CC BY
66
Makka ALBOGACHIEVA
Ph.D. (Hist.), Senior Research Fellow, Department of the Caucasus, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (the Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg, the Russian Federation).
ETHNOGRAPHIC ASPECTS OF THE LOUD MALE DHIKR IN INGUSH SOCIETY
Abstract
This article examines the ethnographic aspects of religious practice among the Ingush in the context of the ritual specifics
of the Qadiriyya Tariqah. The author concentrates on the devotional act of loud dhikr (jah-riya) in the Kunta-haji Kishiev brotherhood.
KEYWORDS: Islam, Sufism, Tariqah, vird (brotherhood), loud dhikr, Ingush, the Caucasus, Kunta-haji, ritual, rites.
Introduction
Today the Ingush are Sunni Muslim; in the sphere of dogmata, they belong to the school of Imam Abu al-Hasan al-Ashari and in the sphere of law, to the school of Imam Ash-Shafi'i. They belong to two Sufi orders (Tariqahs)—Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya, divided, in turn, into brother-
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hoods (virds). The adepts vow to follow the path indicated by the sheikh. The brotherhoods differ in the way they perform dhikr (a devotional act) and certain other rituals elaborated by the ustazes (founders of religious trends).1 However, at the end of the 18th century they were not stern followers of Islam.
The Caucasian peoples first learned about Islam from the Arabs, who invaded Daghestan in the 8th century. It took this religion nearly ten centuries, until the 19th century, to take root in the Caucasus. There are several mutually exclusive opinions about the time the Ingush and Chechens, the closest neighbors of Daghestan, embraced Islam. Some authors insist on the 7th century, when the Arabs brought Islam to the Caucasus, while others believe that Islamization began in the latter half of the 16th century.2
There were several reasons why it took so long for Ingushetia to embrace Islam. The local people opposed the attempts to replace their pagan beliefs with a new religion, while the Christian missionaries working among the local people added their own efforts to the general opposition.
The Ingush became Muslims in the mid-19th century under the influence of Chechen Sheikh Kunta-haji Kishiev; his consistent missionary efforts consolidated the position of the new teaching in the Caucasus in the early 1860s in Chechnia, Ingushetia, and partly in Daghestan and Ossetia. The teaching of holy Sheikh Kunta-haji Kishiev, the Great Sufi of the Qadiriyya Tariqah, rests on a solid foundation of the key religious values: "If you want to love the Most High Allah, you must love fairness. Wish for your brother what you wish for yourself."3 According to legends, he was a quiet and smart boy; he learned Arabic grammar, could read the Koran, and was very religious. At the age of 18-19, he accompanied his father on a hajj to Mecca; when he returned home, he became a religious missionary and preacher. His sermons about peace, brotherhood, and support of the poor and orphans were consonant with the general feelings and spiritual mood of the people. He taught non-resistance to evil; he called on the people to stop fighting czarism, which was much stronger than the mountain dwellers anyway, and preached humility. Fully aware that continued persistent fighting might totally destroy his people, he called on them to discontinue the bloodshed and switch to peaceful occupations. The ideology of Dhikrism4 was opposed to the ideology of gazawat, which preached struggle until the final victory. Kunta-haji Kishiev used to say: "Allah bequeathed beads to me and I shall not handle either daggers or rifles." Enraged with Kunta-haji's anti gazawat ideas, Shamil never stopped persecuting him and ended with banning his missionary activities.5 After Shamil left the political scene, Kunta-haji's popularity significantly rose. The followers of his teaching could be found in Daghestan, Chechnia, Ingushetia, Ossetia, and Kabarda. At the beginning of the 1860s, the number of his adherents topped 5 thousand, which made him a rival of the conformist-minded clergy. However, Kunta-haji was far from using dhikrism for military-political purposes and opposed any confrontation with the authorities.6 Nevertheless, the czarist authorities, concerned about such mass adoption of the Qadiriyya Tariqah, arrested Kunta-haji on 3 January, 1864 in the village of Serzhen-iurt. Almost nothing is known about his further fate in exile. The followers of Kunta-haji think that he has only gone into hiding and will
1 See: M.S.-G. Albogachieva, "Ingushi v XX veke: etnograficheskie aspekty religioznykh praktik," in: Severny Kavkaz: Traditsionnoe selskoe soobshchestvo—sotsialnye roli, obshchestvennoe mnenie, vlastnye otnoshenia, ed. by S.A. Shtyrkov, Nauka Publishers, St. Petersburg, 2007, p. 75.
2 See: A. Zelkina, "Islam v Chechne do rossiyskogo zavoevania," in" Chechnia i Rossia: obshchestva i gosudarstva, Moscow, 1999, p. 40.
3 E.S. Degtiareva, M.A. Khadziev, "Islam i pravoslavie: osobennosti ponimaniia i liubvi v svete mezhreligioznogo dialoga na osnove uchenia svyatogo sheikha Kunta-haji Kishieva," in: Konfessii vzerkale nauki: sotsialnoe sluzhenie, obrazovanie i kultura. Sbornik materialovMezhdunarodnoy nauchnoy konferentsii 29-31 maya 2012g., ed. by D.K. Burlak, D.V. Shmonin, Published by Russian Christian Humanitarian Academy, St. Petersburg, 2013, p. 99.
