 2005; Ray, Halseth, Johnson1997]. Its representatives have noticed that the number of immigrants to the United States from Latin America, East, Southeast and South Asia has increased since 1960-1970's, many of them settled just in the suburbs4. The growing number of immigrants from one country to the suburbs has led to the formation of regions, known as "ethno suburbs" or "multiethnic suburbs", which were the settlement and business enclave with a significant cluster of people from one country [Li 1998]. An ethno suburb functioned as a type of settlement, which had some of the characteristics of both a suburb and an enclave simultaneously, but distinguished by the fact that high-resource migrants often settled in the ethnic suburbs [Li 2006].
Despite the changes in the external migration, the Chicago school of immigrants settling in the cities and its spatial pattern of assimilation have not lost their importance so far in many cases [Katz, Berube, Lang 2005; Krase 2012]. The fact remains relevant up to this day, that the social and human capitals affect the dispersed or concentrated settlement of immigrants (especially at the initial stage). In other words, migrants settle, both in the central areas of the city and in the suburbs, not only because of their economic situation, but also because of kinship and friendship networks, intermediary institutions. Thus, the limited financial and social capital, forces them to settle in overcrowded
low flow areas, which provide the ethnic and social support. Both types of settlement (as in the central areas of the city and in the suburbs) are combined by ethnic businesses, service providers and institutions that are created by migrants, and focus on them (for example, churches, media and communication network, travel agencies, shops, restaurants, taxi service, hotels, dry cleaners, etc.) [Brettell 2005; Jenkins, Sauber, Friedlander 1985; Fong, Elic 2010; King 1996].
European researchers have also attempted to explore the applicability of these two major immigrant settlement patterns (developed in the US) to the situation in Europe. Comparing Little Italy in San Diego to Chinatown in Trieste, L. Ford and his co-authors note that initially, American society reacted to the ethnic character of a particular region in the negative ("Chinatowns", "Little Italy"), But after the Second World War, the situation has changed, and specific ethnic theme parks were established in many American cities, which led to the improvement of the welfare of the region and increase in housing prices. In Europe, since the concentrated resettlement of migrants are often the result of ethnic conflicts, authorities (mostly) opposed to "ethnic branding" and ethnicity of one or another urban area [Ford, Klevisser, Carli 2008].
Selection of an area of residence, and special conditions of migrant workers' resettlement in Moscow
Changes in Russian society, caused by external migration, incorporation of migrants and migration policies are reflected in the works of many Russian sociologists, geographers and demographers [Zaynchkovskaya 2009; Malakhov 2014; Mukomel 2012; Ryazantsev, Horie 2010]. Also of note is the work of researchers of the Centre for Independent Social Research in Saint Petersburg [Brednikova,
Pachenkov 2002; Baraulina, Karpenko, 2004; Brednikova Weaver 2012; Abashin, Chikadze 2008]. However, there was no special study of migrant infrastructure and its role in the incorporation of migrants, and, as shown by numerous foreign studies, it is necessary to analyze their settlement in the town before embarking to the consideration of the institutions created by migrants and migrant-friendly.
It is obvious that the Moscow city space is inhomogeneous: there are industrial, hyper-industrial, post-industrial, service and sleeping areas in the Russian capital at the same time, due to a variety of factors such as: the evolution of urban development, including the features of the Soviet urban planning, settlement stages, different economic structures etc. [Muratov, Vendina 2013; Vendina 2014]. On this basis, as well as the tradition of studying the mutual influence of the city and migration, it can be assumed that there must be a differentiation in the resettlement of migrants in Moscow, too, defined as urban socioeconomic structuring, and the resources of migrant communities. The approach for cultural geography has been used to test this hypothesis, according to which there are both traditional and mental enclaves in the urban space [Kalutskov 2013]. The main thing in determining the vernacular area is the localization of a separate urban area, in the perception of residents. This, on the one hand, affects the spatial behavior and self-identification, and on the other - it is defined by them [Pavljuk 2007]. The following real administrative areas of the capital have been selected on analysis of such indicators as the economic and social development (welfare-trouble, prestige and non-prestige), building characteristics, as well as the alleged resettlement of migrants: the East District as a problem area, the center of the North and SouthWestern districts as the advantaged areas with possibly a small concentration of migrants, and finally, the West District as a part of the city with a tendency to the appearance of migrants [Demintseva,
Peshkov 2014] One vernacular area was selected in each of the districts. This two-step selection and comparison of particular areas of Moscow in order to analyze the differentiation of urban space under the influence of external migration allowed to make interesting conclusions about the interrelation of city and settlement Kyrgyz and Uzbek migrants. This two-step selection and comparison of particular areas of Moscow to analyze the differentiation of urban space under the influence of external migration led to interesting conclusions about the interrelation of city and settlement Kyrgyz and Uzbek migrants.
