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DYNAMICS OF THE NATIONALIST INSURGENCY IN THE BALOCHISTAN PROVINCE OF PAKISTAN
Динамика этнонационалистического повстанческого движения в пакистанской провинции Белуджистан
Пакистан, Белуджистан, национализм, повстанческое движение, региональные державы, внерегиональные державы, сардары (племенные вожди), Федеральное правительство, вооруженные группировки, «ворота в Центральную Азию», транзитный район, военные операции, автономия, аппарат безопасности, Средний Восток, политическое урегулирование
В статье анализируется этнонационалистическое повстанческое движение в пакистанской провинции Белуджистан, его геостратегическое значение и интересы основных заинтересованных сторон. Начиная с 1947 г., белуджское повстанческое движение пережило несколько этапов, последний из которых ведет отсчет с 2006 г. Учитывая затяжной характер противостояния, правительство Пакистана и особенно руководство вооруженных сил рассматривают белуджских повстанцев как не меньшую, если не большую угрозу, чем ведущаяся на северо-западе страны «война с терроризмом». Стратегическое положение Белуджистана и многолетнее повстанческое движение вынуждают Пакистан держать на территории провинции значительные силы безопасности. Однако, несмотря на расколы среди повстанцев, вооруженным силам не удалось добиться мира, а федеральному и региональному правительству - обеспечить социально-экономическое развитие провинции (за исключением порта Гавадар, с помощью Китая). У государства отсутствует системная политика по белуджскому вопросу, а местное население считает, что правительство угрожает их традиционному образу жизни и выкачивает из провинции природные ресурсы.
Pakistan, Balochistan, nationalism, insurgency, regional powers, extra-regional powers, sardars (tribal chiefs), Federal Government, militant organizations, "Gateway to Central Asia”, transit area, army operation, autonomy, security apparatus, Asian Middle East, political resolution
The article analyses the on-going ethnonationalist insurgency in the Balochistan province of Pakistan, its geostrategic importance and interests of major players. Since 1947, the Baloch insurgency has gone through several stages, and the latest one started in 2006. Due to the protracted nature of the insurgency, the federal government and especially the armed forces consider Baloch insurgency as a no less, if not greater, threat then the ongoing war on terrorism in the Northwest areas. Balochistan’s strategic location and constant insurgency force Pakistan to maintain an extensive security apparatus in the province. Despite divisions among the insurgents, the armed forces still cannot foster peace and the federal and provincial governments have not been able to initiate development except Gawadar Port with help of China.
There is a lack of coherent state policy on Balochistan and the local people see the government as a threat to their traditional way of life and as exploiter of natural resources.
I. Introduction
Balochistan is the westernmost of the four provinces of Pakistan. The strategic location of the province is exceptional: it is a gateway to South Asia, Middle East and Central Asia. Coupled with significant natural resources, including minerals, oil, gas and fish, this forms the core bone of contention and rivalry between centre and nationalist forces within Pakistan and external regional and extra-regional powers. Balochistan is strategically located between three increasingly important regions -the oil-rich Middle East, heavily populated South Asia and the new economies and resource-rich countries of Central Asia. The shortest way to newly explored natural resources of Central Asia goes through Balochistan. The province also borders Iran and Afghanistan, countries that are politically and ideologically faced with pressure or intervention by the United States and Europe. In Afghanistan, the international coalition forces led by United States and NATO are facing immense difficulties in controlling the on-going insurgency.
Balochistan is the southwestern province of Pakistan. It has a border of 1268 km with Afghanistan and 909 km with Iran. In the South, it has 800 km long coastline on the Arabian Sea. Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan with a total landmass of 347,190 sq km, which accounts for 43.6% of the country’s entire territory. There are four major physical regions in Balochistan. The upper highlands and lower highlands ranges cover most of the province. In between the mountainous terrain are dry and vast deserts as well as beautiful fertile valleys. Out of the total land area almost 92% consist of dry land, barren rocky mountains and deserts.
Nevertheless, Balochistan has high potential for mineral and natural resources and prospects of discovery of oil and gas are extremely promising. Close proximity to oil and gas-rich region of the world has compelled many extra-regional countries to expand their sphere of influence inside Balochistan. At the same time, the weak and corrupt provincial government, the tribal system and poor law and order situation all hinder the exploitation of the province’s strategic potential. It is also the least populated and least developed of Pakistan’s four provinces.
Balochistan is a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural province with estimated
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population of 10 million and population density of only 12 persons per sq. km.1 In spite of ongoing violence, the province also featured an increase of 139% in
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population in 2012.2 The Baloch, Brohi and Pashtuns are the main ethnic groups. The Baloch comprise approximately 28% of the total population and are concentrated in Western and Southwest parts of the province. Brohi form approximately 26% of the population and are settled in central region of the province. The Pashtuns constitute approximately 40% of the province’s population and are concentrated in the North, Northeast and Northwest area, in proximity to Afghanistan. Others, including Sindhi, Punjabi, Saraiki and Urdu-speaking population, comprise approximately 6%. The Number of Pashtuns has considerably increased in the province mainly due to the
Afghan refugees who had arrived during the Soviet war in Afghanistan in the 1980s and settled in the province permanently.
The social structure of the society in Balochistan (including all ethnic groups) is based on feudal and tribal structure which revolves around the institution of sardar (tribal chief). The population of Balochistan is primarily tribal and nomadic. It is subdivided into various tribes and subtribes, each having its own customs and traditions. They maintain autonomous status and are averse to outside influence while displaying complete submission to sardars. Tribal disputes are very common and often remain unresolved for generations.
According to Baloch tribal system and tradition, sardar is seen as the elder brother of his tribesmen. He is chosen on the basis of his character, wisdom, bravery, and hospitality. Sir Sandaman, the British political agent in Balochistan, changed the function of the Baloch sardars from that of an ‘”elder brother” to the one of controller and tax collector. Sandaman devised a rather effective colonial system of administration that, in his own words, was based on the following principle: “Leaving the tribes to manage their own affairs according to their own customs and working
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through their chiefs and maliks. The maliks were required to enlist levies and were paid by the British government, but were regarded as tribal servants.4 In Baluchistan, Sir Sandaman was "a pioneer, a pacificator and a successful administrator, who converted the area from a state of complete anarchy into a province as orderly as
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any other in British India”.5 Since the formation of the state of Pakistan in 1947, the federal government has also encouraged and patronized the Baloch. This resulted in non-unified leadership among the Baloch people and there is still no single chief leader in Balochistan who is accepted by all the various tribes.
Politics in Balochistan have generally revolved around pro-federalist and antifederalist elements of different nationalist parties, headed by sardars. As it is not possible for one party to influence entire Balochistan, the parties win few seats each and then form a coalition government. Coalition governments are politically very weak and largely work for the benefit of the parties and for self-interest. Consequently, the development plans suffer and Balochistan remains an underdeveloped and poor privince. The Federal government has not paid due attention to Balochistan for a variety of reasons. Civil servants rarely choose to serve in Balochistan. Funds allocated to Balochistan are insufficient because the National Financial Commission (NFC) Award has always been given on the basis of the entity’s population size. Thus, Balochistan that makes up for 43.6% of the country’s territory has not developed according to required pace and its vast resources have not contributed to addressing its dire needs. The province received only 9.09% of the 7th NFC Award (compared to 51.74% for Punjab, 24.55% for Sindh and 14.62% for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa).6
Although there is a multiplicity of problems in Balochistan, this article focuses on the current separatism insurgency waged by the Baloch nationalists. The Baloch separatism is arguably an even greater issue for the Pakistan military than the situation in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Khyber Pakhtunkhawa Province that have been instable since the start of the "global war on terror” in 2001. This is due to the fact that, since the formation of Pakistan in 1947, there have been five periods of insurgency in Balochistan, quelled by the use of
military force. Since Balochistan is also strategically located close to the Middle East, providing the shortest route to the land-locked Central Asian states and also providing China an alternative trade route with the Middle East, Balochistan has also experienced a degree of involvement by regional and extra-regional countries that fuelled the turmoil in the area. There is lack of trust in Pakistan’s federal government by the Baloch population whose primary grievances are the economic and ethnic disparity, the quest for political autonomy, and demands for control/ownership of the region’s resources. Due to rising attacks and other activity by militant organizations of the Baloch nationalists, Pakistan has maintained and built up the extensive security apparatus that includes both civilian bureaucracy and the military presence.