4 Dhikrism is the term used in academic and special literature to describe the rite of loud dhikr.
5 See: G.A. Vertepov, "Sektanstvo v Chechne," Zapiski Terskogo obshchestva liubiteley kazachiey stariny, No. 2, Vladikavkaz, 1914, pp. 78-79.
6 See: V.Kh. Akaev, Sheikh Kunta-haji: Zhizn i uchenie, Grozny, 1994, p. 42.
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appear again on the eve of the Last Judgment. In the spirit of the Islamic eschatological ideas, the murids await the return of Kunta-haji, just as other Muslim Sufis await the return of Hizra—the first Sufi saint who accompanied, in the Islamic tradition, the Biblical prophet Moses.7
Kunta-haji visited the Ingush three times, and during his last visit he initiated all those who wished as murids in one of the homes of the village of Barsuki. The initiation ceremony was simple— Kunta-haji, or one of his authorized helpers (vikal), took the person joining the brotherhood by the hand and asked if he pledged, recognizing in his soul the holiness of his chosen teacher, the ustaz, to say one hundred times, after each namaz, the words, "La-illaha ill-Allah" (There is no God but Allah) and participate in the devotional act of the circular dhikr.
The Qadiriyya Brotherhood in the Caucasus
Among those who accepted the blessing of Kunta-haji were Batal-haji Belkharoev from Sur-khakhi, Hussein-haji from Plievo, Tarkkho-haji from Sagopsha, Ilez-Kjada Oziev from Gamurzievo, Teshal-haji Uzhakhov from Barsuki, Gayrbek-haji Evloev from Nasyr-Kort, and Busulb Arapkh from Geyrbik-Iurt, etc.8 After Kunta-haji was arrested, his followers—Bamat-Girey-haji and Ali Mitaev, Batal-haji Belkharoev, Hussein-haji Gardanov, Chim-Mirza Taumerzaev, Mani-sheikh Nazirov and Vis-haji Zagiev—created new brotherhoods (virds). These brotherhoods existed as closed groups, preaching their teachings in secret and performing religious rituals that differed in some ways in the devotional act of dhikr.9
Each Qadiriyya brotherhood in the Caucasus has its own way of performing dhikr that distinguishes one from the other.
When performing dhikr, the Bamat-gireevites swing their heads back and forward, while hopping from one foot to another in place and repeating "La-illaha ill-Allah".
The Batal-hajiites perform loud dhikr while standing in a circle, shifting from one foot to the other, rhythmically swaying in place and clapping their hands, and repeating, "La-illaha ill-Allah" or other religious anthems (nazym). The dhikr is shorter than among the Kunta-hajiites.
The Gardanovites perform a loud dhikr, like the Bamat-gireevites, swaying their heads back and forward and hopping from one foot to the other in place. The devotional act of dhikr differs only in that in the Hussein-haji Gardanov brotherhood, the murids might fall into a religious trance, whereas in the other brotherhoods, this is not allowed.
Mani-sheikh introduced periodic swaying of the head into the dhikr for the purpose of rapid entry into ecstasy. The devotional act of dhikr in its brotherhood is similar to that of the Bamat-gireevites.
The Chim-Mirzaites accompany their dhikr with beating on a large drum, arranging themselves in several circles. In the first circle are those who perform the dhikr with a zhirgIa, while the second circle moves in the opposite direction. Approximately every ten minutes, everyone stops and, after a short break, begins moving in the opposite direction. Another distinguishing feature of this brotherhood is the white astrakhan hat that is a mandatory attribute of the ritual. Due to this they are called "white hats" among the people.
7 See: G. Khizrieva, "Virdovye bratstva na Severo-Vostochnom Kavkaze kak set religioznykh praktik," in: Sufzm kak sotsialnaia sistema vRossiiskoi umme, available at [http://www.idmedina.ru/books/school-book/7593], 20 February, 2015.
8 See: M.S.-G. Albogachieva, op. cit., p. 91.
9 Adepts of Kunta-haji Kishiev: Bamat-Girey-haji Mitaev, Batyl-haji Belkharoev, Hussein-haji Gardanov, Chim-Mirza Taumerzaev, Vis-haji Zagiev, Mani-sheikh Nazirov (see: Islam v Rossii i za ee predelami: istoriia i kultura obshchestva: Sbornik materialov Mezhdunarodnoy nauchnoy konferentsii, posviashchennoi 100-letiiu so dnia konchiny vydaiushchegosia religioznogo deiatelia sheikh Batal-khadzhi Belkharoeva, Magas, St. Petersburg, 2011, pp. 28-36).