Moscow development begins with the choice of place of residence, and in most cases, the first area is a part of the city, where either relatives or friends, countrymen, fellow villagers live.5 Since employment - the main purpose of coming to Moscow for the majority of migrants from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, then the choice of the area is determined by the interests and capabilities of the employer, who arranges accommodation for the migrants.
Migrants are becoming more mobile as they acquire experience of life in the capital, increasing the circle of communication, expanding the geography of living and working. On the one hand, it is expressed in frequent changes of place and sometimes the district of residence, and on the other - this mobility makes it easier to search for a new housing and employment. One common cause is a change in family circumstances or worsening of relations with neighbors in a shared apartment, but the key principle (especially when changing area) becomes the proximity of their place of work to their place of residence. Sometimes, even a husband and wife are forced to live in different parts of the capital and suburbs, because it's more convenient to get to work for everyone.
Two-thirds of migrants, participated in the survey, spend on the way up to 30 minutes, because their work is in the walking distance, as a rule, they follow the principle of proximity of the house to work.
There is not and can not exist the trend towards the consolidation of migrants on any studied territory at present because the duration of residence in one area and the experience of work in the same place do not exceed two years for the majority of the surveyed. One of the reasons is that a considerable part of migrant workers do not have time to take root because of the relatively short-term stay. The vast majority of migrants work in the service industry - catering, trade, housing and communal services, and this kind of work can be found in any area of Moscow. Thus, if we consider the average migrant worker from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, the living conditions for him are almost identical in all four vernacular administrative districts of Moscow.
Migrant infrastructure
You can use several approaches for the analysis of urban infrastructure, which is used by migrant workers. The first one involves infrastructure assessment, which is used by workers in "their" area and / or in other parts of Moscow, and in the city as a whole. The second approach is useful for identifying infrastructure of weekday, weekends and holidays. The third approach allows us to see the city's infrastructure, which is determined by the needs of the migrant. This echoes the previous approach to a certain extent, so you can select the weekday infrastructure, recreational infrastructure and the infrastructure that provides educational, medical, and other intermediary services. On weekdays, it is primarily transportation, grocery shopping and other essential items; It is buying clothes, airline tickets, banking services treatment, meeting with friends and relatives, family celebrations, etc. in his spare time after work and especially on weekends. Last, the third
approach focuses on the use of city-wide infrastructure (shops, markets, public places of recreation, etc.) and / or the infrastructure created by migrants in the first place "for them", often in the service sector.
However, it proposed to use the fourth approach and consider the infrastructure created by migrants from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, mainly in Moscow. It includes ethnic associations, ethnic and migrant associations, various brokerage firms (agencies for the sale of tickets, real estate agencies,issuance of documents, etc.), ethnic" media, health centers, cafes and clubs, migrant networks, which largely form the basis of migrant institutions. The development and location of migrant or migrant-oriented infrastructure in Moscow is related both to the peculiarities of the structure and infrastructure of the post-Soviet city, and the peculiarities of migrants settling in the capital [Demintseva, Peshkov 2014]. Migrants live in all districts of Moscow, and therefore migrant-oriented institutions are located in different places of the capital.
Ethno-migrant associations
There are two types of non-governmental organizations in Russia, aimed at representation of the interests and satisfaction of ethno-cultural needs of different groups, including migrant communities: non-profit organizations and public associations, which (in turn) are divided into the national-cultural autonomy (NCA) and civil society organizations (in various forms : association, foundation, cultural center). According to the Federal Law № 74 dated 17.06.1996 "On national-cultural autonomy", NCA were non-territorial form of self-organization of ethnic communities from the beginning. Their functions were limited to cultural issues and some official functions [Osipov 2004]. Intermediary social, legal and household assistance to
migrants has been added to them in recent years. The founders and members of the NCA may be citizens of the Russian Federation only6.
With respect to other organizations focused on specific ethnic groups, which activities are regulated by the Federal Law № 82 of 19.05.1995 "On Public Associations", it is important to note that individuals can create this kind of association, and their members, in contrast to NCA, can be aliens of the Russian Federation; such ethnic organizations cover a larger audience than NCA. In addition, a number of ethnic associations are not included in the NCA. The local and regional autonomy are not created in some minorities in general7.