II. Balochistan’s geostrategic importance
Strategic location
Balochistan commands major overland access routes from Europe to South Asia. It is on the cultural and geographical crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East. Its strategic location provides access routes to numerous resource-rich regions and makes it a possible hub for regional trade and transport. The development of Gwadar deep sea port and Coastal Highway has further added to its strategic importance for both Pakistan and the broader region.
Gateway to Central Asia
Baluchistan’s geographical proximity to Central Asia also adds to its strategic importance. It is a vital link for future transportation corridors from the Central Asian states to the Arabian Sea Coast. Along with promotion of commercial and political ties, these corridors would improve Pakistan’s access to the energy-rich Central Asian states and to achieve some influence over the distribution of energy resources via pipelines. Pipeline networks would also cross Balochistan from North to South carrying oil and gas from Turkmenistan.
United States and Norway have completed a 673-meter-long bridge (at a cost of over $38 million) across the Pyanj River between Tajikistan and Afghanistan. The bridge will help increase trade and will also have an impact on Tajikistan’s entire economy, as it will significantly shorten the distance Tajik goods have to travel to the nearest accessible seaport in Pakistan (rather than in Latvia). According to the World Bank, this will make Tajik exports more cost-competitive in global markets and imports more accessible to Tajik consumers.7 U.S Commerce Secretary Gutierrez described the bridge as a "physical and symbolic link between Central Asia and South Asia,” while Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who attended the opening ceremony, called it a link that "unites Central Asia with Southern and Eastern Asia.”8 The bridge will provide the region with inter-connectivity by cutting the distance between Dushanbe and Gwadar and Karachi seaports in Pakistan by almost half.
Apart from transit route for oil and gas pipelines, Balochistan can also serve as a transit route into the neighboring countries of Afghanistan and Iran and as a trade gateway into Central Asia. There are possibilities for development of railways between Gawadar and the Central Asian republics. Along with landlocked
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Afghanistan, Central Asian states access to the Arabian Sea through Balochistan would make this area an important hub for intra- and inter-regional trade.
Shortest route to the Arabian Sea for China
China’s and Pakistan’s interests converge with regard to development in Balochistan. China has provided funds and technical assistance for the development of Gwadar Port which will benefit both countries as it provides the shortest route to the Arabian Sea and hence to the oil-producing Middle East. China has obvious interests both in monitoring its supply routes from the Persian Gulf and also in opening an alternative route via Pakistan for its trade. The port enables China to establish an overland trade route to the Arabian Sea through its Muslim-majority Xinjiang Autonomous Region and Balochistan. The transportation route from China’s western regions to the Arabian Sea via Baluchistan is almost half of the route from the western provinces to its eastern coast.
The Chinese have carried out a preliminary study for an oil pipeline connecting Gwadar with Xinjiang and the possibility of the construction of a road linking Gwadar with the Karakoram Highway. The planned pipeline will carry crude oil from Iran, the Arab states and the African states. The use of pipeline transportation will cut freight costs, save time and help protect the Chinese imports from interdiction by hostile naval forces in case of any contingency.
China could also gain rail and road access to Iran through Pakistan's internal road and rail network. In particular, China intends to take full advantage of Balochistan’s accessible international trade routes to the Central Asian republics. Pakistan will thus act as a medium for the Chinese goods for export through Balochistan and will get the benefits of transit trade.
Some countries, notably India, want China out of the development projects in Balochistan. An unending series of attacks and sabotage activities by nationalist rebels across the province have also targeted these development projects -- mostly Chinese technical experts engaged in projects such as Gwadar Deep Seaport, Lasbella Zink Project and Sandak Copper-Gold Project.
China's involvement in the Gwadar sea port is primarily motivated by commercial interests and, to some extent, military considerations, as it sees the advantages for having a friendly port close to the Gulf region. Occasional goodwill visits by the Chinese naval vessels and increased trade and commercial activity with Pakistan are likely to raise Chinese profile in the Arabian Sea. Gwadar is located at the juncture of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East. It is close to the Iranian border and lies at the gateway to the Strait of Hormuz, a key world oil supply route. Some analysts argue the port could become China’s naval base in the Indian Ocean and enable Beijing to monitor India’s and US naval activities. The port has also been called the westernmost link in China’s "string of pearls” strategy.9
China needs oil imports to sustain its development. Gwadar port allows China to diversify and secure its oil import routes from Afghanistan and Iran, while also gaining access to the Persian Gulf.
The existing Karakoram highway already connects western China to Pakistan through Gilgit-Chitral-Dir-Swat to Kohat and then links to the Indus Highway. With
further expansion and upgrade of this transport artery and proposed linkages to Gwadar via planned Kohat tunnel, Tank, DI Khan, Taunsa, DG Khan, Rajanpur, Kashmore, Sikarpur, Ratodero, Khuzdar, M-6 Motorway linking D G Khan with Ratodero and M-8 Motorway linking Ratodero with Gwadar, it will become the shortest and the most viable route connecting Gwadar to western China.
In August 2013, the two governments have already signed a Memorandum of Understanding on the Sino-Pak Economic Corridor which is a long term action plan for development. The core of the new agreements between China and Pakistan calls for accelerated development of a 2000-km-long trade corridor linking Gwadar Port on Pakistan’s Indian Ocean coast to Kashgar, the westernmost city in China’s Xingjiang province. Pakistan also formally offered China a "trade and energy corridor” via Gwadar, linked to inland roads. According to the plan, the imported oil from the Middle East will go to refineries at Gwadar and will then be sent on to China via
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roads, pipelines or railway. This is hoped to generate billions of dollars in revenue for Pakistan and to create about two million jobs.11 Pakistan and China have also signed agreements to develop entirely new industrial cities in various parts of
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Pakistan along the route of the rail link, including at Gwadar.12
In sum, situated close to the Straits of Hormuz, Gwadar has the potential to become the gateway to both Central Asia and China, at the junction of the world’s three important strategic and economic regions - the Middle East, South Asia and Central Asia. This acquires growing importance, as Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states have recently undertaken a certain policy shift by starting to eagerly pursue trade and economic links with China.13 The availability of a major alterative trade route that cuts distance and time from the present long and slow 8000 km route by ship from the Persian Gulf through the Malacca Strait to the eastern seaboard of China will give both the Gulf states, as well as Asia and parts of Africa (where China
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is very active) significant economic benefits.14
Transit area for gas pipe lines
Balochistan is a potential transit zone for pipelines transporting natural gas from Iran, Qatar and Turkmenistan to Pakistan, India and possibly to China. Two projects are being actively considered.
One is the proposed 2700-km-long Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline with a capacity to transport 2.8 billion cubic feet of gas. This project estimated to cost about 7 billion dollar has been under discussion since the mid-1990s. According to energy experts, the Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) project could bring major economic benefit to all three countries. For Iran, the project would help it bypass the economically painful sanctions imposed by the United States. Both India and Pakistan could benefit, because in both countries energy supplies are increasingly falling below their demands. However, the major obstacles to the project are the constantly increasing cost of construction and the gas prices. These obstacles have been reinforced by Washington’s stiff opposition to the project. The United States made its preference clear by insisting that New Delhi should scrap the IPI project and embrace the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) project instead. India is now
reluctant to put at risk the critically important civilian nuclear accord signed by the United States and India in July 2005.
The other project is the proposed 1680 km Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India (TAPI) Pipeline. This pipeline would have the capacity to transport up to 3.2 BCF (billion cubic feet) daily from Turkmenistan’s Dauletabad gas field. For TAPI pipeline project, the obstacles are conceivably much serious. Setting aside the inevitable difficulties that arise in any four-party negotiation of this sort, Afghanistan as a potential transit country poses grave security challenges. For both projects precise overland routes of the pipelines have not been decided, but both would transit Balochistan.