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The Vis-hajiites perform the dhikr in a similar way to the Kunta-hajiites and Chim-Mirzaites, but with the use of musical instruments. These are a percussion instrument called the zhirgIa and an old-time Chechen violin called adkhoku-pondur. The Vis-hajiites, like the Chim-Mirzaites, wear white astrakhan hats, due to which they are also called "white hats," although really only the Chim-Mirzaites should have this name.10
Here we will note that in some of the brotherhoods, women were allowed to perform dhikr at wakes, but not at funerals. This is due to the prescription of Islam where the place and role of women is strictly stipulated in the funeral ritual. Only men go to the cemetery, women do not take part in the interment ceremony regardless of whether it is a man or woman being buried. These devotional acts can only be carried out by men, without women, in strict compliance with the practice established by the sheikh, but if the family wishes, women may be invited to the wake.
As can be seen from the above, types and variations of the loud dhikr devotional act were manifold even within one region and depended, it seems, on the personal mystical experience of the sheikh, his preferences, and the surrounding ethnocultural environment. Variations were based on different formulas, methods, and manner of their pronunciation.11 For adepts, precise and regular carrying out of the task given by the sheikh of the vird was important. Since this task is carried out collectively, the community of murids, united in common practice, bears the name of the vird with the addition of the teacher's name. For example, there is the vird of Kunta-haji, the vird of Batal-haji, the vird of Hussein-haji, and so on.12 Today, the Qadiriyya Tariqah is the largest and most influential in Ingushetia in terms of number of followers.13
Joining a Brotherhood
At present, the right to accept a person into a brotherhood belongs to the imams of mosques and other clergy. As our field materials show, anyone wishing to adopt the vird of Kunta-haji can also do this independently by pronouncing the following formula: "I ask for the patronage of Kunta-haji and intend to read the vird of Kunta-haji," and then say the shakhada1 Researchers of the Sufi practices in the Caucasus also encountered other ways of joining a brotherhood. For instance, G. Khizrieva writes that symbolic communication with the sheikh is carried out by visiting his memorial sites (ziyarats): "For that it is enough to lay the right hand on his grave and say the tauhid, 'La-illaha ill-Allah' and ask the ustaz to accept the person who has come as a student, using the special formula said in the native or Arabic language."15
Local Sufi Practices
Sufi ideas were widely spread throughout the entire Muslim world and a large role in this, as well as in the survival of Sufism for many centuries, was played by the fact that it easily imbibed the
10 See: M. Vachagaev, "Virdovaia struktura Chechni i Ingushetii," Prometei, No. 2, 2009, available at [http://chechen. org/archives/category/prometheuse], 29 August, 2014.
11 See: B. Babajanov, "Zikr dzhakhr i sama: sakralizatsiia profannogo ili profanatsiia sakralnogo? in: Podvizhniki islama. Kult sviatykh i sufizm v Srednei Azii i na Kavkaze, Moscow, 2003, pp. 237-250.
12 See: M. Vachagaev, op. cit.
13 See: M.S.-G. Albogachieva, "Islam," in: Ingushi, Editors-in-Chief M.S.-G. Albogachieva, A.M. Martazanov, Nauka Publishers, Moscow, 2013, p. 329.
14 Field material of the author 2014 (hereafter FMA).
15 G. Khizrieva, op. cit., 24 April, 2012.
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local traditional folk cults and beliefs and transformed them into the Muslim style. This is precisely why many Islam experts tend to think that Sufism is not only a religious philosophy, but also a folk form of Islam that has its own special features in different regions.16
The male devotional act of loud dhikr we are examining underwent different changes in the Northern Caucasus, as well as throughout the Muslim world as a whole. A. Murtazaliev thinks that in local Sufi practice, dhikr combined three structural elements—salamiyya (pacifism), dynamic dhikr (ritual mysteries), and jigitovka (nizam). Whereas Egyptian and Turkish qadirites circle in place, and Indians sing and dance to the accompaniment of musical instruments, the Caucasian qadirites, while chanting the main formula of Islam "La-illaha ill-Allah," clap their hands while sitting, standing, or running in a circle. However, all of these are outer differences. Of course, there are also small differences in the content of the teachings. But these outer differences in the forms of the mysteries and several nuances of content in no way affect the essence of the teaching itself.17 The strict discipline, order, and belief in Allah remain unchanged.
According to the generally accepted Sufi tradition, the student (murid in Arabic) follows the teacher (murshid, ustaz, sheikh in Arabic), observing the particular tradition of conveying Islamic knowledge in the Tariqah. He has a whole range of effective Sufi techniques at his disposal that help the Sufi to remain on the path and continue his ascent to God. The most well-known technique was and remains dhikr, remembrance of God, on which a different number of repetitions of a specific set of sacral formulas is based necessary for achieving a state in which the student feels he is coming close to the goal of cognition.18 Sufis reach this level when they enter a changed state of consciousness with the help of repeating the vird formulas that are common for both Tariqahs—Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya. The differences apply to the preparation for entering dhikr, learning the techniques of entering into this state, and retaining the ability to become immersed in it as soon as necessary. Each murid goes through this level individually and only after this begins practicing the collective male dhikr with its complicated movements and breathing techniques.