Most of the Uzbek and Kyrgyz organizations have been registered in recent years. According to the Ministry of Justice on July 2014, 100 Uzbek public associations have been registered in the Russian Federation, 30 of them had the status of nonprofit organizations, and 87 - the status of public organizations, including 18 regional and local national-cultural autonomies. 10 organizations are fixed administratively in Moscow, including 1 local Uzbek NCA, nonprofit foundations, 2 non-profit partnerships and 5 regional public organizations; also registered 1 regional public organization in the Moscow region [Information from 2014]8.
As for Kyrgyz organizations in Russia, 60 associations are currently registered: 11 non-profit (5 funds and partnerships 3), 1 religious, and 47 public (including 11 regional and local NCA). 12 organizations operate in Moscow (6 public and 6 non-profit). Some Uzbek and Kyrgyz organizations are specialized in one kind of activity, but the majority declare several areas: the implementation of cultural and educational programs and activities; Interaction with public authorities, local government bodies and interested non-profit organizations; Cooperation with organizations in the country of origin; Publishing and information activities; protection of the rights of
migrants and assistance to their legalization. However, the cultural mediation activity is a significant part of it, and in spite of the status of non-profit organizations, this practice is of a commercial nature. These organizations do not have the dominant role in migrant communications, however they should not be underestimated: the link between organizations, other institutions and migrant labor migrants is much more complicated.
Migrant-oriented media
One of the areas of the most active ethnic organizations is publishing. The three categories of publications can be allocated conventionally on the basis of the analysis data set [Peshkov 2013] -founder and publisher, the main topics of the project, financing and distribution, frequency, and volume of circulation, number of readers; One of the categories is migrant publications which appeared in the mid-2000s, public information, periodic, practically-oriented, midsize (up to 15 000 copies.) bilingual (sometimes monolingual) newspapers9.
The language problem is vitally important, since most of the audiences of these free print media10 are recent migrants, many of whom do not speak Russian, and fall into the information vacuum.
The leading function of migrant editions is an informational that gives insight into the activities of the Russian authorities in the field of migration policy; on the rules of entry and employment; on the legal registration and status of visitors to Russia; on issues related to accommodation, health and education of migrant children. This is an important channel of communication between migrant communities, public space for the (self) representation and identity construction, as well as a source of alternative media in the representation of ethno-cultural diversity, trans-migrant identity and migration in Russia.
A significant part of the print media is also beginning to produce electronic versions in process of their development.
The range of Russian Internet resources focused on the interests and needs of migrant communities, is much wider: from the information-analytical portals and websites of organizations to dating forums, entertainment sites11. Thematic sites combine information of various kinds: historical, cultural, educational, household. Advertisement of "ethnic" estate agencies, cafes, various intermediary firms, medical centers occupies a significant part. But the most important function of the Internet is that it is a space for the creation of communities of interest: migrants use them to maintain relations that promote migration, and promote adaptation to the place of residence.
Ethnic medical centers
The network of Kyrgyz health centers, the most well developed in Moscow, began with the doctor's office on the territory of the Kyrgyz embassy, then a clinic at its base has been opened on the territory of the All-Russia Exhibition Center. The number of such medical centers has grown from 3 to 20 in the last 5 years, with 70% of patients are migrants from Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, not so often -from Moldova, Belarus and Ukraine, the locals also come. According to estimates of employees of these health facilities, up to 15% of the visitors are people with Russian citizenship, and sex and age composition corresponds to the structure of migrants, in other words, men and women predominate in the age from 18 to 45 years.
The reasons for the preferences of "ethnic" clinics are explained by the growing number of such centers in the past few years. Firstly, the cost of services is somewhat lower than in the general in Moscow, migrants can get free help in an emergency. Secondly, the minimum set of documents is sufficient to get an appointment with a doctor in such
medical institutions. The third very important reason is the lack of a language barrier between patient and physician, and there are cases when the doctor can explain to the patient, not only in Russian and Kyrgyz, but also Uzbek, and Tajik. Communication in their native language is of great psychological importance. The centers work and the weekend as that is the only option for some patients get an appointment with a doctor. According to formal status, all "ethnic" medical centers are private Russian clinics, but their staff is the Kyrgyz by nationality, citizens of Russia. They also work in other clinics, hospitals, and the work in the "ethnic" medical facility does not bring much income.