Coastline along the Arabian Sea in proximity to the Persian Gulf
Along the Pakistani coast, there are two distinct parts - the one that is part of the Sindh province and the other belonging to Balochistan. The latter part is longer and more promising and may, if upgraded and more actively exploited, become an important economic hub.
The coastline of Balochistan extends over 750 km from Hub near Karachi to the Gawadar Bay on the Pakistan-Iran border. The whole area is rich with a variety of marine life and has long beaches. It provides Pakistan with an exclusive economic zone potentially rich in oil, gas, and minerals spread over approximately 240,000 sq. km. Two of Pakistan’s three naval bases - Ormara and Gwadar - are also situated on the Baluchistan coast. Sand beaches and rocky shores are common along the Makran coast. The coastal belt has moderate temperature all around the year. Coastal highway has been constructed and links Karachi to the Gwadar Port. There are various small and medium sized towns and villages mostly located close to the coast line. The prominent headlands include Ormara, Pasni, Gwadar and Jiwani. Pasni, Jiwani and Gawadar are linked by air with Karachi.
The Strait of Hormuz is a narrow, strategically important waterway between the Gulf of Oman in the southeast and the Persian Gulf. In the north, there is the Iranian coast, the southern coast is the territory of the United Arab Emirates and Oman. The Strait at its narrowest is 29 nm (nautical miles) wide. For the oil-exporting Persian Gulf, this is the only sea passage to the open ocean, making it one of the world's most strategically important choke points. Transit across the Strait accounts for 40% of the world's seaborne oil shipments and 20% of all world shipments.
Gwadar deep sea port
Gwadar is the biggest coastal town of Balochistan with a population of about 60000. It is a deep-sea, warm-water port situated at the apex of the Arabian Sea and at the entrance to the Persian Gulf. At its widest point, the bay is 15 miles long and 8 miles wide. It is about 460 km west of Karachi and approximately 75 km east of Pakistan's border with Iran. The Port is being constructed in two phases, with heavy investment from China. Gwadar Port became operational in 2008, with the first ship bringing 52000 tones of wheat from Canada. Pakistan’s Navy also has a number of units based at Gwadar.
China recognizes Pakistan's geostrategic importance and its usefulness as an ally. The two countries actively cooperate in the development of the Gwadar port project. Gwadar port was essentially required to handle peak season overflow of incoming and outgoing sea cargo and to cater to the transit traffic flowing from Central Asian states and Afghanistan. Equally significant are defense requirements: the overreliance on a single military port complex makes it more vulnerable during times of crisis or war. Gwadar is thus emerging as an alternate port which will reduce dependency on existing port at Karachi. By virtue of its excellent location, Gwadar port is becoming a regional hub serving incoming and outgoing commercial traffic of the Middle Eastern and Gulf countries, the western provinces of China, Iran in the west and Sri Lanka and Bangladesh in the south and the east.
Gwadar’s location at the mouth of the Gulf and at the opposite end of the strategic choke points of Straits of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman reinforces its strategic importance. Its development could both favorably influence the geostrategic environment of the region as a whole and have a beneficial impact on Pakistan’s own security. The existing highways on the Afghan border connecting the border towns of Chaman and Torkham provide the shortest all-weather road/rail links to Gwadar. These highways, however, need to be brought up to international standards if the area’s potential to become a major economic and commercial centre is to be realized. Pakistan is already developing the road/highway network connecting Gwadar with the country’s major cities.
The development of the Gwadar port should benefit the overall economy of Balochistan and unlock its potential. Regrettably, the people of the area, and more so the tribal leaders, are not enthusiastic about the project and some do in fact actively oppose it. Located close to the Strait of Hormuz, at the entrance to the Persian Gulf, Gwadar is expected to provide a port, warehouses, and industrial facilities to more than 20 countries (the Gulf states, the Red Sea states, Central Asian and East African countries, as well as Iran, India, and parts of northwest China). The fears on the part of the local population are that the outsiders, whether foreign or domestic, will undertake development work and threaten the identity and livelihood of the local inhabitants. Tribal leaders, who have monopolized power in this backward province, are apprehensive of losing their hold over the people when the project materializes. Consequently, the government should pay equal if not greater attention to developing road and rail links from Gwadar to the various locations within Balochistan - so that the Balochs equally share the benefits of development.
The development of the Gwadar could also be beneficial for the stability in Afghanistan and Central Asia - on condition of the upgrade and development of physical infra-structural in these countries. Linking the Torkhum-Jalalabad and the Chaman-Kandahar roads with modern highways will be in the mutual long-term interests of both Pakistan and Afghanistan. According to some sources, Beijing also intends to take advantage of Gwadar's accessible international trade routes to the Central Asian republics and Xinjiang. The same road and rail network can also be used for the supply of oil from the Gulf to the western provinces of China. The use of the Gwadar port by China should accelerate the growth and development of the port and the hinterland and enhance its overall commercial and strategic value. A memorandum of understanding was signed between Pakistan and China for a joint
venture to construct a rail link parallel to the Karakoram highway ending at Havelian, for which feasibility studies have been prepared and which will provide Pakistan with a direct rail link to Gwadar. It is not only the Chinese goods produced in western China, but also products from Central Asia that will be able to take advantage of this route.
The Chinese have all along denied that the joint project with Pakistan on Gwadar has any military dimension and stress that it is a civilian port. However, as a major importer of oil from the Gulf mostly routed through this sea-lane, China has a justifiable interest in having secure and uninterrupted flow of oil. Occasional goodwill visits by its naval vessels and increased trade and commercial cooperation with Pakistan are likely to raise Chinese profile in the Arabian Sea. So, while Beijing's involvement in the Gwadar sea port is primarily motivated by commercial considerations, it also sees the advantages for its own navy for having a friendly port close to the Gulf region.
In sum, when a reliable network of road and rail links is established, it could benefit both Pakistan and China commercially as well as strategically. To make Pakistan the nerve center of the commercial activity in the region, the government is building a road and rail network linking Gwadar to Afghanistan and Central Asia; the network is intended to provide these landlocked areas with an outlet to the sea. China’s engagement and support further enhance Gwadar’s importance. In fact, the port was built mainly with the Chinese capital and labor. Some even consider this isolated township in the southwest of Pakistan as the Chinese naval outpost on the Indian Ocean designed to protect Beijing’s oil supply lines from the Middle East and to counter the growing U.S. presence in Central Asia. The development of the port will have a direct impact on local, regional, and national development. With the economic inflow, it is expected to help develop many remote areas of Balochistan and to better integrate these areas with the rest of the country, handle the shipping traffic of the region, and provide transshipment, mostly of containerized cargo.
Other maritime significance
As noted above, Balochistan’s location at the mouth of the Gulf and at the opposite end of the strategic choke points of Straits of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman marks its strategic importance. The planned Gwadar naval base along with the Jinnah naval base at Ormara and the upgrade of the Pasni port for the use by the Pakistani Navy will create alternatives to the naval facilities at Karachi. In times of war, the maritime facilities could prevent the risk of a sea blockade by India.
Pasni is a medium-sized town and a fishing port located 300 km from Karachi. The town houses a modern fish harbour and Port of Pasni, with fishing being the main occupation of the residents. Frozen catch is also sent to Turbat and Karachi for sale in the larger markets. A joint-use airfield is shared by Pakistan Air Force (PAF), Pakistan Navy (PN) and civil aviation. The PAF and the PN aviation operational facilities are housed nearby. Daily commercial flights link the town with Karachi. In
2008, the government approved the construction of Shadi Kaur storage dam near Pasni to alleviate some of the power deficiency of the region. In addition, there is an island of Astola located 40 km east of Pasni, in the Arabian Sea. The Pakistani Navy
has an establishment at Pasni called PNS Makran. The PN setup offers air station that can accommodate landing by various types of aircraft, up to the Boeing.