Participants in the Loud Dhikr
The murids comprise a very diverse group—from boys 10-12 years old to old men 70-80 years old. However, most of the participants in the dhikr are men aged between 20 and 60.
The professional composition of dhikr participants is also very diverse. The author had occasion to meet with blue-collar workers, white-collar workers, civil servants, scientists, and unemployed participants of the devotional act. The murids also differ in wealth—there are people with low and average incomes, and there are also very wealthy people. As we see, the boundaries of this unique local subculture are relatively vague—it includes intellectuals and unskilled workers, the young and old, the rich and poor. These people are brought together by their high level of spirituality, democracy, strict discipline, internal hierarchy, and aesthetic nature. These are people who, in their religious zeal, are ready to give up everything for the sake of their belief and who strive by means of a reverential life to come close to Allah, dissolve in him, and recognize him as the highest divine truth.19
16 See: R.G. Tagirov, "Sufizm v Povolzhie: osobennosti funktsionirovaniia," available at [http://www.e-riu.ru/knldg/ prepod_publ], 23 June, 2013.
17 See: A. Murtazaliev, A. Sultanov-Barsov, Umar-haji Andiysky. Istoriko-filosofsky ocherk, Makhachkala, 2013, p. 66.
18 See: G. Khizrieva, op. cit.
19 See: L.S. Vasiliev, Istoriia religii Vostoka, Moscow, 2000, p. 34.
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As we know, not only a change in perception of the outside world and mythologization of the surrounding space occur in ritual setting, but also a dramatic change in the connection and relations between people. The roles of the participants in ritual differ fundamentally from those they perform in everyday life.20
As the data of interviews show, becoming acquainted with a brotherhood of murids takes place in different ways. One person saw loud dhikr being practiced in the family as a child and became acquainted with this ritual: "I was born into the family of followers of the teaching of Kunta-haji Kishiev and saw from an early age how my father invited murids to our home in order to perform dhikr, and when I turned 10, I asked my father to allow me to participate in the devotional act of dhikr. More than 50 years have passed since then, and I remain true to the chosen path."21
There are others who became murids deliberately. For example, one respondent said that he came to the murids after the tragic death of his friend: "Seeing the performance of dhikr by the murids, I did not wonder about the motivation for their devotional act and was a bit skeptical about it. But that cold winter's day when my friend died, who did not have any close relatives or close acquaintances to carry out the funeral and memorial procession with all the corresponding rituals, I felt horror and fear. What should I do? Who would help me? At that time a turkkh from our village appeared and said that he had informed all the murids and asked them to find people to dig a grave. At that time, local murids began coming into the deceased's yard and performed all the rituals and buried my friend. When I asked how much I should pay those who had dug the grave and the murids themselves, they said: 'All that we do we do for the sake of Allah and not for material gain.' That night I first joined a dhikr circle and have never since missed one dhikr without a good reason."22 Each person has his own reason for choosing this path.
Murids are known for engaging in collective dhikr, which is performed by groups of 3-4 to 1,000-1,500 people, but usually the number of participants varies from 10 to 40-50 people. If a very prestigious person or high-ranking spiritual figure dies, the number of murids might increase to 1,000 and more people. For example, there were more than 1,000 men from all over the Northern Caucasus at the funeral of Mussa Esmurziev, a theologian and religious figure well known in Ingushetia. There were 12-15 rows in the dhikr circle, each of which was composed of around 100 murids.23
Each population settlement has its stable and permanently functioning groups of murids. Whole families are on friendly terms with each other, spend their free time together, and go visiting each other. As men who participate in dhikr say, nothing brings people together like group dhikr, where each participant must feel the state of the other so as not to violate this complicated ritual.24
Time, Place and Attributes of Murids
Men perform dhikr twice a week—in the small hours of Monday and in the small hours of Thursday. It is thought that these days are particularly honorable since the Prophet Mohammad was
20 See: A.K. Baiburin, Ritual v traditsionnoi kulture. Strukturno-semantichesky analiz vostochoslavianskikh obriadov, Nauka Publishers, St. Petersburg, 1993, p. 194.
21 FMA 2012.
22 FMA 2013.
23 FMA 2013.
24 FMA 2013.
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born in the small hours of Monday, and Kunta-haji was born in the small hours of Thursday. Also dhikr is scheduled for religious holidays and on funeral and memorial days.
On these days, men perform dhikr after the evening namaz (markazh lamaz). Dhikr cannot be performed during any ordinary namaz, since namaz is one of the most important pillars of Islam. It should also be emphasized that night namaz does not have any precise time of completion, only that it be performed before morning prayer. So murids do not interrupt dhikr if they are deeply immersed in the devotional act and wish to prolong it. Sometimes dhikr lasts for several hours without stopping.