The main function of "ethnic" medical centers is that their experts perform initial reception, diagnose, and then either call an ambulance or sent a patient to a specialist in other private clinics in Moscow, and thus act as intermediaries between migrants and urban medical institutions. "Ethnic" centers are indispensable when a patient is unable to stay in the hospital, but still needs treatment. At least one of the Kyrgyz clinic has a small inpatient unit and a café. Sometimes these centers are the sources of information, offsetting some of the legal illiteracy of migrants. Information about the medical centers are distributed pretty quickly: through advertising in the "ethnic" print and electronic media, with the help of cards, as well as on migrants' networks.
Intermediary firms: real estate agencies, execution of documents, microcredit organizations
In accordance with the federal laws on the rules of the residence of labor migrants in Russia, each labor migrant from Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan must legalize papers for registration, and permission to
work [Migrant workers 2014]. Many formal and informal intermediary firms provide commercial services to the migration registration, registration of a patent or a work permit, in some cases - employment. Often these firms are created by fellow countrymen, and information about them is distributed by migrants' networks. Until January 2014 the organization of trips outside the Russian Federation every three months for the prolongation of stay in the Russian territory was one of the most popular services (most often in Ukraine)12.
For the last three or four years, the market intermediary services has also been supplemented by real estate agencies specializing to migrants. Some Kyrgyz real estate agency grew out of the activities of one migrant who found accommodation for himself, then for his friends, fellow countrymen - so the client base has been formed and real estate agencies have been created. As is the case with "ethnic" medical centers, most of the clients of these agencies are migrants from Kyrgyzstan, but their services are also resorted other labor migrants, mostly from Central Asia13.
Another category of mediation, migrant-oriented institution is formed in the area of financial services. Since Russian banks, as a rule, do not provide loans without registration and / or without Russian citizenship, the ethnic microcredit market is created, where the largest and most active is the company "Mol Bulak". Currently, there are 11 offices in Moscow, 5 branches in the Moscow region and offices in 56 cities in Russia, belonging to the company. This is a Russian microfinance institution legally, the main clients of which are migrants from Central Asia. The advantage of this company is in the minimum package of documents required to apply for the loan: the existence of several guarantors or "solidarity group of three to five people, where everyone has to act as a guarantor for the other" to receive a loan (Russian citizenship is not required). These guarantors are usually
family members and countrymen, and other compatriots. The loan amount ranges from 20 to 40 thousand rubles in the first call, the loan amount can be increased by re-applying for a loan and a positive credit history, the loan term - from 3 to 12 months.
Microcrediting as a rule, is used in the following situations: medical examination, obtaining permits to work and accommodation, paying for children's education, improving housing conditions and even to start a business either in Russia or in the homeland of a migrant. However, as shown by the data of our research, the majority of migrant workers in the first turn to their relatives or fellow villagers in case of need to borrow money, they create "black cash" or a special fund for this purpose.
"Ethnic" cafe
The most striking example of migrant institutions are "ethnic" cafe, focused on migrants from Central Asia. First they were opened at major metropolitan markets, but for the last 3-4 years such catering have gone beyond the territory indicated above. In addition, there is a constant increase in the number of café-oriented workers. According to expert data, if in 2012 there were 30-40 Kyrgyz cafe, then in 2013 their number increased to 60.
Two main categories can be distinguished Café Central. The first is a cafe-clubs, focused mainly on the migrants from Kyrgyzstan. Despite their absence in the list of the capital's restaurant guides, most of the coffee club is located within walking distance from the metro, but at the same time they can not be find, unless you know the exact location. The Kyrgyz predominate among the visitors to the cafe-clubs, they are people of different strata, professions, ages and with different experiences of migration. These cafes are tied to other elements of the infrastructure through a network of migrant relations. Some Kyrgyz
cafes have business relations with the Kyrgyz cultural and commercial center, with "ethnic" medical institutions, with small ethnic businesses (taxi services, print media and websites, with housing rental agents, etc.). In other words, business networks and relationships of fellow countrymen, intensify communication, supplementing one another.
The second category of the Central Asian "ethnic" café is Uzbek tea houses, focused on a wider target group, onto adherents of the Muslim tradition first of all, that the representatives of many ethnic groups follow to.