Ormara is a small port located on the Makran coastline along the Arabian Sea. It is located 450 km west of Karachi, and east of coastal village Pasni. Ormara is flanked on each side by shallow bays. East bay provides an excellent anchorage. The port has a capacity for further expansion into a commercial port. Ormara also has a small airport for landing of short-run aircraft. The town has witnessed considerable growth in recent years, especially due to the construction of the Makran coastal highway that integrates the area with the mainstream Pakistani economy and major urban centres and facilitates transportation of goods, commerce and people. Pakistan’s Navy has built a naval harbour in east bay named Jinnah Naval Base.
Jiwani is a small fishing harbor and the nearest Pakistani town to Iranian border. The beach along this section of the coast faces the Arabian Sea and is subject to large waves during monsoon. There is a narrow, nearly straight coastal plain with beach length of about 32 km. The town hosts a small naval base and an airport with a 5500 foot runway. The area around the bay includes an important mangrove forest and is an vital habitat for a wide variety of wildlife, especially the endangered olive ridley and green turtles. Jiwani has a small airport located 10 km away from the city centre.
Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) highway
The RCD highway that links Pakistan with Iran and Turkey runs through Balochistan. Starting from Karachi it winds through Bela, Khuzdar, Mastung, Dalbandin and Zehedan in Iran and goes onwards to Turkey. The highway has opened new avenues of cooperation between the neighboring countries. It has the potential to promote travel and expand the trade and cultural relations. In the RCD area, there is also a parallel 6500-km-long rail line that connects Pakistan with Iran and Turkey and also passes through Balochistan. The revival of the RCD land lines passing through Iran can be vital to Turkey’s trade with Pakistan, China, Af ghanistan and the Central Asian states. With the land route offering a safe, cheaper and faster channel for exports from China to Turkey and even to Europe, both of these major players and close allies of Pakistan will benefit from this win-win scenario. For China, trade via rail offers increased access to the Iranian market, not to mention the strategic advantage and bargaining power over the United States. For a successful land link between Turkey and China, the Karakoram Highway would play a pivotal role. Islamabad and Beijing are already working to widen the road in addition to upgrading facilities for freight.
III. Interests of the regional and extra-regional powers
Pakistan is located at the geostrategic position at the gateway to the Persian Gulf. It is close to Iran, Oman, India and the landlocked Central Asia. As noted above, it also has a coastline of about 1100 km, with adjacent coastal zone of 240000 sq. km in the northern Arabian Sea, which can be explored and developed into new ports, tourist resorts and industrial sites. This geographical location provides
an opportunity to Pakistan to dominate the crucial stretches and vital routes across the Arabian Sea. Balochistan accounts for the largest part of Pakistan’s coastline and coastal area. All this attracts certain interest on the part of both regional and extra-regional powers in this area.
United Arab Emirates
Some UAE sources have been reported to be involved in funding some of the Baloch nationalist groups in Pakistan while some Baloch nationalist leaders live in exile in UAE. However, the political economy dimension of the UAE approach to the development of Pakistan’s Balochistan deserves central attention.
The Emirate of Dubai is a business hub not only for the Gulf states but also for rest of the world including Europe, United States, Africa, China and Central Asian States. Gwadar port is the nearest trade port to Dubai in the region. Furthermore, in the long term, if fully developed, Gwadar could even display some cost-effective advantages compared to Dubai:
(a) In some ways, Gwadar offers more attractive legal regime, especially property rights;
(b) For some routes, Gwadar provides a straighter and easier route as compared to Dubai;
(c) The port’s natural location provides for easy handling of a large number of ships, container and vessels;
(d) The port provides easy access to the world’s most populated region.
With Gawdar becoming fully operational, at least some of the transit trade that now go through Dubai may be re-oriented to Pakistan.
Iran
For most of the time, Iran and Pakistan have enjoyed good neighborly relations. However, during the Afghan jihad and, later, the divergence of interest between Iran and Pakistan on Afghanistan created friction between the two countries. Iran is also opposed to any Pakistan-U.S. entente, including Pakistan’s support to the United States during the "war against terror”.
Pakistan’s province of Balochistan and Iran’s eastern province of Sistan-Balochistan are connected by road and rail. People in both provinces have socioethnic ties between them. Iran that has the Baloch population of over one million people has always been naturally concerned about the Baloch nationalist insurgency in Pakistan, as the movement’s agenda includes the goal of "Greater Balochistan” extending to Iran’s Sistan-Balochistan province. Iran is erecting hundreds of kilometres of the border wall to physically divide the Baloch homeland between Iran and Pakistan. More specifically, Iran suspects that Jundullah - an armed group operating from the border areas of Pakistani Balochistan - is a subversive tool of the United States for fueling the insurgency in Iranian Balochistan.
In terms of political economy, on the other hand, there is a degree of geoeconomic competition between the two countries. With India’s support, Tehran has developed Chah Bahar sea port and a new highway linking this port to land-
locked Afghanistan. Iran is keen to become the preferred outlet for the Central Asia states to the Indian Ocean and is apprehensive about competition from Pakistan as it could lose economically if a shorter Pakistani route becomes a reality. Iran enjoys warm relations with the Central Asian republics and Afghanistan and is wary of Pakistan becoming a major competitor for commercial and energy related trade with Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.
On the other hand, Iran and Pakistan have a common interest in Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline and the unrest in Balochistan would only harm their chances of building a gas pipeline through the province.
Afghanistan
Afghanistan is one of the most important country for Pakistan's foreign policy. Geographic contiguity and social, historical, cultural and religious bondages are the main factors driving Pakistan's approach towards Afghanistan. Afghanistan’s strategic location at the crossroads of South Asia and Central Asia further adds to its importance for Pakistan. There is no country that wants stability in Afghanistan and no country that stands to suffer from instability in Afghanistan more than Pakistan.
The people on both sides of the border are linked by socio-ethnic ties. Balochistan serves as one of the trade arteries to land-locked Afghanistan. The existing highway on the Afghan border, connecting the border towns of Chaman and Torkham, provide the shortest all-weather road link. Beside commercial traffic, the highway is also used as a logistical route for moving the NATO ISAF supplies.
A large number of Afghan refugees are settled in Balochistan. The higher is the instability in Afghanistan, the larger is the influx of the Afghan refugees. Sectarianism once unknown in Balochistan has also emerged as a byproduct of the influx of the Afghan refugees.
Balochistan is also an important center for the trafficking of arms and drugs from Afghanistan. This traffic generates substantial income - large enough to finance the supply of arms and ammunition to the local armed groups. Most likely source of arms supply to the Baloch nationalists appears to be Afghanistan.
For Pakistan, the possibility of any trade with the Central Asian states or the establishment of an energy corridor is also directly linked to the stability and infrastructure development in Afghanistan.
The relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have never been cordial. In the past six decades, the relations between the two countries have seen ups and downs. The Afghan authorities provided shelter and support to the dissident elements from Pakistan’s Balochistan. Islamabad, in line with its overall strategic thinking paradigm, also suspects India in using Afghanistan as a base against Pakistan in a number of ways, including by fueling unrest in Balochistan.
Pakistan, in turn, has for decades provided a safe haven for various types of dissident, opposition and militant elements from Afghanistan - ranging from the mujahideen to the Taliban. The Karzai government and its Western allies continue to blame Pakistan for supporting the Taliban.
India
Part of India’s long-term strategy has been to stimulate conditions that would make Pakistan commit its armed forces to its Western border. Pakistan suspects that India’s alliance with Afghanistan is partly aimed to exert pressure on Pakistan’s western border to force it to give up its support in Kashmir and, if possible, to make it engage in dialogue on terms favorable to India.
In this context, India sees the Pakistan’s Gwadar port in Balochistan as a primarily military venture rather than a commercial project. According to India’s Chief of Naval staff, Suresh Mehta, "Gwadar would enable Pakistan to take control over the world energy jugular and interdiction of Indian tankers”. India also considers China’s role in the construction and development of megaprojects a potential threat to its economic and strategic interests in the region.