To make it easier to perform dhikr, murids put on special clothing, the so-called murid suit (murdy batskash). It is a modern modification of the Caucasian shift combined with classically cut trousers. The shift is worn loosely and is long enough so that the person feels comfortable in the mosque (that is, so that his back is not bared during prayer). The shift with standing collar or folded back can be open or have a deep slit on the chest closed with a button. The long sleeves, as a rule, have wide cuffs. In cold weather, a vest is usually worn on top of this suit. In the winter, it is usual to wear a warm jacket or coat.
Men should have their heads covered during the ritual. Most often caps (bettig) are used for this purpose.25
Body cleanliness and perfume occupy an important place in the devotional act. In order to enter a state of ritual cleanliness, ritual washing must be performed. After this, murids read the corresponding prayers and enter a state of ritual cleanliness.
The murids rub themselves with aromatic oils that do not contain alcohol and are made from flowering plants or other plants with a pleasant smell (misk) to eliminate the smell of sweat that inevitably appears at the end of the devotional act.
Prayer beads play an important role in the performance of vird assignments. Beads in Islam, as in other world religions, represent a characteristic ritual detail that has existed for many centu-
Prayer beads are used to help keep count of the number of prayers read and to concentrate the attention on performance of the assignment. It should be noted that some murids crack finger joints instead of prayer beads. The Prophet Mohammad spoke of the importance of cracking finger joints—count on your fingers, since fingers will be asked and Allah will give them the opportunity to speak.26 Those murids who use finger joints for counting are guided by this hadiths. At present, electronic prayer counters—tasbih—have become very popular, which can be bought in stores that sell Islamic wares. This kind of counter is placed on the thumb in order to record the number of prayers read. Nevertheless, most murids prefer to use the classic Muslim prayer beads.
A great role is also played by the room where dhikr is performed. It is known that Muslim cult buildings, called hanaka, have long been places for performing dhikr. However, there are no such cult buildings in the Northern Caucasus, they have been replaced with cathedral and district mosques, private homes, or any large open areas. But most followers of the Qadiriyya Tariqah have a special room in their homes or a separate place in the yard for performing dhikr. When building a house, reinforced floors are laid in one room. This requires planks of hard wood being placed on concrete stands or some other hard base. Rubber cut from the side of truck tiers that acts as a shock absorber is added to the bottom of these planks. This is done to prevent injury to the murids' feet while performing dhikr.27
See: M.S.-G. Albogachieva, Z.U. Makhmudova, "Odezhda," in: Ingushi, p. 165. 1 See: Collection of hadiths of the Prophet Mohammad, s.l., 2011, p. 67. See: M.S.-G. Albogachieva, U.T. Chemurziev, "Zhilishche," in: Ingushi, p. 165.
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Ritual Practice
Dhikr is a devotional act in Islam, in which prayers glorifying God are repeatedly recited. Dhikr in Islam is basically the same as meditation practice in Sufism. Sufis call dhikr "the pillar on which the entire mystic Path rests." The main difference among dhikrs is that Naqshbandiyya performs hafi dhikr only with the heart, while Qadiriyya performs jahriya dhikr with the heart, body, and tongue. The Qadiriyya dhikr can be viewed as a syncretic art, where the poetic word, story, gesticulation, mimic, body movement, as well as other ways of influence on those around interact harmoniously.
The advocates of loud and quiet rejoicing refer to the Quran, where it says: "Neither speak your Prayer aloud, nor speak it in a low tone, but seek a middle course" (surah 17, ayat 110). On this basis, the representatives of both Tariqahs are convinced that neither form of dhikr contradicts the Holy Scripture.
The main purpose of dhikr is to achieve a special transpersonal state and feel the close presence of God (including within yourself) by repeating aloud or in the mind a certain set of words or sound symbols. Essentially the phenomenon of dhikr is based on the interaction of neurophysiologic correlations of the consciousness, subconscious, and speech.28
During the remembrance of God, the main accent is placed on the degree of involvement and participation of the heart in reciting the formulas of dhikr based on the principle of purity of thought and sincerity during recitation. The degree of involvement of the heart, or, to put it another way, state of full concentration of attention together with outpouring of love for the target of concentration is made special mention of in mystical tradition, whereby the large number of repetitions is kept in mind, during which the heart must remain in the given state in order to achieve any results. It is a rather difficult task, so dhikr is usually divided into four stages as this state is accomplished.
"The first stage is the zero level of involvement of the heart in this process, that is, recitation is carried out for the sake of recitation. At the second stage, temporary involvement of the heart in the recitation process occurs with the help of willful efforts. At the third stage, the heart is already essentially fully embraced by dhikr, when it is essentially impossible to distract the heart from the process. At the fourth stage, the heart is fully engaged not in the outer form of dhikr, but in its inner essence—the target of remembrance itself, that is, the Almighty. At this final stage, spiritual connection with the divine world is established, which pulls the mystic into oneself, absorbing it."29
During all these stages, murids are constantly moving around in a circle. It is thought that the dhikr of Kunta-hajiites symbolizes the Universe. By making numerous circles around an invisible center, the members of the brotherhood are showing how they are small particles comprising a single whole of the Islamic universe, the ummah. No one under any circumstances should step over the invisible edge of the circle.30
Preparation for Dhikr
The participants in dhikr must prepare for performing this devotional act in compliance with the developed rules.