These categories of the cafes perform similar functions, in spite of the differences in the time mode, in the ethnic composition of employees and customers, visits models. Firstly, they are not only a place of leisure, but also a place where workers can receive wide range of assistance from their compatriots : from the free meal or dinner in debt and up to help in solving housing questions, and problems with finding a job. Secondly, the Kyrgyz cafes-clubs and Uzbek teahouses is a public urban space where representatives of migrant communities have the opportunity to communicate with their relatives and countrymen, to extend these societies, as well as establish new communities in the form of networks for business and for leisure activities. Third, these cafes are examples of ethnic entrepreneurship, because they provide jobs for countrymen and allow migrants to start their own business. They are not just a point of catering and leisure facilities, but also serve as a basis for the formation of economic units, serve as centers of communication and formation of various immigrant communities.
Migrant networks
Migrant networks are compulsory elements of any migration process: they can be defined as a set of interpersonal ties that unite
migrants, former migrants and non-migrants in origin through networks of kinship, friendship and origin. Networks can also be defined in terms of organizations that include the recognized groups on interests, such as the ethnic businesses or interest groups, linked to the institutional structures, created by the sending and receiving countries. According to research of Western authors, migrant networks are strengthening clustered settlement patterns as attract newcomers with their availability, which simplifies the formation of social networks [Spencer, Petrice 2012; Kavita, Holloway 2005]. It is important to note that the formation of migrant networks, on the one hand, depends on the level of social and human capital of the particular migrant and on the other hand, participation is the capital by itself. This observation is true of the behavior of migrants in Russia.
It is obvious, that the basis of the most migrant infrastructure institutions of the above is different migrant i.e. family and fellow countrymen's communication. It can be assumed that the traditional system of relations (common for Central Asia) has some influence on the formation and composition of some of the social networks of migrants from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan in Russia, particularly in Moscow, namely Tribal and clan relations, enhancement of which was due to the actualization of the feudal-patriarchal, tribal relations, especially in the rural areas in the post-Soviet period in all the Central Asian Republics [Knyazev, 2012, p. 84]. According to some researchers, the activation of fellow countryman relations provided an opportunity to survive when the Soviet system of relationships has been abolished, and the new one has not yet formed [Dzhunushaliyev Flat 2000]. As for migrants from Uzbekistan, relations on the principle of Mahalla are more relevant14, and for migrants from Kyrgyzstan, especially in some southern areas - on the tribal principle and the principle of patronage.
According to the conclusions of a special study on the influence of tribal relations in the formation / deformation of mechanisms of state management in Kyrgyzstan, the traditional mutual assistance between relatives (all countrymen of the same village are often considered relatives) is a prominent practice of solidarity and a kind of informal institute, which play a positive role [National Institute report, 2013]. They played in the migration and are indispensable in mobilizing emergency. Mutual assistance practices are fixed in writing, that is one way of mutual control and maintaining the network. It should be noted that the collection of money happens not only on a sad occasion but also for the organization of social events with the participation of relatives and fellow countrymen in Moscow.
This practice of mutual aid through migrant networks, which may consist of both villagers and relatives and friends, classmates and fellow countrymen, sometimes referred as "fund-banquet."
As a rule, there are senior or responsible for the maintenance of the network, including for collecting money. The fund is replenished on a regular basis and is spent on various occasions not only in Moscow, but also the needs of the fellow villagers of migrants in their home countries.
Territorial form of organization of social life, such as the mahalla is typical for Uzbekistan. Migrants continue to reproduce familiar relationships already in Russia: to assist in the search for residence and work,, sharing money on a regular basis, food news. Information becomes known in mahalla in Uzbekistan of the countrymen who are in migration, and it also works as a kind of control.
Conclusion
Learning the urban social space of the Russian capital by migrants is determined by many factors.
Firstly, dispersed settlement in all parts of Moscow for the majority of labor migrants from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan affect the fact that such migrant-oriented institutions as cafes, medical centers and brokerage firms are also located throughout the territory of the Russian capital.
Second, the size of the social and human capital of migrants influences the development of migrant infrastructure, resulting in Kyrgyz migrants (compared with migrants from Uzbekistan) have higher levels of self-organization. Many migrant-oriented institution, especially the formal (health centers or "ethnic" cafes), were created by migrants from Kyrgyzstan.