India has invested heavily in the development of Chah Bahar sea port in Iran and the roads in Afghanistan to build a link to Central Asian states and does not want see her plan undermined or curtailed by the alternative Balochistan route. As India plans to increasingly look towards Central Asia for its energy needs, it is reasonable to assume that New Delhi would attempt to create hurdles for and ensure that Gwadar does not become hub port.
Presently, India depends to a large extent on the import of crude oil and petroleum products from the Persian Gulf region for meeting its energy requirements. The Gwadar port is on the mouth of Strait of Hurmaz from where about 40% of world
oil supply passes every day. At the same time, the proposed TAPI pipeline will also bring oil and gas to the Indian Ocean via Gwadar and Balochistan. This fact worries India because Pakistan will then be in a position to block Indian supplies any time.
USA
The U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, the presence of extraregional military forces in that country and the Taliban have further destabilized the border regions in Balochistan.
Washington and its allies are conceivably using the Baloch nationalists, who oppose the Taliban, to exert diplomatic pressure on Islamabad. The fact that a wanted Baloch militant Bramdagh Bugti and some of his tribesmen are not only present in Kandahar, but also get financial and logistic support to run training camps there. Bugti’s presence there would not have been possible without the knowledge of the U.S. forces, the Afghan government and the NATO ISAF. This is sufficient evidence to conclude that the United States is encouraging the Balochistan nationalist elements.
The Gwadar port also touches upon Washington's geostrategic sensibilities as it would help to project China’s power overseas while safeguarding its energy supplies. The U.S is concerned about the strategic leverage that China would gain as a result. China’s involvement in various natural resources development projects in Balochistan is another matter of the U.S. concern. More generally, for the United States, China’s presence in Balochistan - so close to the U.S. military bases in the Gulf - is hardly welcome. The U.S. interests in the area also include access to the
energy resources of Central Asian states through the north-south corridor via Balochistan. Therefore Washington would like to discourage China from gaining further influence in the strategically important and resource rich province of Balochistan.
Against this background, the United States have chosen a strategy of keeping the pot boiling in Balochistan while not allowing the situation to completely get out of hand - just enough to prevent IPI and Gwadar port becoming operational and to keep Pakistan to toe the line on Afghanistan.
Russia
While Russia is not one of the main players in the area, it has a certain interest in Balochistan because of its strategic location, long coast, warm waters and huge mineral reserves.
For the Russians, the concerns are both commercial as well as strategic. In the past, they had offered help in developing either Gwadar or Pasni seaports, but the offer was not accepted. Their offer to construct the IPI gas pipeline remains on the table.
During the Soviet times, there were covert interventions to destabilize Pakistan because of its support to Mujahideen who fought against the Soviet forces in Afghanistan. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the Russian Federation, Russia remained a modest power in the region. However, with Russia coming back to the world stage more recently, it may develop some new interest in the region - if only because of its location at the gateway to Central Asian states which is Russia’s "near abroad” and area of privileged interests.
The currently increasing level of dialogue and cooperation between Russia and Pakistan, including the first ever strategic dialogue held in August 2013, benefits from investment in oil and gas pipelines, establishment of oil refineries and possible listing of Russian companies in the stock markets of Pakistan and vice versa.
In October 2013, while taking the credentials of the Pakstani Ambassador to Russia, President Putin said that Pakistan is an important country with which Russia is very interested in developing economic cooperation and continuing the current political dialogue. The flash point of relation would be when this political dialogue transforms into a strategic partnership. What bring to halt the major economic connection of Russia and Central Asia towards South is the current security situation in Afghanistan, militant Islam, narcotics smuggling, the Indian tilt in historical policies in the region and also the historical distrust of the Cold War era.
Russia and Pakistan have also initiated military contacts in the form of regular exchange of visits by the top brass. However, military cooperation still remains in an embryonic stage and it is not clear at the moment whether security ties will remain centered on counterterrorism (and, increasingly, counternarcotics) or will further develop in the military sense, for instance, in the form of exchange of officers for trainings.
IV. Analysis of the conflict and the contributing factors
In post-independence Pakistan, Balochistan witnessed four nationalist insurgencies that started in 1948, 1954, 1961 and 1977. The fifth, ongoing stage started in 2004. The turmoil in Balochistan both poses a significant threat to overall security of the country and thwarts mega developmental projects and foreign investment. The military and the security apparatus perceive the conflict in Balochistan as arguably a greater threat to overall integrity of Pakistan than tensions in the Pashtu-populated border areas with Afghanistan linked to the "war on terrorism”.
The origins of discord and resentment in Balochistan
Status of Balochistan at the time of partition in 1947. The people of Balochistan and the princely state of Kalat took active part in the independence struggle from the British Empire. The Khan of Kalat who was the head of the Balochistan state provided full support to Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, leader of Muslim League and an advocate of partition of India into Muslim Pakistan and Hindu India. At the time of partition, a Shahi Jirga (Royal Council) was called by the then Khan of Kalat in which tribal chiefs and elders voted to join Pakistan. The princely states of Lasbela, Makran and Kharan also acceded to Pakistan. Khan of Kalat, however, aspired for a sovereign status and declared independence. Baglar Begi Khan declared the independence of Kalat on 15 August 1947. He assured the newly independent state of Pakistan that Kalat will participate in the defence and infrastructure, but will be autonomous. This led to the use of the Pakistani army which quickly occupied the region. On 17 March 1948, the Khan of Kalat acceded to Pakistan. His brother Abdul Karim Baloch refused to surrender and revolted until his arrest in 1950. Balochistan was put under Governor General Control and no elected body was formed in Balochistan until 1973.
Situation in Balochistan after partition until 1970. After partition, the West Pakistan was constituted as the so-called "One Unit” in the 1956 Constitution. This was done presumably to guarantee equal representation which was highly unpopular in Sindh, Balochistan and North West Frontier Province (NWFP), now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, since it meant the dominant rule of the Punjabis. Separatist, subnational movements triumphing local languages and cultures and protesting Punjabi hegemony arose in all three states. In Balochistan, the Khan of Kalat led a stringent opposition to the "One Unit” policy. But the wave of military dictatorships quashed all such designs.
In 1958, General Ayub Khan imposed martial law in the country. The military regime instated harsh punishments and land reforms were initiated to bring down large land holdings in the country. These land reforms were resented by the sardars in Balochistan, as they would have limited their land holding and curbed their freedom and authority. There were intermittent disturbances, lasting from 1959 to 1967. Mir Nauroz Khan, nawab (administrator) of Jallawan and a staunch supporter of Khan of Kalat, led the resistance, but was arrested, followed by the Mengals and then by the Marris and the Bugtis. These disturbances spread over about one-sixth
area of Balochistan. Other ethnic groups such as the Pathans did not participate. Generally, demands of the Baloch sardars included the release of prisoners, retention of fire arms, restoration of riwaj (customary law), withdrawal of police and tax collectors, stopping the construction of certain roads, restoration of old privileges of sardars, who used to themselves enlist the Baloch levies (tribal security force) and jirga members and, above all, the non-interference by the government in the areas of their jurisdiction.15
In 1970, Field Marshal Yayha Khan dissolved the "One Unit”.
Balochistan in 1971 -1978. After Bangladesh gained its independence from Pakistan, the state of Punjab became the most populous province in Pakistan. It accounted for 58% of the population, while Balochistan accounted for just 4%. As part of Bhutto’s centralist populism policy, Balochistan held its first elections in 1970. It was in 1970, that Balochistan acquired the status of a full-fledged province, like any other province of Pakistan, with its own Provincial Assembly and representation in the Federation. Its first provincial assembly was elected as a consequence of the 1970 general elections conducted during the martial law government of General Yahya Khan.16 The National Awami Party (NAP) won the majority of the seats in Balochistan and started demanding provincial autonomy. By 1973, it was clear to the NAP that Balochistan was confined to a state of the least developed province, with the majority of civil and military bureaucracy coming from Punjab. They perceived this as a manifestation of the colonial exploitation by Punjab. In light of the discovery of natural gas reserves at Sui, the area became increasingly important for Pakistan’s developmental programs. The refusal by Bhutto’s central government to allow NAP internal autonomy turned escalating tensions into an outright revolt. Bhutto dismissed the Balochistan assembly and re-instituted Governor’s rule. In response, the Baloch nationalists launched an all-out military resistance. In 1973-1978, roughly 60,000 Baloch tribesmen and militia fought against the Pakistani army.