28 See: A.K. Alikberov,Epokha klassicheskogo islama naKavkaze: AbuBakr ad-Darbandi i ego sufiiskaia entsiklopediia "RaikhanAl-Khaka'ik" (XI-XIIvv.), ed. by S.M. Prozorov, Oriental Literature, Moscow, 2003, 657 pp.
29 A.A. Khismatullin, Sufism, St. Petersburg, 2008, p. 190.
30 See: Ia. Akhmadov, "Kunta-haji vird," in: Sheikh, ustaz, ovliiaKunta-hajiKishiev, Comp. by R.-Kh. Sh. Albogachiev, Tetragraf, Nalchik, 2013, p. 657.
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The first and most important thing for beginning dhikr is intention (niyat). All the participants must be in a state of ritual cleanliness, which begins after completing namaz.
In the brotherhood of Kunta-haji Kishiev, an important role both in the preparation and performance of dhikr is played by the tamada—the elder of the murids and his assistant-performer turkkh. In each population settlement there is only one tamada, but if the population settlement is large, there can be several turkkhs. Depending on the number of residents, a population settlement is divided into several micro areas, where one turkkh is elected for each district. In small villages, the number of murids might amount to several dozen, but in large and medium villages there are 100 or more for each district. The rights and duties of the tamada and turkkh are strictly regulated. The tamada's duties include the marriage rite according to Muslim ritual, carrying out mawlid, devotional acts related to organizing dhikr every Thursday and Sunday, as well as informing the murids about the funeral of a resident and the entire funeral ritual.
The turkkh decides a whole range of questions relating to the ritual of dhikr. The turkkh stands at the entrance and only with his permission do the murids enter and leave the circle of dhikr participants. He supervises the dhikr, ensures order, and regulates the devotional acts from the very beginning until the end, following the order and sequence of dhikr performance and paying keen attention to the quality of performance of the religious singing.
The important role of religious singing (nazym) must be noted. This genre of cult music has been widely known among the Ingush from the second half of the 19th century in its variations, such as recitation of the Quran, Sufi dhikrs, although Muslims themselves do not consider them as separate types of musical art. However, forming physical-acoustical reality and the fact of melodization of the indicated types of confessional professionalism make it possible to classify them as musical genres.31
The performers of religious singing were essentially poets and singers, the professional performers of oral tradition. They were the first creators of musical-poetic art of the Ingush people. The following names of famous performers are known among contemporaries: Iunus Chadievich Alba-kov, Magomed Shovkhalovich Kharsiev, Magomed Denievich Evloev, Iakub Bashirovich Bogolov, and others. In the first third of the 20th century, the best known were residents of the village of Gadaborsh-Iurt (now the village of Kurtat of the Prigorodniy District of the Republic of North Os-setia-Alania) from the Gadaborshev family—Aslangiri Khunievich, Savarbek Elmurzievich, Jabrail Abdulaevich, and Iakhia Ortskhoevich, which numerous field materials give eloquent witness to.32 The performers are distinguished by their good memories, ear for music, and beautiful versatile voice capable of endowing religious singing with a unique flair that penetrates to the very heart of the listeners and performers of dhikr. How deeply a particular sermon touches the heart of the listeners depends on the voice of the performer. The singing is directed at raising the spirit above the material values of the world. Poetic works (bayt) also play an important role, with which dhikr begins and ends.
The male devotional act requires strict adherence to order and discipline. Each murid knows that he will be punished for any violation of the rules. Willful failure to attend dhikr without letting the turkkh or tamada know in advance is strictly punished. Punishment might take the form of helping orphans, childless or simply needy families. A violator might also be forced to clean up the mosque or cemetery. Along with physical work, there should also be spiritual cleansing, for which the violator must read 3,000-5,000 dhikr formulas or other prayers imposed on him for violating discipline.33
31 See: I.M. Gaziev, Formirovanie i razvitieprofessionalizma v vokalnoi kulture volgo-uralskikh musulman, PhD thesis, Kazan, 2009, p. 87.
32 See: M.S.-G. Albogachieva, "Ingushi v XX veke: etnograficheskie aspekty religioznykh praktik," p. 92.
33 FMA 2014.
THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION
The ritual of male dhikr is a very important and socially significant way to maintain general regulations and values of the Ingush people, since the complex system of ritual is related to symbol, imitation, and perception, that is, it is based on the dominants of the human psyche.