Third, only the infrastructure created by the migrants themselves and initially focused on them, has been considered. However, this does not mean that all the strategies of self-organization of migrants are limited, and that all the needs of migrants are met with the help of such institutions. Migrants are actively developing a citywide infrastructure, such as city parks, shopping and entertainment centers, pharmacies, offices of mobile operators, etc. According to our study, the most commonly used, or at least widely known are "ethnic" café, medical centers, as well as semi-formal structure, document of these migrant-focused organizations. We should not underestimate the role of migrant infrastructure: migrants have to jointly mobilize resources within their network communities due to limited access to certain resources of the host society or lack of information about the possibilities of the host country, in which all elements of the migrant-oriented service sectors are interrelated. On the one hand, it can serve as a specific social exclusion of migrants, but on the other hand, it is also one of the dimensions of their social incorporation in the context of contemporary migration processes in Russia.
References
1. Project: "Infrastructure of migrant communities as the potential of the integration of migrants and the transformation of urban spaces (as an example - the ethnic cafes in Moscow)", supported by a grant from the RHF № 13-33-01032. Year of implementation: 2013. Research manager: V. Peshkova, scholar: A. Chekalina.
2. Project "Transformation of urban spaces: the analysis of infrastructure of the migrant communities (on example of Moscow)," with the support of RFBR 13-0600855, supervisor - E.B. Demintseva, participants of the project in 2013 -D. Yelmanova, V. Peshkova, A. Rocheva; 2014 - V. Peshkova, D. Kashnitsky.
3. Among the respondents: 17.6% have Russian citizenship, but this fact does not significantly change the status of migrant, as most of them did not plan to live in Russia, even having Russian citizenship . Read more about the research methodology see Ref. [Demintseva, Peshkov 2014.]
4. This phenomenon has taken a huge scale under the name of "suburban boom" (boomburb) [Katz, Berube, Lang 2005.]
5. Selection of area of residence and especially the resettlement of labor migrants in Moscow.
6. National-cultural local and regional autonomy [Information 2014]. Currently, according to the Ministry of Justice, 1034 of the national-cultural autonomy of different levels are registered in the Russian Federation, 84 of them are located in Moscow, 51 - in the Moscow region.
7. According to the Ministry of Justice on July 23, 2014, there are 225 983 non-profit organizations in Russia, 62 360 of them - public associations, 33 937 non-profit organizations in Moscow [About 2014].
8. One of the largest nationwide Uzbek organizations is the "All-Russian Congress of Uzbeks, the Uzbek people", created in 2011, which interacts with the Uzbek cultural centers in more than 50 Russian regions. Infrastructure of labor migrants in the modern cities of Russia (as the example of migrants from Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan in Moscow), pp. 129-151.
9 At present the most well-known Kyrgyz information portals, are "Moscow KG", "Birge", "KGinfo.ru", "Salam-moskva.ru", "Boorsok.ru", "Bizde.info", "M312.ru, "Nurmoskva.ru" (it works Kyrgyz radio), and Uzbek information portals, such as the portal of the "All-Russian Congress of Uzbeks", "12uz" other: radio station in the FM-band at 94.0 (in Kazakh, Uzbek or Tajik languages), the radio station "East FM", Tajik radio Muhojir.
10. The newspaper is distributed in wholesale and construction markets, ethnic restaurants and shops, on various actions at embassies and consulates, cultural centers; sometimes in the offices of large companies (related to economic relations with the countries of origin); on scheduled flights of airlines.
11. Publications targeting migrants from Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, are the most obvious example of migrant publications. At the present time, according to experts, at least 10 Kyrgyz newspapers are published in Russian, of which 5 - in Moscow ("Globus", Moscow KG", "Kyrgyzstan", "Russian Kyrgyz", "Nur advertising") and several Uzbek newspapers, among the most famous "Uzbegim" in Moscow and "Turan" and "Uz Petersburg" in St. Petersburg.
12. According to the amendments to the law "On the Procedure for Exit from the Russian Federation and Entry into the Russian Federation" and "On Legal Status of Foreign Citizens in the Russian Federation", term of foreign nationals (who arrived in Russia in order not requiring a visa) can not exceed a total of 90 days within 180 days, unless there are other permits.
13. At the present time, such real estate agency, as the "Diamond City", "Parity", "IZHARA KOOM", "Zhetigen-property" are most active. These firms offer services for rental housing as a long term, and on a daily and hourly basis, it is cheaper for the client than the hotel rent.
14. Mahalla - a form of local self-government, with the help of which the lining of socio-economic relations of Mahalla residents and the interaction with the higher bodies of municipal government; it is also a traditional institution of human communication, relations between older and younger, the traditional way of mutual assistance.
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