During the government of Pakistan People’s Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, it was alleged that some Balochi sardars were incited and activated by foreign powers, mainly by the Soviet Union, and arms coming for them from Iraq were captured at
A -7
Islamabad airport.1' Soon, a confrontation erupted between the Provincial Government of Balochistan and the Federal Government of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Bhutto decided to abolish the sardari system altogether and to introduce social and political reforms in the province. The situation became tense and the government of Balochistan was sacked, resulting in the new rise of the Baloch militancy. In April 1974, while addressing the convention of his Party at Quetta, Prime Minister Zulfiqar Bhutto declared that, legally, the sardari system was brought to an end. In his words, "from today, there will be no Sardar in Pakistan... The most
tyrannical, the most cruel, the most dishonest System which has been prevalent for
1 ft
centuries, has been brought to an end through this Law”.18
Although no follow-up action was taken to actually abolish the system, Bhutto initiated military action against insurgent sardars in 1973 that continued until 1977,
1Q
resulting in most of these sardars forced to leave Balochistan.19
The situation in Balochistan in 1979-1998: General Zia ul Haq’s military coup forced calm onto the situation as General Zia launched into his "One Pakistan” strategy through Islamization. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, the
1979 Iranian revolution and General Zia’s policies of supporting jihad in Afghanistan turned Balochistan into a hub for outsiders’ activity. Although a civil disobedendence movement in the province remained active, it was kept under control by the military government. Zia appointed Lieutenant General Rahimuddin Khan as Balochistan’s Governor and announced a general amnesty for all local rebels and rebel tribes. Some of the tribes laid down their weapons. Meanwhile, the civil war and the Soviet campaign in Afghanistan led to massive flows of refugees, and the U.S./UN aid for the Afghan refugees poured into the metropolitan areas of the province.
After President Zia ul Haq’s death, the successive democratic governments of Benazir Nazir Bhutto (Pakistan Peoples Party) and Nawaz Sharif (Muslim League) did little for Balochistan in the 1990s. Development projects remained halted, the Baloch nationalist leaders remained in exile and the sardars loyal to and patronized by the state remained in power. The Baloch insurgency remained dormant until the regime of General Pervaiz Musharaff assumed power and restarted developmental projects. The subsequent intervention of the U.S.-led international coalition forces in Afghanistan also became a major new factor driving the insurgency in Balochistan.
Balochistan during General Musharaff’s rule. Despite announcing welfare and economical projects, the Musharaff government took a hard stance against the miscreants who started to become active after the U.S. operation started in Afghanistan. The latest insurgency advanced the same demands of Balochistan’s equal share in the national programs and the right for self-government. The catalyst seemed to be the assault on a female doctor, Dr. Shazia Khalid, by a gang of employees of Pakistan Petroleum Company in Sui. The company management, along with the local police, tried to quash the issue, while the central authorities ignored all pleas to intervene. Dr Khalid was raped at the hospital and an army officer was accused of the crime.20 But the government declared the officer innocent, which
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led to violent clashes between tribesmen and the security forces21 and an attack on the Sui gas facility. Members of the local Bugti clan saw the incident as a breach of their code of honour - especially as the alleged rapist was a captain in the despised
national army. They attacked the gas field with rockets, mortars and thousands of
00
AK-47 rounds.22 Nawab Akbar Bugti, the leader of Democratic National Party of Balochistan, led the insurgency. A military action was launched to crush the revolt. Nawab Akbar Bugti and his tribesmen gave resistance to the army. Negotiations were conducted which concluded with the government’s promise to give Balochistan more autonomy and rights over national resources.
However, the ceasefire quickly came to an explosive end when rebels from the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) fired two rockets at the Quetta garrison where General Musharraf was staying on his visit to the province. On the following day, the tribesmen struck again, this time firing eight rockets at a camp in mineral-rich Kohlu, where Musharraf was visiting the newly built garrison and inspecting paramilitary troops. Three of the rockets landed close to the venue, but there were no casualties. The BLA quickly claimed responsibility for the attack. Then, on 15 December, a helicopter carrying the top brass of the Frontier Corps for an aerial view of the volatile region was hit by machine gun fire, injuring the top commanding officers. The BLA
no
again claimed responsibility.23
In 2007, veteran Baloch nationalist leader and former Chief Minister of Balochistan, Nawab Akbar Bugti was killed, along with 37 armed tribals, in a military operation in Chalgri area of Bhamboor hills of Dera Bugti district.24 Under his son, Brahamdagh Bugti, the followers of Nawab escaped and got refuge in Afghanistan. In the same year Balach Marri, the leader of BLA, was also killed, according to the government, in undisclosed location in Afghanistan (while analysts have not ruled out a covert operation by the Pakistani intelligence services).
A new non-nationalist party, the Baloch Republican Party (BRP), was created under the leadership of Barahamdagh Bugti. Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) headed by Harbeyar Marri also re-activated herself. Both parties got involved in creating unrest in the province by executing targeted killings of the Chinese and non-Baloch residents and the military personnel. The army and civil armed forces (CAF) including the Frontier Corps (FC) Balochistan were deployed to conduct operations against the insurgents. According to the U.S. intelligence sources, six Pakistani army brigades, plus paramilitary forces totaling some 25,000 men, were battling the Baluch Liberation Army guerrillas in the Kohlu mountains and the surrounding areas.25
As military operations intensified, insurgency expanded to almost all parts of the province, excluding the Pashtun areas in the north. Gas pipelines, electricity grids, railway tracks, government installations and personnel were targeted in all Baloch-majority areas from the Iranian border in the west to the surroundings of Gwadar port in the south to the borders of the Sindh province. There were even speculations in the media that the insurgency was beginning to spill over into the Sindh and the Punjab provinces where there is a sizable number of ethnic Baloch population.
The situation remained tense and attacks and retaliation from military forces continued even after President Musharraff’s regime ended in late 2008. Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) assumed power and its leader Asif Ali Zardari became President of Pakistan. The new democratic government’s policy was based on the broad reconciliation throughout Pakistan. In November 2009, the government initated the Aghaz-e-Hooq-e-Balochistan (AHB) party that proposed some changes in constitutional, administrative and political matters in Balochistan. The AHB also proposed political dialogue, but faced hurdles as most of the parties to the conflict where not represented in the democratic parliamentary system and were not even willing to participate until their demands are substantially met and military operations are brought to a halt. Also the government failed to implement most of the AHB proposals.
Meanwhile, during the PPP-led regime, the conflict in Balochistan has transformed. One change was the increase in sectarian killings of Hazaras, an ethnically distinct and predominately Shia community. Another new development has been the Baloch nationalists’ call for support from the international community against the oppression by Pakistan’s military forces. Although the PPP government was to complete its 5-year term in power and by doing so became the first ever civilian government in Pakistan’s history, they were unable to bring about a political solution, peace and stability to the province. The violence continued in the form of targeted killings and forced disappearances. The May 2013 elections were won by Pakistan’s Muslim League (led by Sharif Nawaz) and, in Balochistan, formed a coalition government with the National Party of Balochistan. The new government
announced talks with the armed nationalists. However, in June 2013, the nationalists attacked and destroyed the historical residency of Quaid-e-Azm Muhammad Ali Jinnah - the attack that was later claimed by the BLA. In January 2014, mass graves were found in central Balochistan. Most of the bodies were decomposed and unidentifiable.
Baloch nationalist groups and parties
Currently, there are at least 22 nationalist groups, including political parties, that are active in Balochistan. The Pakistani government banned five organizations that include The Baloch Liberation Army, Baloch Republican Army, Baloch Liberation United Front, Baloch Mussalah Diffa Tanzim and Balochistan Liberation Front. The most active organizations in the Baloch nationalist movement are the following.
Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA). The BLA’s political stance is unequivocal. They stand for the sole goal of establishing an independent state of Balochistan. The roots of the BLA date back to 1973; some sources even claim that the BLA was a Soviet creation and came into being during the Soviet-Afghan war, propped up as a reaction to Pakistan’s anti-Soviet involvement in Afghanistan. The present leader of the BLA is Harbihar Mari (exiled in UK), brother of Balach Mari who was murdered in November 2007. Reportedly, this militant-terrorist organization may be receiving support from the external players. The organization’s main area of influence is in the areas populated by the Marri tribe, including Kholu, Barkhan, Rakni, Maiwand, mountain ranges adjacent to Much and Lehri. The organization has been banned by the Pakistan government since 2006.
Balochistan Republican Army (BRA). After the death of Nawab Akbar Bugti, his grandson Brahandagh Bugti fled to Afghanistan. He is suspected to have created the BRA, reportedly with support from external players who help funded, arm and train its militants. There are approximately 45-50 BRA camps in Balochistan, with 20-25 individuals in each camp. The BRA activists have been involved in rocket attacks on the government projects, targeted killings of non-Baloch residents, the Pakistan army and Frontier Corps (FC) Balochistan personnel, bomb blasts and planting Improvised Explosive Devices (IED). The BRA’s main demand is the independence for Balochistan. The group’s area of influence includes Dera Bugti, Sui, Patfeeder Canal Adjacent areas, Uch, Naseerabad and Jaffarabad districts. The organization has also been banned by the Pakistani government.
Baloch Republican Party (BRP) is the political arm of the BRA lead by Brahamdagh Bugti. The aims and objectives of the BRP are the same as those of the BRA. Its main focus is on political struggle for the creation of independent Balochistan.
The Balochistan Liberation United Front (BLUF) is a Baloch nationalist militant organization led by Dr Allah Nazar Baloch. It first became known for claiming the kidnapping of the UNHCR American worker John Solecki in Quetta on 2 February 2009. The BLUF demanded the release of thousands of Baloch nationalist prisoners in exchange for Solecki’s release. The group eventually released Solecki on 4 April
2009, without any of its demands being met. The BLUF claimed responsibility for a targeted attack on 25 October 2009 that killed Shafiq Ahmed Khan, the education
minister of the Balochistan province. It is believed to be made up of cadres from the Baloch Students Organization. It is mainly active in Khuzdar and Turbat and has been banned by the Pakistani government.
Baloch Mussalah Diffa Tanzim (BMDT) has been involved in target killing of the BNP leaders/ members. . It is one of the new groups: it emerged just in 2010 and its leader is unknown. The organization has been banned recently by the government.
Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) recently re-emerged as a potential threat, claiming responsibility for deadly and frequent attacks on government installations. It propagates the struggle as a holy duty of all Baloch people and asks for moral and financial, if not military, participation and support. Some reports suggest that the BLF had been established in Damascus in 1964 by the Baloch nationalist Juma Khan Marri. Nawab Akbar Bugti once described it as an autonomous organization that operated independently of tribal chiefs. The organization has been banned by the government. It is active in the Khuzdar area.
Lashkar-e-Balochistan (LEB) is led by Javed Mengal (former senate member), the son of Atta Ullah Mengal, a former chief minister of Balochistan. It is known to be active in the Khusdar and Wadh areas of Balochistan. The government has linked the organization to some foreign players.
The Baloch Students Organization (BSO) was founded by Khair Jan Sarparah in 1967 as a Marxist-Leninist separatist group in Balochistan. It was one of the guerrilla groups in the 1973-1977 insurgency. After 1979 the group members fled to hills and trained small groups for guerrilla warfare. Today the group is divided into a number of semi-autonomous factions. The following are the largest two of these factions.
The Baloch Student Organization-BSO (Azaad) is a faction of the original BSO and is led by Bashir Zaib Baloch. It advocates the use of radical means in the struggle for national liberation and seeks no compromise with the state less than the full independence for Balochistan. The BSO (Azaad) also supports the ideas of Marxism-Leninism and proclaims the goal of building a socialist society for the Baloch people. The BSO (Azaad) has wide support among the Baloch students, both male and female. The group practices intense ideological training of its members, including weekly study circle meetings, the use of magazines and booklets etc. It is believed that this group sees itself as a reincarnation of the original struggle by the BSO. Since its consolidation under the leadership of Dr. Allah Nazar Baloch, it has gain widespread popularity among the Baloch.
The Baloch Student Organization - BSO (Mohiuddin) is another faction of the original BSO, is led by Mohiuddin Baloch and supports the parliamentarian party Balochistan National Party - Mengal (BNP-M). It has succeeded to grab sufficient support since its split form the former united BSO. The group claims the right of the Baloch people, under the support of BNP-M, for "total autonomy”.
The Baloch Student Organization - BSO (Pajjar) is led by Waheed Rahmin Baloch. Its main objects are advancing the rights of the Baloch people and the termination of military operations.
Grievances of the Baloch people
The overall demands of the Baloch leaders have been to establish a separate, independent state of Balochistan. They claim that the Baloch people are dperived of their rights in their present status. Some of the major issues put forward by the Baloch nationalist groups are:
(a) Lack of genuine socio-economic development in Balochistan;
(b) Non-employment of locals;
(c) Development mega-projects conducted without consulting the local population and against the locals’ interests;
(d) Domination of the Punjabi in politics, economis and administration;
(e) Establishment of military cantonments;
(f) Registration of cases against nationalists as terrorist cases;
(g) The lack of provincial autonomy for Balochistan;
(h) The fears of the Baloch of becoming a minority in their province;
(i) The concentration of major economic activity in the province’s Pashtun areas and provincial capital Quetta;
(j) Lack of benefits from natural resources exploitation which are located in Baloch areas.
As noted above, the province also has the lowest literacy rate in the country, the deepest poverty, the lowest job opportunities, the worst health facilities and poorly developed infrastructure. On the one hand, this reality has created a deep deficit of trust on the part of the local population towards the government policies and envy for other provinces that have rapidly developed. As a result, sardars have strengthen their grip on the masses and have been able to make them believe that the deprivation is due to the selfishness of provincial politicians and hierarchy who are using mineral resource of Balochistan and Gwadar without giving them due share of revenues and jobs. More recently, it has been not just the general population, but young, educated students who have been lured by the armed nationalist groups.
V. Governance and the security apparatus
The system of governance is formed around the provincial government, the Government of Balochistan, which is based in the provincial capital city of Quetta. The Chief Minister is the head of the provincial government who is an elected member of the provincial assembly, assisted by 14 ministers who form the provincial cabinet. The Governor of Balochistan is appointed by the President of Pakistan. While the Governor is the formal head of the province, the position is largely ceremonial. Due to non-ending instability since 1947, the Governor’s rule has been imposed by the centre.
The local security and law and order is maintained by the provincial police (Balochistan Police), Balochistan Levies which are under the Home and Tribal Affairs Ministry and the federal paramilitary force The Frontier Corps (FC) Balochistan which is under the Ministry of Interior, Government of Pakistan. The FC Balochistan’s midlevel and senior officers come from the Pakistan Army. Balochistan Levies have been formed by recruitment of local tribesmen since the times of the British colonial rule.
Although the Balochistan Levies were disbanded in 2003 during the Musharaff Regime, they were reinstated in 2012 by the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) democratic government. Apart from these law enforcement forces, local sardars also have private armed forces comprising of tribesmen for their own personal security. Every ethnic Baloch tribe has its own hierarchy led by a sardar with a strict form of tribal way of life, a break from which can lead to punishment in shape of killing or banishment. Government intrusions on the tribal way of life create friction which leads to resentment and even open conflict.
Provincial districts are divided into the so-called A-Areas and B-Areas. A-Areas are the urban areas under the jurisdiction of the police and comprise just 5%. B-Areas which account for 95% of the province’s territory are under the jurisdiction of Balochistan Levies. Frontier Corps (FC) Balochistan main role is border security. In addition, it also assists the Pakistani Army in operations against the nationalist insurgents, as well as counter-terrorism operations and anti-smuggling operations, and in carrying out miscellaneous internal security duties.