The Ritual of Dhikr
Preparation of this complicated devotional act begins precisely with the psychological readiness of the participants for the upcoming act. In order to achieve this, the mosque imam sits down by the mihrab before the beginning of dhikr and tells some edifying story from the life of the Prophet, his companions, or famous Sufi sheikhs. In a good voice, he tells of the commandments of sheikh Kunta-haji Kishiev and the special features of the vird assignments imposed by the sheikh on his adepts. Usually such stories prepare the ritual participants for the upcoming dhikr by creating a certain psychological mood. Then one of the participants of the dhikr begins reading, in a chanting voice, religious songs with glorifications of Allah, the Prophet, Kunta-haji, and so on. The men sitting in a circle begin swaying in time with the musical voice of the chanter and, as the rhythm quickens, they also quicken their body movements, rhythmically swaying in time from side to side. Gradually the tone of the chanter's voice intensifies, while the ritual leader in a loud voice slowly pronounces the words, "La-illaha ill-Allah," everyone repeats after him, and swaying in place in time with the singing, clap their hands.
At this time, the young participants of dhikr stand up and begin slowly moving in a circle, accompanied by rhythmic clapping. The movement in a circle gradually quickens, while the words "ulloh-ulloloh" (Allah is one) are constantly and rhythmically repeated. Then all those who wish to take part in the collective loud dhikr join it. The murids stand close to each other, forming a circle. It is thought that the space inside the circle becomes a holy place, where Divine grace comes down. All the others present maintain the rhythm with loud applauding of the participants of dhikr.34 Observed objectively, it can be clearly seen that the running in a circle is not simply running, but a significant element of dhikr—the murids put their weight on the right leg and move around in a circle.35 The turkkh supervises the action of the murids. He stands outside the circle and makes sure that the sequence of actions and movements are correctly and precisely followed, so that tired and beginning murids do not violate the rhythm of the dhikr. In the circle is a dhikar khalkhe (literally first in the dhikr)—the participant who guides the dhikr. He periodically gives the command to change the speed and direction of movement. This is an experienced murid who knows how to correctly conduct the dhikr. He is chosen by the turkkh, who also keeps an eye on his actions. If the leader is tired, he leaves the circle and the turkkh informs another experienced participant of the dhikr that supervision of the dhikr is being passed to him. This notification is symbolic—the turkkh might clap the person to which supervision of the dhikr is being passed on the shoulder.36
Men perform the circular dhikr first clockwise, and after 7-9 circles, they change directions, following the breathing technique. During performance of dhikr, the murids say or breath out sounds that are reminiscent of "Ullah." It is known that when exhaling, a person eliminates negative influences, while positive vibrations of sacral words have a cleansing, vitalizing, and spirit-lifting effect. Breathing moves in harmony with the rhythm of the dhikr and depending on the regularity of repetition of the chant, it automatically adapts to the different rhythm. By harmonizing with a rhythm that
1 See: M.S.-G. Albogachieva, "Ingushi v XX veke: etnograficheskie aspekty religioznykh praktik," p. 90.
5 Ia. Akhmadov, op. cit.
6 See: O.S. Pavlova, Chechensky etnos segodnia: cherty sotsialno-psikhologicheskogoportreta, Moscow, 2013, p. 316.
THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION
differs from one's own, a person finds himself as an observer standing face to face with restrictions of all models built in his mind by his own false ego.37
Participants in dhikr note that it is impossible to convey the state they experience during performance of dhikr. Even sick and elderly participants of dhikr experience a spiritual uplift and relief when performing this devotional act. B.M. Babajanov, who studied the history and devotional acts of the Sufi brotherhoods in Central Asia, writes that the ritual of dhikr jahriya dhikr is often carried out to cure people from various diseases.38 Researchers who have studied the Qadiriyya Tariqah in Daghestan have noted: "The dynamism of dhikr amazes the imagination in some cases even today, elderly people among those giving their love to God, become amazingly transformed during these mysteries. Clapping the hands, sitting on prayer rugs, standing in the street, or running in a circle on a Maidan (a square), they are demonstrating a mystical perception of the world that clearly exceeds the physical many times. But for the true believer, this proof is insignificant, for he believes anyway that the universe was created by Allah according to a plan known only to Him. And only He is the reason of creation. From this are generated the amazing abilities to become transformed during the loud dhikr."39
Dhikr ends with a prayer addressed to Allah, in which everyone asks Him to give sheikh Kunta-haji the right of salvation and intercession on the Last Judgment Day, and forgiveness of sins committed by family and friends.40 Anyone who wishes may participate in dhikr, regardless of his national or confessional affiliation.
Feeding of the Murids
After the dhikr is over, the murids are fed boiled meat with bouillon or a special sauce (berkh), bread cakes with cheese (chapilg), and tea with pies, sweets, and honey. But in some villages, restrictions have been introduced and the murids are only treated to bread cakes and tea, without any meat. For example, in the village of Gamurzievo of the Nazran District, the murids made a decision by means of general voting that after the performance of dhikr they would not eat anything containing meat, since many families were unable to provide that kind of food. They introduced a common menu for all murids that consisted of bread cakes, Ingush homemade khalva, and tea.41
Food is eaten sitting on the floor. For this long cloths are spread out around the perimeter of the room on which all the food is placed. Young men and adolescent boys act as servers, there are never any women in the room. They remain outside the room where the murids are eating, passing all the necessary products and dishes to the men who do the serving.
It is worth noting that the murids do not receive any payment for what they do. After performing dhikr, the men are fed, but they are not paid for the services they render. The entire male ritual practice is directed only at receiving Divine grace and has nothing to do with the material world. The murids are the custodians of religious and moral values, observing the established order and self-discipline. Social capital is more important for the murids, which, in fact, has always corresponded to the tradition of most Sufi brotherhoods.
37 See: "Pir-o-Murshid Khidayiat Inayiat-Khan Ucheniia Sufizma," available at [http://www.sufimovement.ru/lake. htm], 24 June, 2014.
38 See: B. Babajanov, op. cit.
39 A. Murtazaliev, A. Sultanov-Barsov, op. cit., p. 78.
40 See: S. Liausheva, S.-U. Iakhiev, "Sheikh Kunta-haji i ego shkola," NG-Religii, 29 May, 1997, p. 4.
41 See: M.S.-G. Albogacheiva, "Ingushi v XX veke: etnograficheskie aspekty religioznykh praktik," p. 124.
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Geographical Range
The geographical range of the Qadiriyya Tariqah teaching in the Caucasus is as follows: the largest number of followers live in Chechnia and Ingushetia, while a small number (around 2,000 murids of sheikh Kunta-haji Kishiev and Vis-haji Zagiev) live in the Khasaviurt and Novolakskoe, Kiziliurt, Botlikh, Gumbetov, and Kazbek districts, in the town of Khasaviurt of Daghestan,42 in the Akhmet Region of Georgia, and in the Progorodniy District of Ossetia.43 The followers of sheikh Kunta-haji are also represented in North Ossetia, in the border region with Ingushetia. There are small Sufi brotherhoods in Karachaevo-Circassia.44
According to the stories of elders, residents of Kabardino-Balkaria, the vird of Kunta-hajiites existed in Kabarda and Balkaria. But it was unable to take root there during the Soviet regime, when there was virulent atheism, it disappeared altogether.
At present, the geographical range of the Kunta-haji vird extends far beyond the Northern Caucasus. It is represented in Central Asia (in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan), where the followers of this vird are not always only Chechens and Ingush. Today, the teaching of sheikh Kunta-haji has become multinational—the Caucasians have been joined by Kazakhs, Uzbeks, and Kyrgyz.45 Ingush and Chechens living in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Saratov, Astrakhan, Nizhnevartovsk, Novosibirsk, and other cities are opening mosques, where they are giving sermons based on traditional Islam and performing collective dhikr. Emigrants of the third wave who left for Europe at the end of the 20th century also began creating murid communities there. In Belgium, the followers of the teaching of Kunta-haji practice the loud dhikr on a permanent basis. This practice has also spread to France and Austria, but to a lesser extent.46
Conclusion
Many ritual practices of the Ingush are purely mechanical, since Islamic traditions in Ingush society did not ultimately become established until the second half of the 19th century. It should be noted here that the authorities took repressive measures against spiritual leaders of the people; all the sheikhs of the Qadiriyya Tariqah were exiled in 1911. The civil war and revolution did nothing to reinforce the position of Islam either, although freedom of religion was declared. After the establishment of Soviet power, the fight against religion and religious figures became particularly severe. Mosques were closed down, and secular schools were organized in their buildings, while prominent theologians were subjected to repression. The Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945 and deportation of the Ingush in 1944 did not allow the Ingush to reinforce the spiritual foundations of religion. After the Chechen-Ingush Republic was restored in 1957, party and Soviet structures launched a widespread anti-religious campaign. The performance of all Muslim rituals was banned. The activity of the Sufi brotherhoods acquired an illegal nature, mullahs taught children and adolescents in their own homes and, if possible, in secret. The representatives of Soviet power provoked conflicts among different trends of Sufi Islam. Until the 1980s, there was not one active mosque in Ingushetia.
42 See: K.M. Khanbabaev, "Sufiiskie sheikh i ikh posledovateli v sovremennom Dagestane," in: Dagestan i multikulturny Vostok, Moscow, 2010, p. 174.
43 See: M.M. Mustafinov, Zikrizm i ego sotsialnaia sushchnost, Grozny, 1975, p. 17.
44 See: O.S. Pavlova, op. cit., Moscow, 2013, p. 265.
45 See: M. Vachagaev, op. cit.
46 See: Ia. Akhmadov, op. cit.
THE CAUCASUS & GLOBALIZATION
As a result, many prominent Muslim theologians who knew the spiritual foundations of the local forms of traditional Islam passed away without leaving detailed written descriptions of the devotional acts of the Sufi brotherhoods. For these and other objective reasons, many contemporary murids perform dhikr simply as a ritual, without delving into the basics of particular elements of the existing religious practices.
Nevertheless, collective practices of performing dhikr, nazym, and mawlid are alive and promote the preservation of local Muslim tradition and its transfer from generation to generation. A social component that serves as a binding fulcrum consolidating the local community can be clearly seen in these devotional acts.