In contrast to the security structure of any other province of Pakistan, Balochistan also has a huge presence of Pakistani Army, Navy and Air Force. The Army’s XII Corps (and currently the Southern Command) commanded by a three star general is based in Quetta. The Command and Staff College where only the best officers are trained for higher command is also based in Quetta. The Army also has a number of cantonments across the province. The reasons for such a heavy presence of the armed forces in Balochistan are dual: first, it is due to the highly unstable internal situation and protracted insurgency that has being going on since the formation of Pakistan and, second, in this westernmost province of Pakistan, the army can have strategic depth and defence against potential Indian attacks from land and/or sea in case of the break-out and escalation of hostilities with a quantitatively larger Indian forces. In order to bring "national cohesion and stability” into the province, the Army has substantially increased recruitment of the ethnic Baloch youth and has also initiated development projects such as building roads, dams, canals and educational institutions.
The Pakistani Air Force operates four air bases in the province. Samungli Air base in Quetta is the largest one, while the important smaller ones are Shahbaz Air base and Pasni Air base. SInce 2001, the Shamsi Air base located in central Balochistan was leased to the United States Air Force and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for logistics, surveillance missions and possible stationing of drones. However, in response to the recent killing of Pakistani soldiers in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), the Pakistan government ordered United States to take out its intelligence assets from the air base.
The Pakistan Navy has at least four operational naval bases on the Arabian Sea coastline of Balochistan. The most important base is the deep seaport of Gwadar. The other smaller naval bases are located in Ormara, Pasni and Jiwani. Gwadar naval base is expected to become a joint Sino-Pakistani naval base.
VI. Conclusions
The Pakistani establishment, including both the civilian and the military, needs to come up with concrete political solutions to the problem of the Baloch ethnic nationalist and separatist movement and insurgency. In doing so, the government and the nation have to keep in mind the following backdrop:
- The Baloch nationalism is a response to continuous economic and social imbalances which have been aggravated by military operations and violations of human rights.
- Although the Persian Gulf and the Middle East remain the hub of global oil and gas supply and a major zone of transit trade, the rapidly changing geopolitical and geoeconomic dynamics in the region are shifting towards Pakistan’s Balochistan coast and its deep sea port of Gwadar. This area attracts growing attention from major regional and extraregional powers as a new hub of transit trade and oil and gas piplines coming from Middle East and Central Asia (with the latter sometimes dubbed as the "Asian Middle East”).
- Balochistan is the lifeline for Pakistan’s economic development and for the potential to increase Pakistan’s role in world politics and economics, due to the abundance of natural resources in the province and its geo-strategic location.
- The U.S./NATO endgame in Afghanistan will take its toll in the most vulnerable provinces of southern Afghanistan - Helmand and Kandahar - which border Balochistan. There is a significant possibility of major spillover of instability into the Pashtun-dominated areas of northern Balochistan which border these Afghan provinces. This will make the situation inside the province even more chronic and anarchic.
- Currently, the Baloch resistance is divided from within, partly due to the fact that Balochistan is a multi-ethnic province where many non-Baloch ethnic groups do not supporting the cause of the ethnic Baloch. The Baloch themselves are divided into different tribes, sub-tribes and clans, with historical animosity among themselves. There is no clear leader or leadership that can unite all the Baloch for the pan-Baloch cause. Also, the Pashtuns in Balochistan have their own nationalist aspirations focused around their own demands for a separate province to be carved out of Balochistan (the Pahstu nationalism also inclines towards Islamization, in sharp contrast to largely secular ethnic nationalism of the Baloch).
The federal government needs to adopt intelligent and maneuverable policies that will both thwart intervention and zero-sum competition by the regional and extra-regional powers in Balochistan and take into account the root causes of the protracted insurgency.
The Pakistani establishment should finally realize that a lasting solution to the nationalist insurgency is political. The real threat from this nationalist insurgency is not an outright insurgent victory and disintegration of Pakistan or an outright Pakistani military victory and defeat of the insurgency. The real problem is the protracted and deeply embedded nature of the conflict (and the Baloch people’s grievances) which has remained unresolved since the inclusion of Balochistan into Pakistan and has re-emerged time and again through some triggering events.
Ethnic Baloch population’s animosity with respect to the federal government has a long history dating back to the partition of India in 1947. The population sees the federal government and the military not as harbingers of peace and prosperity but as sources of threats to their traditional way of life and exploiters of their resources. The fact that in this least populated province, largest in area and having huge potential of resources, the people still anguish in poverty creates a sense of deprivation and alienation resulting in the Baloch nationalists taking up arms.
The Pakistani government needs to develop a comprehensive political strategy to ensure, first and foremost, that the Baloch people regain trust in the legitimacy of the government. The government needs to bring an end to old system of patronage politics of supporting some select sardars and their tribes. On the other side, tribal sardars also pose the pivotal obstacles to development and societal change for the better. They keep a tight hold on wealth under the cover of traditional codes of life and hamper all initiatives related to education, empowerment of the people and political dialogue.
The best long-term strategy to stop the protracted conflict in Balochistan is to provide an efficient governance and educational system which can release the Baloch from the clutches of the corrupt patrons (tribal sardars) and to give the Baloch people a fair share of jobs in energy infrastructure development and revenues from natural resource exploitation.
ENDNOTES
1 Provincial Disaster Management Authority Balochistan. <http://www.pdma.gob.pk/?p=39>.
2 Khan Abdul Sattar. Data shows record 139pc population jump in Balochistan // The News International. 5 April 2012. <http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-2-101279-Data-shows-record-139-pc-population-jump-in-Balochistan>.
3 Caroe O.K. The Pathans 550 B.C. - A.D. 1957. - London: Macmillan & Co Ltd, 1958. P. 376.
4 Ibid.
5 Sir Robert Groves Sandeman (1835-1892) // Online Encyclopedia. <http://encyclopedia. jrank.org/SAC_SAR/SANDEMAN_SIR_ROBERT_GROVES_1835.html>.
6 Usman Mustafa. Fiscal Federalism in Pakistan: The 7th National Finance Commission Award and Its Implications / Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) Working Paper. - Islamabad, 2011.
7 U.S. Department of State. Afghanistan-Tajikistan Bridge Links Central, South Asia: Structure expected to boost bilateral, regional trade // IIP Digital. 29 Aug. 2007. <http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2007/08/20070829160347saikceinawz0.260 9064.html#ixzz2udE3BjSC>.
8 Ibid.
9 Ghulam Ali. China’s strategic interests in Pakistan’s port at Gwadar // East Asia Forum. 24 March 2013.
<http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2013/03/24/chinas-strategic-interests-in-pakistans-port-at-
gwadar>.
10 Engdahl W. Pakistan to become the new ‘major terror ground’ in just six months // Russia Today. 09.08.2013. <http://rt.com/op-edge/pakistan-terrorism-separatism-economy-272/>.
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 Awan A.B. Balochistan: Historical and Political Processes. - London: New Century Publishers, 1985. P. 227-33.
16 Ibid.
17 Bhurgri A.G. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto: The Falcon of Pakistan. - Karachi: Szabist, 2002. P. 8.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid.
20 Raped doctor: I'm still terrified // BBC. 29.06.05. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2Zhi/south_asia/4633849.stm>.
21 Ibid.
22 Walsh D. Pakistan's gas fields blaze as rape sparks threat of civil war // The Guardian.
21 February 2005. <http://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/feb/21/pakistan.declanwalsh>.
23 Ibid.
24 Shahid S. Bugti killed in operation: Six officers among 21 security personnel dead // The Dawn News. 27 Aug. 2006. <http://www.dawn.com/news/207726/bugti-killed-in-operation-six-officers-among-21-security-personnel-dead>.
25 Harrison S.S. Pakistan’s costly "other war” // The Washington Post. 15 February 2006. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/14/AR2006021401767. html>.
